Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.


Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.


Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.


Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.


Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.


Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.


Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.


Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


By  RISDEL KASASIRA
& SAM KOMAKECH


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com

"Don’t use my name to grab traditional lands" - says the long serving President of Uganda as he campaigns for democratic re-election for a 6th term in office.

By STEVEN ARIONG

Posted  Tuesday, December 1   2015

NAPAK.KARAMOJA PROVINCE: UGANDA:

President Museveni has ordered for the arrest of any person found using his name or that of State House to grab land in Karamoja region.

President Museveni said this last Thursday at a press conference held at Morulinga State Lodge in Napak District.

The President’s orders came after he was asked by a journalist whether he was aware his name was being used by land grabbers claiming to be working in State House.

The Presidents replied: “I have never sent any one to get land in Karamoja. Whoever wants the land should follow the right procedures,” he said.

According to the survey carried out by the Ecological Christian Organisation (ECO), 97 per cent of the land in Karamoja has been licensed to 147 investors who are holding exploration and mining licenses ranging from 10 to 30 years but the community does not know yet the land in the region is owned communally. The President said he would write to the ministry of land to cancel some of the licenses acquired illegally.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.

com


Over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja


Publish Date:

May 01, 2014


The First Lady and Minister for Karamoja Affairs, Mrs. Janet Museveni


By David Lumu

 

The frantic jostle for minerals in Karamoja by companies has caused a problem of large scale land acquisition, a preliminary report by the Center for Basic Report has revealed.

 

Prof. Josephine Ahikire, the executive director of the Center for Basic Research (CBR) said that the concentration of mining companies in Karamoja has a direct implication on women rights and how communities interface with companies that have acquired land to establish mineral industries.

 

“It is not really about pin-pointing, but identifying communities that have experienced the large scale land acquisition problem and looking at how women are interfacing with the process,” she said.

 

Land policy experts also argue that the quest for land acquisition in Karamoja is raising a puzzle of land development versus the protection of individuals and communities.

 

Dr. Rose Nakayi of Makerere University Law School told New Vision that although large scale land acquisitions are not an accident of contemporary time, government must come up with a clear delimitation between government and public land.

 

Nakayi said that what is spanning out in Karamoja is “a challenge of international capitalist players and the desire to have Uganda develop.”

 

“Acquisition of land by foreigners must be explained to the local communities. Foreigners cannot acquire customary land, they can only acquire leases,” she said.

 

Eng. Simon D’ujanga, the state minister for energy said that ever since the country’s remotest area was pacified by disarming cattle rustlers, over 100 mineral companies have been set up by investors.

 

“In the recent past, we have tried to market the region and the country at large. We now have over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja and we are encouraging more investors,” he said.

 

First lady, Janet Museveni, the minister for Karamoja affairs is credited for championing the transformation of Karamoja by courting donors to invest in the region.

 

A 2011 survey by the Uganda department of geological survey and mines at the ministry of energy found that Karamoja has gold, limestone, uranium, marble, graphite, gypsum, iron, wolfram, nickel, copper, cobalt, lithium and tin.


The survey indicated that land in Karamoja is owned communally, which makes it difficult for the mining companies to identify the rightful owners for compensation or consultation.

 

Prof. Ahikire said that as companies begin to explore the minerals in Karamoja, voices of land grabbing, environment damage, limited information of land laws and marginalization of women are starting to come out.

 

D’ujanga said that land in Karamoja is acquired by investors according to the law. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) puts the population of Karamoja at 1.2 million people.




Agambire oba agambye: "Nga mu mpalampye! Where do you want me to go. I have lived in the State House now 30 years. What does the Land Act say about bona-fied occupancy

Sijja kugenda.


Ono omusajja anyumirwa entalo. Mujjukire: ENSI EGULA MIRAMBO NGA NO TEMULI WUWO.


Kyankwanzi now place for wicked decisions - Fr Gaetano

By ROBERT MUHEREZA 


Posted  Sunday, February 15  2015

 

KABALE, KIGEZI, UGANDA:

The parish priest for Kitanga in Kabale Diocese, Fr Gaetano Batanyenda, has said whereas the NRM/NRA high command used Luweero to liberate Uganda, they are currently using Kyankwanzi to bring down all they promised Ugandans.

Fr Batanyenda was on Thursday addressing the press in Kabale Town where he said all the undemocratic decisions that do not have popular support such as the lifting of presidential term limits, endorsing President Museveni as sole candidate and the proposed lifting of the presidential age limit are always first taken to Kyankwanzi for endorsement during NRM party retreats.

“It’s as if Kyankwanzi has been turned into a place to turn down all the democratic ideals that were hatched during the NRA/NRM liberation struggle in Luweero. All religious leaders in Uganda should join us in preaching against the negative trends our country is taking to avoid disastrous situations,” Fr Batanyenda said.

“Kyankwanzi has become a place of condemnation where negative seeds about hatred, nepotism, sectarianism and other forms of injustices are being sown, contrary to the spirit of the Luweero Bush War struggle...,” Fr Batanyenda added.

He said if the information that MPs are demanding Shs300m to allow President Museveni rule for life are true, it would prove how greedy our leaders are, instead of demanding better salaries for health workers and teachers and ensuring enough drugs in government hospitals.

UPC calls for Reconci-liation Commission 

By MARVIN KIRUNDA

Posted  Thursday, February 19  2015

 
Kampala- Uganda:
Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), another old dictatorial political party has demanded the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, describing as opportunistic, the way NRM government is forgiving past political leaders it demonised yesterday.

“One minute a leader is labelled a swine and before you know it, he is turned into an eminent hero.

The NRM government should stop the ad-hoc forgiving of political figures, it is an opportunistic way of handling a very traumatic period of our past,” Mr Joseph Bbosa, the UPC vice president, said yesterday.

Mr Bbosa’s comments come in the wake of Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) taking over the reburial of the remains of the late commander of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello.

Lt Gen Okello was exiled to Sudan in 1986 when the National resistance Army (NRA) under the command of President Museveni toppled the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa government. Lt Gen Okello was then commander of the UNLA.

He is said to have succumbed to diabetes in 1990 and was buried in Sudan.

Mr Bbosa said the commission will be charged with investigating and forgiving every political crimes offender and would be comprised of eminent persons in and outside Uganda.

He pointed out the war in northern Uganda from 1986-2008, the September 2009 riots in Buganda and the Luweero triangle war of 1981-1986 that brought President Museveni to power as some of the incidents that need to be investigated by the proposed commission.

However, the government spokesperson, Mr Ofwono Opondo, said government does not see any need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

“The UPC has all the platforms to express their issues including the media, courts of law and Parliament which has a Human Rights committee. Let UPC first tell Ugandans why it abolished kingdoms and made Uganda a one-party State,” he told the Daily Monitor on phone yesterday.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com


The International

Criminal Court says that it is on a visit to the Continent of Africa on invitation by its member states:

 

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for Disaster Preparedness Musa Ecweru (C) and other Soroti leaders yesterday. Photo by Simon Peter Emwamu


Posted  Tuesday, March 3  2015

 

Soroti, UGANDA- The Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court has said the ICC is in Africa on invitation by African countries that are state parties to the Rome Statute and not by choice.

Ms Fatou Bensouda, who finalised her visit of northern and eastern Uganda to acquaint herself with the effects of the LRA war yesterday, said the attack on the court by African heads of state is unfair.

“Leaders should not expect to commit atrocities and expect to be above the law. Those days are over; ICC was created to help the victims,” Ms Bensouda told a gathering comprising civil society, security and political leaders in Soroti Town.

She said African Union and ICC share the same values on human rights and are both against impunity. She said Uganda ratified the Rome Statute in 2003, and requested for help on LRA war crimes. She said investigations are also on going in DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic and Mali.

“It’s very clear we work in transparent manner,” she explained.

Ms Bensouda said the ICC believes in fact-finding, the reason she came to listen to the victims of the LRA. One of the LRA commanders, Dominic Ongwen, is at the Hague awaiting trial in January 2016.

Ms Bensouda promised that more ICC officials will be coming to take statements from LRA war victims to help her office table a solid case before the judges. This, she said, is the reason why she asked judges to adjourn the Ongwen case to January 2016 as opposed to August 2015 as earlier indicated.

Mr Musa Ecweru, the state minister for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, thanked the prosecutor for coming to listen to the war victims.

The background

President Museveni has often bashed the ICC. During the Independence Day celebrations last year, Mr Museveni described the ICC as “a biased instrument of post-colonial hegemony.” The President was unhappy with the ICC for indicting two sitting African presidents; Omar Bashir of Sudan and Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya. Mr Bashir was indicted for war crimes in Darfur while Kenyatta was accused of fanning election violence in 2007. Mr Kenyatta’s charges have since been dropped.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com


Museveni turns coat and apologises to ICC: "We are on same side".

 

President Museveni shakes hands with ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the President’s country home in Rwakitura.


PHOTO.

By FREDERIC MUSISI


Posted  Wednesday, March 4  2015  

 

Kampala, UGANDA,

President Museveni has said he is still on the same side with The Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) notwithstanding his .misgivings.

“Despite our differences, we are on the same side,” Mr Museveni told ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on Monday night, according to a statement issued by State House. The ICC Chief Prosecutor has just concluded a five-day tour of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war-affected areas in northern and eastern Uganda.

“We had to hand over Dominic Ongwen because he was arrested from a different country and had committed crimes across several countries. If he was arrested in Uganda, we would have charged him here,” the President said.

The remarks come less than three months after the President; while speaking at Kenya’s 51st Independence Day in Nairobi last year, said he was “done with this type of court justice"

President Museveni, accused the court of being a tool of Western powers to witch-hunt African leaders. The court handles major war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, for which a couple of African leaders have been indicted.

“People of the West should leave their foolishness. I am done with the ICC,” the President told a cheering crowd at Nyayo Stadium in Nairobi.

However, in Monday’s meeting, the President further stressed that Uganda will cooperate with the court and avail it all the necessary information and access to witnesses that it may need.

musisif@ug.nationmedia.

com

 

Ettaka litabudde munnamagye Brigadier Kasirye Ggwanga ne mwannyina
May 18, 2015
Kasirye Ggwanga. 
 

Bya SAMSON SSEMAKADDE NE LUKE KAGIRI

 


MUNNAMAGYE  Brig. Kasirye Ggwanga akutte mukulu we n’amuggalira  ku poliisi ng’amulanga kugezaako kubba ttaka lya kika.

Ettaka lino liri ku kyalo Katakala mu  Mityana Town Council nga liriko yiika ttaano era nga kwe kuli ennyumba y’ekika ey’ekiggya eky’aba Kasirye.

Elizabeth Nabwami, 66, abadde yaakadda okuva mu  Amerika gy’amaze emyaka egisukka mu 10 ye yakwatiddwa.

Kiddiridde okugenda ewaabwe e Katakala ng’ayagala okulongoosa  awaka ng’eno Kasirye Ggwanga gye yamusanze n’amugoba  era  n’aleeta  poliisi n’agiragira emukwate era n’okusiba omuntu yenna anaagendayo okumweyimirira.







Kasirye Gwanga(wakati) nga akyali muvubuka mumagye ga Uganda Acholi, Uganda.


Wabula mukulu waabwe bonna, Edith Najjuuko yagenze ku poliisi e Mityana ne yeeyimirira Nabwami n’ateebwa.

Najjuuko agamba nti, “ettaka lino si lya Kasirye Ggwanga nga lyange nga Najjuuko, ne baganda bange abawala mukaaga kuba kitaffe omugenzi, Yovani Kasirye bwe yali tannaffa yandekera ekibanja  wabula oluvannyuma nneegula ne nkiteeka mu mannya gange. Kitaffe yagaana Kasirye Ggwanga okumusikira kuba we yafiira  Kasirye yali atandise okukola effujjo mu kika olw’okuba ye mwana yekka omulenzi  mu baana  b’omugenzi era ng’amannya ge ye Samuel Wasswa Gitta.”

Brig. Kasirye eyasangiddwa mu makaage e Makindye, yagambye nti,  “mwannyina yakomawo okuva mu Amerika n’ajingirira ekyapa oluvannyuma  lw’okugenda mu minisitule y’ebyettaka  ne kiteekebwa mu mannya ge ng’omuntu. Yatandika okuligabanyaamu bu poloti obwa 100 ku 50 era n’aleeta n’abaalirambula abaatandika n’okulipima n’atuuka n’okutema omuti ogwali ku biggya ng’ayagala kugutemamu mbaawo.  Mwannyinaze ono nnali namuwa yiika y’ettaka e Kyaggwe wabula nga yagaana okukolerako ekintu kyonna. Nange kwe kusalawo okumusibisa nga njagala yeesonyiwe ettaka lya famire akyuse n’ekyapa akizze mu ga famire kuba talina buyinza bukikyusa.”

DPC wa Mityana, Donald Ebunyu yagambye nti bagguddewo omusango ku fayiro SD: 37/16/05/2015 ogukwata ku by’ettaka wadde nga  Kasirye Ggwanga yaloopye gwa kwoonoona bintu bye, ogw’okutema omuti.

 

The government of Uganda is being persuaded to pass the 2021 Election Amendment bills in good time:

December 11, 2019

Written by Douglas Nagimesi

MPs in the House

Members of Parliament sitting in the Legislative Assemble House of the people of Uganda

 

As the Electoral Commission prepares for the 2021 elections, citizens, especially active voters and aspirants for the various electable positions, need to be aware of bills currently before parliament that seek to make amendments to various electoral laws that are currently in place.

These bills, if passed into law, will lead to changes that will need to be communicated to the active citizens in good time so as to avoid any last-minute legal surprises that might affect stakeholders vying for various positions.

During the 2016 elections, a scenario presented itself where parliament made some drastic changes to the Electoral Commission Act causing some changes that caught aspirants for the presidency by surprise.

 

A scenario presented itself in 2015, just a few months to the beginning of the presidential election campaign when parliament voted to withdraw government support to nominated presidential aspirants, something the aspirants of the time described as selfish. MPs in the Parliamentary and Legal Affairs committee of the time justified this decision as a process to ‘remove jokers who had turned the presidential race into a money-minting project.’

This sudden decision to pass the Presidential Elections Amendment Bill 2015 saw aspirants lose facilitation that had previously been provided by government. This facilitation included financial support to nominated presidential candidates in the form of a brand new four-wheel drive multipurpose vehicle, and Shs 20 million for the aspirant to use during the campaign.

The removal of this facilitation angered many candidates given that it happened as the Electoral Commission was in the process of lobbying the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee to increase the very same facilitation to aspirants.

During this time, Dr Abed Bwanika, an aspirant, argued about it being wrong for government to make amendments in the middle of a process and urged them not to make politics a ‘game for the rich…’

Professor Venansius Baryamureeba, another presidential aspirant in 2016, urged government not to undermine the presidential aspirants by withdrawing this facilitation.

The withdrawal of the government support led to a dramatic disorganization amongst the smaller camps with one candidate opting to use their luxurious Mercedes Benz while other two candidates shared a Toyota Noah to reduce on their expenses.

A common situation that befell the unprepared camps was the fact that many were unable to honour the schedules provided by the Electoral Commission that had been previously agreed.

Around 2015, parliament also voted to raise the presidential aspirants’ nomination fees to Shs 20m from Shs 8m, which was done at short notice, causing a great level of inconvenience to some aspirants.

Here are the proposed amendments to the Presidential Elections Act 2021.

A repeat of the above should be avoided at all costs for the 2021 elections. With just 14 months to the elections, some amendments are still before parliament.
Some of these proposed amendments still before parliament include:

• To prescribe the period for holding presidential elections,
• To prescribe the timing for the campaigns;
• To provide for the participation of independent candidates;
• To provide for restrictions for candidates’ and sources of funding to finance elections;
• To provide for the electronic transmission of results.

These amendments may not be as significant as the already passed constitutional amendment, lowering and lifting the presidential age limits, but they are also very important and need to be passed in good time so that citizens are well aware of the electoral laws as they get into the election period.

To parliament’s, and the Constitutional court, and all other interested stakeholders’ credit, the most contentious constitutional amendment that sought to lower the age of a presidential aspirant from 35 to 18 and remove the upper age limit of 75 for aspirants is already resolved and aspirants that qualify to participate in the various elections are well aware of the new requirements should they need to participate in the 2021 elections.

The amendments to the various acts are meant to be made for the sole purpose of improving on our democracy. So, the timing of all amendments to our electoral laws should happen in good time so that no camp is excluded due to poor timing of the amendments.

Making them so close to the beginning of the campaign period creates the impression that they are happening to frustrate particular political camps. All aspirants need to appreciate the timing of the changes and need to be given ample time to prepare for the changes or to find alternatives in good time.

The writer is a marketing professional.

Nb

What about the proposals of the judge concerning the improvement of the process of universal democracy in this country.
The judge found out that the General national elections in this country were not free and fair.
They are biased on the efforts of the ruling political party of the National Resistance Movement to win these elections. The judge made an order to amend the election rules two years before this coming National Election of 2021.

 

The Ancient country of Buganda is trying to formulate a leadership committee that will lead the citizens of this country not to participate again in these coming elections since adequate reforms have not been made in time as advised by the judge.

 

Also to watch:

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p4LDn0-FawU

 

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NPaJ4xvXLbQ

 

 

 

 

 

The Buganda Kingdom history of flags:

The current flag of the Buganda kingdom comprises three equal vertical stripes of blue, white and blue, with the kingdom's logo placed in the centre of the flag on the white stripe:

 
 
 
 

1960-2018

 

 
 
 
 

The first known flag of RED during the history of Buganda 1861-1881

 

 
 
 
 

The next one is white and red during 1881-1889

 

 
 
 
 

The next one is white dark brown dark brown white and grey as outlined above. During 15 July 1891- 30 March 1892

 

 
 
 
 

This one is all dark brown with a logo in the middle during 1892.

 

 
 
 
 

The Buganda Royal Standard as the 19 Century approached.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, a furious speaker of Parliament, M/s Kadaga, has adjourned sitting of paliament because the cabinet ministers are no longer interested in sitting in the Legislative Assembly of the people of Uganda:

8 November, 2019

Written by URN

The Speaker of Parliament, Uganda M/s Rebecca Kadaga

 

A furious speaker of parliament Rebecca Kadaga prematurely adjourned plenary on Thursday till next week due to the absence of cabinet ministers.  

Plenary started at around 3 pm with the communication of the speaker to the house which lasted for about 20 minutes. After the speaker’s communication, Oyam Woman member of parliament, Santa Alum asked if it was in order for the day’s business to proceed with only three state ministers.     

She explained that the ministers were needed to respond to some of the issues that have been pending on the order paper for the last five months.  

"The first two responses have been on the order paper for over five months now, and madam minister, you made mention of the character of members of parliament in this House. And madam speaker, this also includes the ministers, the characters of some of the ministers are unbecoming, madam speaker not even respecting your chair, madam speaker. If we let the ministers continue like this, how will parliament proceed with its business and yet we need the response and now it is after 3 pm and we only see three ministers?" said Alum.  

Lwemiyaga West MP, Theodore Ssekikubo asked the speaker to suspend the house, saying there is no need to proceed since there won’t be a response from the government.  

"We can’t sit here and we have rulings and decisions being made in vain otherwise everyone will behave the way he wants. It is only proper and important honourable members that the sanctity, the authority of this house is restored," said Ssekikubo. 

This prompted Kadaga to suspend the house for 15 minutes to allow ministers to come in as only three were present. Those present included the Finance state minister in charge of planning David Bahati, Ethics state minister Fr. Simon Lokodo and the Housing state minister, Chris Baryomunsi.      

"I’m going to suspend this house for 15 minutes and if they are not yet here I will actually adjourn. The ministers must come and respond to the concerns of Ugandans through their representatives," said Kadaga in an angry tone. 

After the 15-minute suspension, Kadaga returned to the house and said the prime minister and government have abdicated their responsibilities since the had been given the notice to be available to answer members’ questions from the people.

"In the circumstances, I am adjourning House until next week!" she said. 

On the order paper was over a dozen questions put to ministers of Works/Transport, Local Government, Foreign Affairs, Energy, Tourism, Wildlife, Lands, Agriculture, Finance, Security and the attorney general.

URN has since learnt that several ministers were engaged in the visit of South Sudan president, Salva Kiir and his archrival the first vice president, Riek Machar.  

This is the first time that parliamentary business stalls due to the absence of ministers. On numerous occasions, the Government chief whip, Ruth Nankabirwa is forced to stand in on behalf of government to answer queries raised by legislators.

Nb

"This is the first time that parliamentary business stalls due to the absence of ministers. On numerous occasions, the Government chief whip, Ruth Nankabirwa is forced to stand in on behalf of government to answer queries raised by legislators." Interesting indeed that this African legislative Assembly decided to make its bed lately. It better lay on it. One cannot see how one can start to blame anyone else? It is necessary to put the pressure on this house to debate and legislate the return of the term limits for the rule of the President of Uganda, and to include a clause that bars all those presidential candidates who have already finished to serve more than two or more presidential terms in this country. If this house is playing delaying tactics, well, it should say so loud and very clearly.

 

 

 

 

 

Okulambula kwa Ssabasajja e Buganda, Buddu:

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Added 6th June 2019

 

Kabaka 703x422

Kabaka nga awuubira ku bantu be

 

 
KABAKA Ronald Mutebi II waakukola ekyafaayo bw’anaalinnya ku butaka bw’ekika ky’ekinyomo e Kyasa mu Buddu omulundi gwe ogusoose okulambula Obutaka bw’ebika bukya atuula ku Nnamulondo kati emyaka 25 egiyise.
 
Okulambula Obutaka bw’ebika Kabaka waakukikola ku Mmande June 10,2019 ng’obutaka obulala bw’agenda okulambula kuliko obw’ekika kya Namungoona obusangibwa ku kyalo Birongo mu muluka gw’e Kasaka mu ggombolola ya Mutuba I Buwunga ate n’ekika ky’Ennyonyi Endiisa ekisangibwa mu ggombolola ya Mukiise
Mukungwe.
 
Minisita w’amawulire era omwogezi w’Obwakabaka, Noah Kiyimba yategeezezza Bukedde ku Lwokusatu ng’enteekateeka eno bwe yava mu nsisinkano Kabaka gye yalimu n’abataka abakulu ab’ebika nga May 2-3,2019 nga baddamu okumusaba
asiime alambule obutaka ng’okusaba okwasooka kwaliwo emyaka ena emabega.
 
“ Kikulu kubanga guno gwe mulundi ogusookedde ddala Kabaka okulambula obutaka bw’ebika. Yasiimye okulambula kuno ng’atandikira Buddu n’obutaka bw’ekika ky’ekinyomo, Namungoona n’ennyonyi Endiisa.
 
Tusaba ebika byonna byeteeketeeke bulungi okwaniriza Omutanda,” Kiyimba bwe
yategeezezza.
 
Kiyimba yayongedde n’ategeeza nti, okulambula kuno kwa kwongera okutumbula ebyobulambuzi mu bika kubanga buli kika kirina ebifo eby’enkizo ebisobola okulambulwa ng’ekyetaagisa kwe kwongera okubikulaakulanya.
 
“Enteekateeka eno nnungi kubanga Empologoma etugguliddewo okulambula obutaka buno.Obutaka bwonna kumpi byabulambuzi nga buli kika kirina ebyafaayo eby’enkizo, era ebikulu ennyo omuntu bye yandisaanye okulambula.Eky’okubiri kwe kutuggulirawo abazzukulu okuddayo okulambula obutaka bwaffe,” Minisita Kiyimba bwe yategeezezza.
 
Essaza ly’e Buddu lirimu obutaka bw’ebika 10 okuli Omutima Omuyanja e Bbaale, Ekinyomo e Kyasa, Ente e Mulema, Ngabi Nnyunga e Bwende nga bino bisangibwa mu ggombolola ya Ssaabagabo Kyannamukaaka.
 
Ate Ngaali e Buzooba, Namungoona e Kasaka, Omutima Omusagi e Butale,Amazzi g’e Kisasi e Kajuna bisangibwa mu ggombolola ya Mutuba I Buwunga. Abalangira b’e Ssanje nabo basangibwa mu ggombolola Mutuba V Kakuuto.
 
OKULAMBULA BUDDU AKUTANDIKA JUNE 8, 2019
Mu nteekateeka eno ey’okumala ennaku ennya, Kabaka yasiimye okutandika okulambula Buddu n’okuggalawo empaka z’amaato ku Lwomukaaga nga
June 8, 2019 ku Nabugabo Sand Beach.
 
Empaka zino ziri wakati w’amasaza ga Buganda.
 
Ku Ssande June 9, 2019 Kabaka agenda kusabira mu Lutikko e Kako. 
Omulabirizi wa West Buganda, Bp. Katumba Tamale yategeezezza nga Kabaka bw’agenda okusimba omuti mu kifo kino era n’asaba abakrisitaayo bajje mu bungi ku lunaku olwo.
 
“Tuli basanyufu nti Kabaka asiimye okusabirako wamu naffe mu Lutikko e Kako.
 
Twetegese okumwaniriza era waakusimba omuti saako n’okutongoza akapande ak’ekijjukizo ky’okusinza kwe okw’olunaku olwo.
 
Abakulisitaayo bonna mbasaba okujja mu bungi,” Bp. Katumba bwe yategeezezza.
 
Ate ku Lwokubiri June 11,2019, Kabaka yasiimye okulambula eddwaaliro
ly’e Kitovu nga lino yaliweerezaamu ensimbi mu 2014-2016 okujjanjaba
abakyala abatawaanyizibwa obulwadde bw’okutonya era ayinza n’okusiima n’alambula Muteesa I Royal University e Kirumba - Masaka.
 
“Agenda kwongera kuggumiza omulamwa gw’okulwanyisa obulwadde bwa nnalubiri.
 
Obwakabaka nga bukolagana n’eddwaaliro lino bwajjanjaba abantu bangi era bangi bakyajjanjabibwa mu kifo kino,” Kiyimba bwe yategeezezza.
 
 
 
 
 

President Museveni of Uganda is the problem of this country and not the opposition to him:

17 April,  2019

Written by Remmy Mayanja Semakula

 President Museveni watching the countryside he immigrated to as a refugee:

 

On April 4, 2019 at Hotel Africana in Kampala, the Democratic Party signed a memorandum of understanding among some of its break-away factions.

The occasion attracted other opposition big wigs like Kyadondo East MP, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, and former FDC president, Gen Mugisha Muntu. On that occasion, it became clear that the opposition is not yet united in its bid to present a united front against President Museveni. Almost all the speakers at the gathering attacked Dr Kizza Besigye, who was not mentioned by name.

Mr Kyagulanyi was quoted to have said: “I have concluded that some members in the opposition are only concerned about their positions and will fight any composition that threatens their positions.”

He added: “Don’t talk about democracy and stand four times, and on the fifth time you tell people democracy doesn’t work. We believe it works. On that point, I’ll assert that democracy actually works and anybody who despises democracy is despising the people of Uganda.” 

Museveni is certainly happy to hear Kyagulanyi stating that there is democracy in Uganda and that he, Museveni, has beaten Besigye four times at the vote. We shouldn’t focus on Besigye, but Museveni. In 1980, Museveni knew that he couldn’t win the presidential elections. Therefore, he decided to wage a guerrilla war to capture power. It was premeditated because Museveni told us then, “If Obote rigs the elections, I’ll go to the bush.”

It wasn’t proved that Obote rigged those elections. Nonetheless, Museveni picked up the gun and headed to the bush.

On his inauguration in 1986, Museveni stated the following: African leaders talk about change, “but it’s no longer change but turmoil… Nobody is to think that what is happening today is a mere change of guards. This is not a mere change of guards. I think that this is a fundamental change in the politic of our government.”

However, that fundamental change is no longer change, but turmoil. The more Museveni talks about change, the more it stays the same. This was best illustrated on January 8, 2019 by a British MP, Dr Paul Williams, when he tabled a discussion in the British parliament in reference to democracy and human rights issues.

Williams gave an example of the relentless violation of Kyagulanyi’s rights by the state and persecution of other politicians. Also, in a television interview, Williams stated that he was concerned to see what looked like a strong democracy with strong institutions such as independent judiciary being undermined.

It is common knowledge that the regime persecutes impressive challengers of Museveni like Dr Besigye Hon. Kyagulanyi and his people power exponents are being harassed, beaten and tortured by the police and army before our eyes. Mitiyana MP Francis Zaake was tortured into coma. Mukono MP Betty Nambooze is repeatedly tortured because she speaks truth to power. She is now confined to a wheelchair! 

Dr Williams, who once lived and worked in Uganda, said that after 32 years in power, Museveni is now the impediment to Uganda’s development because the regime centralises power in one person.

While in Ntungamo district earlier this year, First Lady Janet Museveni said Museveni has led Uganda for three decades because God chose him. Incidentally, Museveni believes he is the only one who is ordained to rule Uganda!

Autocrats believe in a mode of government that thrives on a cocktail of nepotism, patronage and corruption! Pervasive violation of human rights becomes the pictogram of their routines to silence whoever exposes them. 

The first lady also dubs as the minister of Education and Sports! She was once an MP and minister of Karamoja region. A father-in-law to Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Sam Kutesa, the foreign affairs minister, has been implicated in many corruption sagas.

The most recent one is that in which Kutesa is said to have received $500,000 from a former Chinese government minister, Patrick Ho Chi-ping, who was convicted of corruption charges by a federal court in New York, USA. In court papers, the federal prosecutor submitted that Ho paid Kutesa in exchange for favourable business deals in Uganda.

Museveni’s brother, Gen Caleb Akandwanaho, aka Salim Saleh, handles billions of money as the chief coordinator of Operation Wealth Creation. He was once a minister of the failed microfinance ministry. He has been linked to multiple corruption epics, most notably land grabbing and purchasing junk helicopters for the army.

Williams said: “We all know that in Uganda there is a parallel structure to the democratic process that is only loyal to Museveni and the ruling party, which makes it difficult for a true democracy to prevail. And it makes it very difficult for the Ugandan people to choose a different leader and to do it in a free and fair way.” He further said that Museveni’s government is essentially a military government in civilian clothes.

Therefore, the problem is not Besigye standing as a candidate over and over. The problem is Museveni who has denied us a fundamental change.  We should unite and draw the line and say that 33 years are enough; Museveni shouldn’t be a candidate in 2021. Power belongs to us.

The author is a former reporter of Ngabo and The Star newspapers.

Nb

What KY is saying is that the UPC political party during the 1960s felt proud of itself that democracy in Uganda was very much established in their African political party of Independence than any other African political parties. There was the common man's charter and all the rest of what is now history. In walks NRM and as history dictates, democracy seems to be lacking in this party. Forum for democratic change as a breakaway of NRM should have stayed put in NRM so that it can work hard to bring about democracy that was failing in the NRM. One hopes this point is understood. Democracy in the world is not much more a problem of the electorate than is the problem of the self made political parties in Africa that want to capture power at any time.

 

Indeed M7, his political party that has a majority in the national parliament of Uganda and the Army of Uganda under his armpit are the real problems of Uganda. 

Besigye does not attend to all these pillars of government power structures in the country. 

He actually ran cowardly away from these structures a long time ago. By the way, if Besigye had stayed put, he would by now be a Senior General in the Army of Uganda.

The former physician of President M7 should have continued to support the 1995 constitution he helped to put up inside the political party of NRM other than outside it. 

His political wing of the forum for democratic change matters more to revolutionize the political party of NRM than any other political party in Uganda's political landscape.
 
 
 
 
 

Munsi Uganda, Abooludda oluvuganya baagala Gav't ewere abavubuka eby'okusoma S.5 ne S.6:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 21st January 2019

 

ABOLUDDA oluvuganya baagala gavumenti eggyewo eby’okusoma siniya ey’okutaano n’eyomukaaga ebisikize okutendeka abayizi mu misomo gy’emikono kye basuubira nti kijja kukendeeza ku bbula ly’emirimu.

 

Aaaaaaabig703422 703x422

Akulira oludda oluvuganya Gavumenti, Betty Aol Ochan ng'aliko by'annyonnyola mu Palamenti gye buvuddeko

 

ABOLUDDA oluvuganya baagala gavumenti eggyewo eby’okusoma Ssiniya ey’okutaano n’eyoomukaaga ebisikize okutendeka abayizi mu misomo gy’emikono kye basuubira nti kijja kukendeeza ku bbula ly’emirimu.

 

Mu nkola eno ab’oludda oluvuganya bagamba nti omuyizi asaanye asome emyaka musanvu mu pulayimale, ena mu siniya , ebiri mu by’emikono n’obukugu obulala obw’emirimu gy’emitwe olwo abasobola beeyongereyo ku diguli ne dipuloma mu misomo gye baagala.

Bino biri mu kiwandiiko ky’akulira oludda oluvuganya  gavumenti mu palamenti Betty Aol ekikwata ku bbago lya bajeti egenda okusomwa  mu June 2019.

 

Aol agamba nti ensoma eriwo etwala obudde bungi ng’ekakatika mu bayizi endowooza za kufuna mirimu mu mawofeesi egitakyalabika ng’ekivuddemu ly’ebbula ly’emirimu.

Aol alaga nti ab’oludda oluvuganya  beenkengedde nti gavumenti eyinza obutayongoza misaala gy’abakozi baayo  mu bajeti egenda okusomwa mu June 2019 kuba ensimbi ez’okubongeza teziriimu.

Yategeezezza nti ensimbi z’okusasula abakozi ba gavumenti mu mwaka gw’ebyensimbi ogujja ziragiddwa mu bbago nti ziri obutabalika buna (4.2 trillion) ekitegeeza nti zigenda kusigala  nga  bwe zibadde mu bajeti y’omwaka guno nga tewali ssuubi lya kwongeza misaala.

Nb

Mpozzi abavubuka ba Africa babeera mumagye ne mu buyumba buno obwa UNIPORT ne bakyala baabwe, obuyumba kozzi babuyita batya? Paka Last. Kuyiga kukuba ssabbawa nakudda waka kulya bando. Obwo si bugunjufu bwa Africa era tekilina sente zekiletera ggwanga. Omulimu nga ogwo gusana kuba part time nagwo negusasula nomusolo eri eggwanga.

 

Ensi nyingi abavubuka nga bano abatuuse mu Senior 5 ne 6 abamu babatwala mu magye emyaka 2 oba 3 nebayiga amagye ate nebyemikono ebisobose. Ate namagye nga gasobola okuyigiriza obukugu obulala obutukirira nobusubuzi bwa katale kensi zonna. Oluvanyuma bafuluma amagye nebayingira akatale kemirimu nga bo bwebaba basobode. Era ensi nga Uganda okuba namagye emitwalo nemitwalo nga tebavamu okutuusa okufa tebikyakola munsi nyingi. Bali mu magye basubula mu kiki ekireeta ensimbi eri eggwanga?

 

Sikyabwenkanya okuba nti aboludda oluvuganya ate bebaleese ensonga eno enkulu bweti kumirimu gya bavubuka mu Africa. Kubanga batono mu Parliamenti eno era ekiteeso kino sikyakuyitamu. Governmenti elabika yo emanyi nti kasita ekwata shillings billion nga 10 buli mwaka neziwa abavubuka beziwadde nga bambadde yellow, oba bakutte lander nenyondo, nensinyo, bakolera wali ebweru ku bbiri ne mu bbagiro, olwo ekizibu kyabavubuka ekyokupakasa wano mu Uganda kinaba kiwedde okukisalira amagezi.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the recently closed Ganda commercial bank prominently known as The Royal Bank of Buganda (Teefe) was politically and illegally closed by the political party in government, the NRM: 

21 November, 2018

Written by Sulaiman Kakaire

BOU governor Tumusiime-Mutebile chats with vice chairperson of COSASE committee Anita Among
 The Governor of Bank of Uganda congratulates one of the Members of Parliament that sits on this controversial accounts committee of Parliament after failing to provide credible banking documents.
 

Legal experts have raised questions over Bank of Uganda’s (BoU) failure to prepare an inventory report and other documents stating the assets and liabilities, when it closed Teefe Trust bank on grounds of insolvency.

In an interview with The Observer, Robert Kirunda, a lecturer of commercial law at Makerere University, said the central bank, as the institution which assures financial stability in the economy, must be cautious especially when it assumes the role of a liquidator.

A liquidator is empowered by law to act on behalf of an insolvent company to sell its assets before its winding-up in order to generate money to pay off creditors.

“The law of insolvency [which covers rules and principles that provide relief to a debtor who lacks the means to pay creditors] presumes a liquidator to act in a particular manner. And at all material times, BoU, on assumption of that role, is expected to act within that framework,” Kirunda said.

In November last year, when the parliamentary committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) started investigations into seven defunct banks, it instructed Auditor General John Muwanga to specifically audit the status of the banks at closure, cost of liquidation, status of assets and liabilities, non-performing assets, non-recoverable assets and liquidators.

Between the months of January and April this year, Muwanga tried to gain access to the necessary documentation pertaining to the closure of Teefe Trust bank but in vain.

So, when he reported to parliament last month, Muwanga said he was not availed with the inventory report, loan schedules, customer deposit schedules and statements of affairs of Teefe Trust bank to enable him fulfil the specific audit objectives.

“Due to this limitation, I could not assess the status of the assets and liabilities of Teefe Trust bank from closure to-date,” Muwanga’s report observes.

“BoU management explained that it will continue to search in the archives to get all the information.”

At the beginning of this month, Cosase convened to consider the audit queries raised against BoU, including its failure to grant the AG access to the required information. To this effect, Cosase chairperson Abdu Katuntu wrote to BoU governor Emmanuel Tumusiime-Mutebile asking for the said documents.

In its first written response, central bank argued that; “Teefe Trust bank was closed in February 1993 under the provisions of the Banking Act of 1969 which did not contain substantive provisions on reports that the liquidator (a person legally empowered to act on behalf of a company to sell the company’s assets prior to the company’s winding-up in order to generate cash to pay off debts) was required to compile.”

However, on November 1, when the committee was not convinced by this response, Mutebile’s people asked for more time to find the documents. Sources on the committee say that BoU later supplied a pile of documents to the committee, which the MPs found wanting in content.

Cosase insists

On November 12, when the committee had a second interaction with BoU, they repeated their demand for the relevant information. Indeed, when Katuntu and other members of the committee raised concerns about the irrelevance of the parliament process without the availability of the requisite documents, BoU executive director in charge of bank supervision Twinemanzi Tumubweine was compelled to pass on the question to the fellow director in charge of commercial banking, Benedict Sekabira. Sekabira was a junior staff at BoU when Teefe was closed.

At first, Sekabira said  the inventory report was provided as a summary. His submission depended on a letter written by former BoU employee, Edward Kagimu Mugwanya on March, 13, 2001 to the then minister of finance, which was capturing the financial position of Teefe. But Cosase insisted that what Sekabira was providing was different from what they required. He eventually conceded that BoU never prepared an inventory list before closing Teefe.

At that point, Dr Louis Kasekende, the BoU deputy governor, told Cosase that when Teefe was closed, there was no legal requirement to maintain an inventory list.

“So, we do not have an inventory. We have provided information relating to the financial institution of Teefe; the assets and liabilities,” Kasekende reportedly told the committee.

Legal status

Teefe was closed under the repealed Banking Act of 1969. Under section 14 of this repealed law, every bank was required to exhibit throughout the year, in a conspicuous position in every office and branch in Uganda, a copy of its last audited balance-sheet (showing assets and liabilities – which are derived from an inventory).

Failure to maintain a balance sheet and other audited books of account would attract a sanction. In an interview, Katuntu took the view that “it is the balance sheet and those other documents including the inventory that guide BoU to determine whether a bank is insolvent or not."

“An inventory is a detailed list of stock [assets]. So, if that was not available what was the basis of declaring Teefe bank to be insolvent? Maybe, we need to ask more questions that will require us to summon the former officials who were at the centre of these events,” Katuntu told The Observer.

Even then, Katuntu argues that if the inventory was not available during the determination of the insolvency of Teefe bank, acting as a liquidator, BoU should have prepared an inventory.

“When you take over an institution, you take stock of its assets and liabilities… Under the applicable common law then, there was a duty on the part of BoU to act prudently and in good faith. Prudence and acting in good faith demand that you make an inventory when you take stock of an institution because it is on the basis of the same that we can determine whether you acted in good faith,” Katuntu said.

Bigger picture

When Cosase resumed on Thursday and Friday last week, the committee learnt that BoU had actually closed Teefe under the Financial Institutions Statute of 1993. Section 31(3) provides that the central bank shall, as soon as possible after taking possession of a financial institution, make an inventory of the assets of the financial institution and shall transmit a copy of it to the minister.

In light of this revelation, BoU gave another response in regard to Teefe’s inventory. Parliament will decide whether indeed, this is the much-sought-after inventory. Indeed, when the committee and Mutebile learnt for the first time that BoU has been holding 21 certificates of title as the residual assets accruing from the liquidation of Teefe bank, everyone’s curiosity was aroused even more.

“It is against the establishment of that motive that we will say that they acted in good or bad faith,” Katuntu told The Observer.

To establish this motive, the committee has requested BoU to provide the two annual supervisory reports on Teefe bank prior to seizure by BoU and the documents upon which BoU determined the insolvency of Teefe bank. On studying these documents, the committee hopes to get a clearer picture of things and thereafter apportion responsibilities.

Next week, we examine what we know so far about the investigations into the closure of six other banks: International Credit Bank Limited, Greenland bank, Cooperative bank, National Bank of Commerce, Global Trust bank and Crane bank.

skakaire@observer.ug

Nb

 Public Comment of Apollo 2018-11-21 

The closure of Teefe Bank was a political decision borne out of fear of  re-awakening the atonomy of the Buganda financial institutions. 
Bank of Uganda does not have the answers because it will never answer political strategy questions such as: what a powerful, independent Buganda economy means for the stability of the country.
 

Apollo you might have a point. But then Mengo is not coming out to make its stand concerning its interest in this bank. Therefore it seems that the winner will have to take all. Dr Obote as he struggled to break up the Ancient African State of Buganda 1965/70 admonished the UPC die-hard Ganda patriots thus: What is able to kill Mengo and the country of Buganda must and should come from Mengo. Ekiritta Mengo kigenda kuva Mengo.

 

 

 

 

 

President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, has sent his Private military Police, to monitor Christian prayers in a Church at Ntinda, in the City of Kampala:

The military is at standby in case these sorts of Women Christian prayers cause insecurity in Uganda

30 August, 2018 

By Stephen Otage

 

A force of police and Uganda Army soldiers have deployed at St. Luke's Church in Ntinda, a Kampala suburb, as women leaders and activists launched a National Movement to pray for peace in the country.

 

Rev Diana Nkesiga, the retired vicar of All Saints Cathedral Nakasero ,who presided over the morning service, that was attended mainly  by women activists, said as mothers of the nation, they cannot sit back and watch as the country “slides back into its dark history, following political events which unfolded before and after Arua Municipality by-election two weeks ago.”

Such events, according to Rev Nkesiga, can plunge the country into anarchy, if Ugandans do not call for God’s intervention through prayers.

"We are not just women but mothers of the nation who have the responsibility to protect the dignity of every human being living in this nation. We have wept long enough," she said. “After weeping and waiting for a long enough, they [mothers] are tired of standing by the roadside watching and doing nothing. They are rising up in the strength of the Lord to change the hearts of Ugandans and the way they think.”

She said: "We are coming to repent on behalf of the nation. With prayer, there is an awakening in God's people and it exposes our weaknesses because many of us are complacent."

 

The prayers were organised by Akina Mama Wa Africa, a women rights organisation seeking justice for victims of violence during elections in Arua under the Women4Uganda Platform.

According to Dr Thelma Awori, Women4Ugandat is a platform using prayer to lay a foundation to end injustice and oppression in the country by mobilising women all over the country to gather every first Monday of the month, at 7:00am in their respective churches and pray for the nation.

"We can no longer sit silently when the poor are being evicted from their land, brutality on streets, kidnappings, rape of women and young girls, misuse of public funds, abuse of power, our children suffer the worst forms of wickedness," she said, adding that women are ashamed of their silence and complacence as such “evils” escalate.

Security officers who were deployed watched from a distance until the prayers ended.

  sotage@ ug.nationmedia.com

 

 

 

 

 

Governmenti ya Uganda efugibwa amagye ne Military Police eyimirizza emisango gy'obutujju egibadde givunaanibwa Dr. Kiyingi okutuusa nate nga 15 August, 2018:

Dr Aggrey Kiyingi of the political movement determined to topple President Museveni's regime now ruling Uganda for 32 years

By Stuart Yiga

 Added 20th July 2018

 

SSAABAWAABI w'emisango gya gavumenti Mike Chibita, ayimirizza okuwulira emisango gy'obutujju egivunaanibwa Dr. Aggrey Kiyingi ne banne abalala babiri. 

Kino kiddiridde enkyukakyuka eyakoleddwa mu mpaaba y'omusango guno eyaweeredwaayo mubutongole amyuka Ssaabawaabi, John Baptist Asiimwe, mu kkooti ewulira  emisango egya nnagomola egy'ensi yonna ( International Crimes Division court)  Dr. Kiyingi, ne banne okuli Muzafar Kaule, ne Sheikh Swaliden  Baligeya, baggiddwa mu mpaaba okutuusa nga bamaze okukwatibwa.   

Wabula abasajja abalala okuli Joseph Masereka ne Adam  Dean  Luwooza, bagattiddwa ku musango nga kati omuwendo gw'abavunaaibwa guweze 38, nga n'eyali akulira ekibiina ky'abayeekera ekya ADF-Jamil Mukulu, kw'omutwalidde.   

Omulamuzi ali mu musango guno Eve Luswata, okuwukira omusango guno agwongezaayo okutuuka ennaku z'omwezi nga August, 15, 2018.

Omulamuzi era alagidde DPP okukola ekisoboka okulaba ng'awa ab'oludda oluwawaabirwa obujulizi. 

Mukulu n'abalala 37, bavunaanibwa emisango okuli egy'obutujju, obutemu, okutyoboola eddembe ly'obutuntu, okuyamba ku butujju, okugezaako okutemula, n'okubbisa eryaanyi.

Dr. Kiyingi Kati akolera mu ggwanga lya Australian gy'alina n'obutuuze era gy'abeera.

 

 

 

 

 

Central governmenti ya Uganda esazewo okufulumya maapu y'ensi Buganda yo gyelowooza nti ate ye ntuufu mubiseera bino:

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Added 27th June 2018

 

 

Bugandamaapu2 703x422

Akulira UBOS, Dr. Ben Paul Mungyereza (owookubiir okuva ku ddyo) ng'alaga maapu ya Uganda omuli amannya g'ennono ag'ebitundu nga ne Buganda mw'eri. Ku ddyo ye Katikkiro Mayiga ate ku kkono ye Godfrey Nabong naye omukungu mu kitongole ky'ebibalo mu ggwanga- UBOS. Babadde Bulange- Mmengo nga June 27,2018.

 

Maapu zino zifulumiziddwa ekitongole ekivunanyizibwa ku bibalo mu ggwanga (Uganda Bureau Of Statistics- UBOS) nga zino zikwasiddwa Katikkiro wa Buganda Charles Peter Mayiga ku mukolo ogwabadde e Bulange- Mmengo olunaku lw’eggulo.

Ng’ayanjula maapu zino ezaakubiddwa, akulira UBOS, Ben Paul Mungyereza yasoose kwetonda olw’ensobi ezaakoledbwa mu maapu ezaafulumizibwa ku ntandikwa y’omwaka guno nga ziraga ebitundu bya Buganda n’amannya gaabyo ag’ennono kyokka nga Buganda yasikizibwa amannya okuli Central I ne Central II era okusinziira ku njogerezeganya wakati w’Obwakabaka n’ekitongole kino, ne bakkiriziganya ebiwandiiko ebinaddako byakusomanga North Buganda ne South Buganda.

 aapu ya ganda empya eraga uganda
 
Maapu ya Uganda empya eraga Buganda nendagaano zekola ne African Central governmenti ya Uganda.
 
 

The map of the State of Buganda under the Protectorate of the United Kingdom of Great Britain:

Ate eno ye map y'ensi Buganda nga eri mubukuumi bwensi ya Bungereza(Bulaya) mundagaano ya 1900. 

Nb

Lunnaku ki mubyafaayo bya Buganda, abavubi bayo lwebaali baganiddwa okuvuba munyanja Mutta Nzige oba tugambe, nyoko nabeera Omunyoro noganibwa okuzalibwa mubika bya Buganda?

 

Musajja watu Kamala byonna babimuletera buletezi abitekeko omukono oba ayagala oba tayagala. Kasita bamusubiza enkulakulana eyensi ne ggulu!

 

 

 

 

 

 

The history of the making of Uganda as a country, Political Assassinations are mostly used as an investment to capture power for those seeking it.

The military and political friends of the President of Uganda. Unfortunately one has of recent been gunned down in broad daylight

13 June, 2018

By Charles Onyango-obbo

The assassination of Arua Municipality Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga on June 8, seemed to have terrified – not shocked - many Ugandans and made global headlines. Shock is what happened when the likeable Assistant Inspector General of Police and spokesperson of the Force Felix Kaweesi was killed in March 2017, in much the same fashion as the famously dyed-in-yellow ruling NRM’s Abiriga was.

Reading the outpouring of social media reactions, two things stand out. One, because Abiriga’s killing comes on the back of several unsolved murders of big and small Ugandans, there is a widespread view that his slaying will not be solved either. At most, some hapless innocent fellows, all beaten up, will be paraded before cameras for public relations reasons.

Second, that President Museveni’s tough talk is futile. The view is that these crimes are part of a product of long-running of violence against the Opposition, runaway corruption, and nepotism that hollowed out State institutions rendering them ineffectual, and a “tired” leader who has been in power for more than 36 years. In other words, that Museveni himself is Uganda’s biggest problem.

Whatever the case, for those who were not born the other day, all this is familiar. The wave of crime and killings are almost a copybook of what happened in 1979 and 1980, after the ouster of military dictator Idi Amin.
On April 19, 2009 The Monitor published an article ‘Who was still killing and robbing Ugandans after Amin fell?’ by Timothy Kalyegira, available on its website, looking at those 1979-1980 waves of killings. One might not agree with his take on who was likely behind the killings, but it makes for unsettling reading.

One cannot begin to imagine how then Inspector General of Police, David Barlow, dealt with the horrifying killing of his brother Dr Jack Barlow in July of 1979. Daily, the country would wake up to reports of a doctor, politician, military officer, activist, businessman killed or robbed.

It might well be that Abiriga’s and Kaweesi’s killing, and most of the rest that the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) has highlighted in a just-released report, were politically motivated. Or they could be driven by form of sabotage, or economic desperation.

It really doesn’t matter because as in 1979/80, they are all driven by the same considerations – first, to kill someone for political reasons (unless you are a suicide bomber) or to kidnap them, you are motivated to do so the more certain that you will get away with it, because the State is too dysfunctional or incompetent to catch you, or you have protection.

In 1979/80, factions in the interim administration, the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), resorted to killings partly to discredit each other and manoeuvre for power. In other words, assassinations in Uganda – going back to the 1960s, in fact, are used mostly by regime elements against themselves. Where rebels do it, it is often too obvious, there would be little need to argue about who was behind it.

The NRM seems to be in the same phase; the only question is what is their end game? There are two consolations here, if indeed that is what they are. To start with, Uganda is not alone in this rut.
Demographic shifts, and economic crises around Africa have left governments struggling to provide security. A report last year noted that, as a result, the number of private security guards across Africa is now more than double the number of police and government security forces. Thus two years ago, there were about 446,000 registered security guards operating in South Africa, compared with 270,000 police officers and soldiers.

Nigeria had more than 3,000 registered private security companies, with hundreds more operating informally. Some Uganda data from two years had 60 registered private security firms and nearly 40,000 guards.
There were no estimates for the “jua kali” guarding services, with someone speculating there were “over 100,000 guards” working informally.

The second consolation, beneath the bluster of Museveni and other tough men in the NRM, on my last visit to Uganda a few weeks ago, I noticed a decidedly “less militaristic” air in the country, despite all the crime.
And Museveni’s State-of-the-Nation Address last week, was probably his least belligerent and most reflective in more than 15 years. It is still too early, but I detect that the regime is actually aware that the country is in crisis, and a reset to dig it out of the hole is necessary. So it seems a tiny window is open for a divided country to unite to stitch itself back together.

If the government was still tone deaf, then those young, energetic, angry young men who carried Abiriga’s coffin to anti-government chants in Arua, should have driven the point home. Museveni is facing a mega challenge he can’t resolve by shooting or jailing this time.


Mr Onyango-Obbo is the publisher of Africa datavisualiser Africapedia.com and explainer site Roguechiefs.com. Twitter@cobbo3

 

 

 

 

 

How the Luweero Triangle War Lords and their former soldiers are grabbing African lands as if there is no tomorrow:

Maybe General Tumwine the Luweero triangle war veteran is right to also take the African Artists Nommo gallery and keep it forever?

There is the famous European-British National Artists' Gallery at Trafalgar Square, London WC2N 5DN

There is the Nommo African Artists Gallery at Kampala and part of the small restaurant on the varandah as one enters the place.

May 23, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

I pass by Mandela National Stadium to and from work in the morning and evening respectively.

These days, you don’t need to read the signpost to know you are approaching Namboole. The stench from garbage that now surrounds Uganda’s only national stadium makes it even more visible. With a few more truckloads of rubbish, Namboole will join Kiteezi as the second biggest landfill in the country.

The rubbish dumped here is sorted and sold to plastic-making companies. Polythene materials and plastic bottles are the most lucrative.

They are washed and packed in bags waiting to be transported. Dealers in rubbish, for lack of a better word, are some of the people who have encroached on the 121 acres of land belonging to the stadium. 

This, by the way, is the facility that hosts international matches between Uganda Cranes and other countries. In a way, it is our country’s face that should be very important to our tourism.

Other encroachers include people calling themselves veterans who have constructed 106 mud houses on the part of the stadium’s land; and of course, some big shots who include Brig Hudson Mukasa, Mamerito Mugerwa and Capt Haruna Ssemakula.

The rubbish and the veterans’ shanty houses are near the main road. And Uganda Railways Corporation (URC), recently rescued from Rift Valley Railways, has made Namboole’s situation even worse.

The URC has permitted a prominent trader, proprietor of Joka’s hotel, to construct a makeshift market opposite one of the gates of the stadium. It is complete chaos.

And because the URC has allowed construction of a market almost next to its track (road), people calling themselves veterans again, and learning from Joka’s hotel proprietor, have seized all land next to the railway line around Namboole and are constructing makeshift stalls.

I think in one month, Namboole will completely be sandwiched by makeshift stalls and garbage. Uganda zaabu (Uganda is gold), social media fanatics would say.

How on earth can a sane people allow chaos to reign in their country? We are steadily moving towards the Zimbabwe situation when old man Robert Gabriel Mugabe reigned. You remember his policy on land and how he authourized grabbing.

A senior member of the Buganda royal family once asked me why I was supporting people who had/have encroached on the Kasokoso land. Of course there are encroachers in Kasokoso, but also bona fide occupants. Trouble was that National Housing, which also fraudulently acquired revised interest in the land, wanted to treat everybody as a thief.

In principle, I don’t support illegal occupation (encroachment), but I want to admit I cannot stop it. People in privileged positions have grabbed land and buildings belonging to parastatals; how then can we stop ordinary people from grabbing? Grabbing is now an entrenched principle and policy of our rulers. And the ordinary people are learning.

That is why I have difficulties in joining the ‘lynching’ of Gen Elly Tumwine who has appropriated Nommo gallery – a public facility for which we even have a title. He says Nommo gallery was donated to the artists to whom he belongs. That is the official explanation from Tumwine.

The unofficial explanation is that everybody has helped themselves on a government property. Why then should they harass him when he has taken something small?

That is why on behalf of artists he is enjoying Nommo gallery. It is not impunity; rather, it is a way of life under this government. That is how Shimoni Demonstration School, about 11 acres in the middle of the city, went. That is how Sudhir Ruparelia took those houses near Mulago that used to accommodate CMI.

Nakawa-Naguru estates have ended up in private hands with no money paid. The URC land in Nsambya was parceled and given out. All properties belonging to parastatals in Nakasero, Buganda road and Kololo have been shared and sold by regime henchmen.

Do you remember the story of UTV land in Kololo and Industrial Area? Uganda Broadcasting Services (UBC) owned 49 acres of land in Industrial Area on Kibira road but it was sold to HABA, Hassan Basajjabalaba’s company. The same UBC owned 19 plots in Ntinda; they were also sold or given out to regime’s henchmen.

I think all we can do is to take inventory to recover these properties once the mafia kleptocracy has crumbled. But burning our calories over Tumwine is wastage of time.

The Tumwines think Uganda is their parent’s estate. That is why they are sharing it right and left. The parent is also helping himself on anything that crosses his path. That is what has befallen us as a nation. Did you see the faces he travelled with to Mozambique? This thing is theirs, and they can choose how to slice and eat it.

semugs@yahoo.com

Nb

Indeed that is why any Ganda tribesman or tribeswoman has no sympathy with the Luweero citizens when they keep crying out loud for help on land grabbing matters. They brought the man and the man with his henchmen they must take them back. No sane person wants another African war from Mozambique or anywhere else on the African continent.

 

 

 

 

 

Museveni Bean Weevil Comments of recent seem to have targeted President Kagame – Mr Andrew Mwenda, a journalist has implied:

 March 11, 2018
 

Published by Grapevine

 
 Mr Andrew Mwenda and President (Kagame inset) of the Rwanda establishment.

 

Seasoned investigative journalist Andrew Mwenda has warned president Yoweri Museveni over his bean weevil utterances saying that they may lead to the collapse of the East African community.

 

Speaking on NBS recently, Mwenda said that Museveni’s remarks during the women’s day celebrations in Mityana, where he informed Ugandans that Uganda police, prison and judiciary are infiltrated by criminals who terrorise Ugandans, were an open attack at president Paul Kagame of Rwanda whom he has a cold war with.

“You know the president is like Trump, he just speaks carelessly without being concerned about the eventualities of his utterances. He was attacking Rwanda because he said a bean weevil which enters the bean from outside. Its common sense because he arrested Kayihura’s men for illegal extradition of Rwandese,” Mwenda said.

He noted that Museveni’s actions and utterances can lead to the collapse of the East African community because president Kagame can’t pretend to look on at the humiliating actions by Museveni. He revealed that the Ugandan government entered into an agreement with Rwanda to exchange criminals, that’s why Shanitah Namuyimbwa alias bad black was extradited to Uganda from Rwanda. Mwenda dismissed allegations put to Kayihura by other security operatives especially ISO that he was used by Rwanda intelligence organisation to spy on Uganda security. He gave an example of security operatives who deceived president Museveni  that it was Kayihura who commanded the illegal extradition of Rwandese fugitive Joel Mutabaazi. Mwenda said that during that period, Kayihura was on a state duty in Cuba. He added that Kayihura was very loyal to president Museveni and whatever he was doing, he was executing Museveni’s orders.

Mwenda said that such irresponsible utterances led to the collapse of the East African community in 19870’s because East African presidents by then had misunderstandings between themselves.

 

 

 

 

 

Members of Parliament in Uganda presently fear for their life, to go back to voters in their constituency, over the recent parliamentary age limit bill betrayal:

 

Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rebecca Kadaga

The worried African Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rebecca Kadaga. FILE PHOTO 

By Nelson Wesonga

The Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rebecca Kadaga, has confirmed that many Members of Parliament now fear to leave Kampala for their respective constituencies because they betrayed their electors during the vote on the age limit for presidential candidates.

Responding to Swede journalists who had paid her a courtesy call on Monday March 5 in Kampala, Ms Kadaga said the age limit debate pitted the people against Parliament.

The journalists said the media in Sweden had followed the 'unfortunate event', which must have put Ms Kadaga in a very difficult position since she is the person protecting the democracy in Uganda.

“Do you care to speak about the event that happened?” they posed the question.
“…there are members who are unable to go back to their constituencies because the people out there did not like the decisions they took,” Ms Kadaga replied.

Ms Kadaga said it was four months leading up to the tabling of the motion to seek a leave of the House to draft a Private Members Bill to amend the Constitution, the first through third reading and passing of the Bill were the most difficult in the history of the Parliament of Uganda.

“The whole country was on tension for four months. There is only one Parliament that has to do that work. You might not like it but someone has to do it and this is Parliament. So if a bill is there, you have to process it; you can’t take it to the market,” Ms Kadaga said.

The Swedes also asked her if she thinks it will be possible with a female president in Uganda soon.
“I think Africa is changing, the world is changing. Anything is possible. Yeah,” said Ms Kadaga.
Ms Kadaga said Sir Johnson Sirleaf, Liberia’s immediate former President, was a role model.

nwesonga@ug.nationmedia.com

Nb

Well then they better go and reside in the former British Governor's residence at Entebbe, Uganda, where they might feel more protected in their type of British parliamentary democracy.

 

 

 

 

 

How the new government of the National Resistance Movement purged its own patriotic fighting force of the UFM and the FEDEMU during the 1985/86 beloved years:

Major Twaha Musiitwa Mukiibi, a former commanding officer of the Battalion that was based in Gaba, Kampala, Uganda, during 1985/86

19 January, 2018

 

By Henry Ford Mirima of the NRM

 

“The Namukoora fallout is the strongest reason why Museveni could not let Dr Kayiira stay alive. In October 1986 when Museveni ordered the arrest of Dr Kayiira on charges of treason, all the soldiers from UFM who had made-up the 35th battalion that had been deployed in Namukoora in Kitgum district were disarmed and arrested on the orders of Gen Salim Saleh. The other UFM soldiers who were at that moment under the reorganisation department and had stopped over at Mbarara barracks on their way to Kibulala were also arrested- including the writer. Those in Namukoora were put in unventilated goods containers after being beaten, tortured and stabbed. They were transported to Mbale brigade headquarters but of the 500 or so who left Namukoora, less than a hundred arrived in Mbale. The majority suffocated to death in one of the hidden mass killings of President Museveni’s dictatorship.”

 

Mukiibi is here testifying that 500 baganda soldiers under his command  were disarmed and then led to the slaughter by Salim Ahmed Salah, a Somalian renegade and half-brother of the Rwandan outlaw Kayibanda. My own investigations have established that in fact only 350 of Mukiibi’s men made it from Namukora, Kitgum, to Mbale, and these were systematically slaughtered by Salim Ahmed Salah and his men.

 

The fact that you sprinkle these two baganda armies with  a few foreign sounding names does not in any way, shape or form  make them a non-baganda army because that is precisely what they were. More the pity why main stream baganda opinion has never really bothered to find out what happened to their kith and kin. Why were 350 young men allowed to be slaughtered in such a ruthless manner and no muganda person has raised a voice about it, apart from Mukiibi and Henry Gombya? This is what I find perplexing, and it is for this reason that I refuse to be led down the garden path by your self-serving drivel. I want to arrive at the truth. Truth finding is my mission.

 

In March 1987 as we all know, Dr Andrew Lutaakome Kayiira was brutally assassinated at Dr Henry Gombya’s home in Kampala. The killers of this great man have never been apprehended.  The individuals who masterminded Dr Kayiira execution and the person who ordered his elimination, have never been brought to justice. Dr Kayiira’s children and his entire family together with the people of Uganda are still demanding to know why the former UFM chief was killed immediately after he was found not guilty of treason by the Uganda High Court of Uganda.

There is no question as to who ordered Dr Kayiira’s assassination. As all criminologists will tell you, every crime especially that which involves murder has to have a motive. It is also a fact that whoever plans a political murder, directly profits from the victim’s demise. So the chief suspect in Dr Kayiira’s assassination was President Museveni. He was the only politician who stood to gain from Dr Kayiira’s death. Museveni’s involvement in Dr Kayiira’s murder was confirmed by the former coordinator of intelligence in Museveni’s administration Gen. David Sejusa in August 2013. What the people of Uganda need to know are the reasons behind Museveni’s decision to order the killing of the former UFM chief.

Ideological difference was one of the reasons why the two men never saw eye-to-eye politically. Dr Kayiira was a liberal conservative who was committed to  a Western style of democracy and an advocate of capitalism. On the other hand, President Museveni was a self – declared Marxist Socialist. During all his time in the bush Museveni, through his politicisation programme, was advocating a communist system of administration. However, by the time his government came to power, communism was being defeated in the Western world. Due to the collapse of communism in Russia and other parts of the West, Museveni found himself squeezed out of the favourable political and economic space on the international stage. He had to change course.

Dr Kayiira on the other hand was quietly gaining support from people in business and those in international relations as the man who possessed a sound political ideology acceptable to the new world order. Using his office as Minister of Energy, Dr Kayiira was accessing international contacts which were hostile to president Museveni’s way of economic and political thinking. Could this be one of president Museveni’s motivating factors that led him to killing his political foe? It would have been a humiliation for President Museveni to hear Dr Kayiira taunting him that “I told you so” as Museveni was being forced by circumstances to switch from socialism to the capitalist free market that he has adapted to now. This fact, feeble as it sounds, may have played a big part in President Museveni’s decision to eliminate Dr Kayiira.

Popularity in the politically vital demographic centre is another reason why Museveni felt threatened by DrKayiira. Buganda has always been the most sought-after political base in Uganda. Gain control and support of the Baganda and half your job is done. Although president Museveni had successfully gained power in 1986 after the fall of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa, he lacked the popular support of the people of Buganda. With Dr Kayiira around, Museveni found himself sharing the Buganda political space with his archenemy. In addition, Dr Kayiira was a man of the people — a man who could spend some evenings with ordinary local people in Kampala seeping on his preferred bottle of Mateus wine and buying others pints of lager. This association with local people in Kampala and other parts of Buganda made President Museveni worried and paranoid.

(985- 86).

Would Museveni risk initiating a democratic process of political party politics with Dr Kayiira around? He knew that Dr Kayiira could easily use the Democratic Party vehicle to politically defeat him. This may have been another reason for president Museveni to kill Dr Kayiira.

The Namukoora fallout is the strongest reason why Museveni could not let Dr Kayiira stay alive. In October 1986 when Museveni ordered the arrest of Dr Kayiira on charges of treason, all the soldiers from UFM who had made-up the 35th battalion that had been deployed in Namukoora in Kitgum district were disarmed and arrested on the orders of Gen Salim Saleh. The other UFM soldiers who were at that moment under the reorganisation department and had stopped over at Mbarara barracks on their way to Kibulala were also arrested- including the writer. Those in Namukoora were put in unventilated goods containers after being beaten, tortured and stabbed. They were transported to Mbale brigade headquarters but of the 500 or so who left Namukoora, less than a hundred arrived in Mbale. The majority suffocated to death in one of the hidden mass killings of President Museveni’s dictatorship.

When Dr Kayiira was released from prison, he learned about what happened to the young men and women of the 35th battalion. He told everyone who would care to listen that he was determined to hold president Museveni responsible for this barbaric act. Many friends of Dr Kayiira advised him to flee the country on his release from prison but he refused to run away. He wanted to fight for his men’s justice. He had entrusted the future of those young men and women with President Museveni when he agreed to integrate them into the National Resistance Army as it was known then before it was changed its name to the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces.

According to Dr Kayiira, the political disagreements were between him and President Museveni and nothing to do with the innocent soldiers who were murdered. To victimise those soldiers who were by the time they were murdered serving the nation under president Museveni as their commander in chief was unacceptable to Dr Kayiira and was preparing to seek answers from the president. Answers that president Museveni did not have. Museveni knew that if he allows Dr Kayiira to pursue him about these murders through the Uganda courts, his credibility would be seriously damaged. Elimination of Dr Kayiira became the only option for president Museveni to silence his political enemy.

Those are the three reasons that I think were the motivating factors for president Museveni to kill Dr Kayiira. Of course this is all circumstantial evidence. I do not know what the Scotland Yard investigations found out about Dr Kayiira’s murder. What is apparent is that since his assassination, everything about Dr Kayiira has been filled with speculations, innuendo, conjecture and facts. What I have presented in this piece are the facts as I know them. Readers can make their own judgements. President Museveni can also defend himself and try and justify Dr Kayiira’s murder. He owes it to Dr Kayiira’s children and to the entire country.

 

Most writers place UFM and FEDEMU together all the time, which leads

to serious distortions. In fact the two armies had very serious
differences and an old issue of MONITOR quotes one of Lt Col. George
Nkwanga's children expressing shock that shortly after their father's
murder, it was "Uncle Kayiira who evicted us from the government house
we were occupying..."

The 35th Battalion which was composed of UFM soldiers was never in
Lira as far as I recall. It met its nemesis in Namukora, Kitgum while
under the command of Maj. Matovu. When the top 35Bn officers were
arrested it was placed under the command of former UFM Chief of Staff
who is Brig. Mark Ayasi Kodili today.

FEDEMU were in the 27th Battalion based in Moyo under the command of
Maj. Joseph Sebaggala Ssalambwa. He would later command the new
Brigade 311 till his death. I think Maj. Mpiso commanded the 69th in
Tororo and is in exile in Scandinavia.

It is also tempting to describe UFA and FDA as "Baganda armies" but
Brig. Kodili and Maj. Gen. Hussein Ada who were UFM chief of staff and
chief of operations respectively are still alive and will confirm that
they were not, are not, and will not be Baganda. UFM Political
Commissar Lt. Jack Sabiiti of the FDC (and former Rukiga MP) is not a
Muganda... one can go on and on...

Many of the key players in the 35th Battalion saga have since died but
senior ex-UFM officers like Maj. Twaha Musiitwa and Capt. Tomusange
'Demo' are alive in London and can tell part of the story. UFM 'Chief
Librarian' Lawrence Kiwanuka is in the USA too as are many others who
would rather let this story rest in peace for personal reasons.

For FEDEMU officers like the late Steven Ndugute Kalisoliiso, late
Ogwang, Eric Mbabazi or Friday Emanzi to be described as Baganda is
amazing. But it is true their history is disappearing. Late last year
THE NEW VISION covered Mzee Maj. Aloysius Ndibowa as a prominent
farmer and could not remember (or did not know) that he as on the
FEDEMU High Command and a key treason suspect in 1987!!!

UAH is lucky because the man who would most probably have been
Minister of Information if FEDEMU had captured power is a member of
this forum in the names of Mzee Henry Ford Mirima, a goldmine of
Bwiino if you handle him properly.

 

 

How Kayibanda Museveni and his most trusted

 Exiled Rwandan soldiers Took his fellow Baganda soldiers For a Deadly Ride.

 

 

Later On He Was To Wipe Out Over 350 Baganda Soldiers. Who Were Suposedly Demobilsed From Kitgum And Driven To Mbale Where They Were Executed In Cold Blood. No One,Not Even The Baganda Themselves, Have Ever Bothered To Find Out What Happened To These Soldiers Or Where Precisely They Are  Buried. .The Treatment Of The Baganda Soldiers Reveals The  True extent Of the Love-Hate Relationship between the NRA  And The Baganda, and Perahaps Also Explains Why The Baganda  Have Been Led Down The Garden Path Again And Again- The Main  Reason Being A Total Lack of Principled Leadership. Bobby NRA government’s purge of UFM and Fedemu soldiers 0        

 

The NRA upon seizing power tried to  reconcile with the fighting groups. When the NRA/M came to power now 31 years ago, it is well aware that other parties were interested in power and therefore, looked for ways of including them in government or defeating them.

As narrated, the NRA’s capture of power in January 1986 had been greeted with relief and optimism in central and western Uganda. At first, the NRA and its main rival, the UFM, appeared to get on well. The leader of UFM, Dr Andrew Kayiira, was given the position of Minister of Energy in the new NRM government.Nearly all the UFM and Fedemu officers and men were deployed in army barracks and military installations far from Kampala, most of them ending up in Gulu, Lira and Tororo in the north and east of Uganda.  The 35th Battalion of the NRA in Lira was composed almost entirely of UFM and Fedemu officers and men.In mid September 1986, there was a sudden series of arrests of  senior UFM and Fedemu officers and men in several parts of the country.Capt. Godfrey Nsereko, a former chief bodyguard to Capt. George  Nkwanga, the commander of the FDA/Fedemu, was arrested in Fort Portal and brought to Luzira prison in Kampala. Capt. Kamya Nkima of the UFM was arrested on the streets of Kampala, tied with ropes in the infamous “kandoya” style of the NRA, and also detained.Major Aloysius Ndibowa of the FDA went into hiding after three of his FDA bodyguards were arrested and sent to Luzira.Major Fred (“Mpiso”) Kiberu, who was the commanding officer of the Fedemu forces based in Tororo, was arrested as well.Capt. Paul Kavuma, Major Nsubuga, and Lt. Nansera Lubega, were former UFM commanders, who were absorbed in the NRA’s 19th Battalion.Coup,

 

According to the NRA’s head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence, Gregory Mugisha Muntu

 

An attempted coup of  some sort had been uncovered in September 1986 and was being spearheaded by the UFM and Fedemu. There was, according to the army, an attempted coup against the NRM government by Baganda Army officers and politicians, most of them either from the UFM or Fedemu. On October 3, 1986, the army broke up a meeting at Colline Hotel in Mukono Town being held by six former UFM and Fedemu officers.The former vice-president in the second UPC government, Paulo Muwanga, was arrested at his home in Entebbe. Also on October 3, Kayiira was arrested at Tank Hill in Muyenga, a Kampala suburb.The following day, October 4, the chairman of Fedemu and Minister of Environment in the broad-based NRM government, Dr David Lwanga, was also arrested. On October 5, 1986, Evaristo Nyanzi, a Democratic Party member and Minister of Commerce in the NRM government, was arrested at Entebbe International Airport as he was about to board a flight to Yugoslavia.On top of these prominent ministers and Fedemu and UFM officials, a large number of other Baganda politicians and media figures were also arrested. They included the editor of the Citizen newspaper, Anthony  Ssekweyama, the vice-chairman of the UFM and Democratic Party lawyer, Mr Francis Bwengye, Dr Charles Lwanga, an obstetrician at Rubaga Hospital in Kampala, Joseph Musaka-Mubiru, a businessman in Kampala, and Joseph Ssozi-Ntambi, an assistant District Commissioner at Namugongo. A soldier called Moses (“Drago”) Nyanzi of the NRA based at Republic House (Bulange), Sabiiti-Matovu, a medicine man based at Nalukolongo on the western outskirts of Kampala, John Sserunkuma, a vehicle mechanic at Ndeeba near Kampal and Warrant Officer II Dennis Ssebugwawo, an ex-FDA/Fedemu officer, were also held in the crackdown.But  that was not all. An intelligence officer in the NRA based at Entebbe called Commander Muchwa, Sergeant Mohammed Kanyike of the 27th NRA Battalion in Moyo Town in northern Uganda; Joseph  Kyabaggu of the UFM, and Sergeant Rajab Kasozi of the 27th Battalion in Moyo, did not escape the arrests. It was an astonishing development. The NRM government was generally regarded as dominated by southern Bantu tribes, who had formed an alliance in 1981 the fight what was viewed as nearly 20 years of rule by northerners and hated northern-dominate armies.Yet, barely a year in power, the NRM was already reporting a  major coup plot.It  is difficult to know what to believe. On the one hand, Kayiira’s UFM, in that abortive attack on the Lubiri Barracks in February 1982, had demonstrated a mindset and the ability to stage daring attacks on a heavily guarded military installation in Kampala. The UFM, not the NRA, had been the first fighting group to  establish contact with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi for arms and it was well-known in military circles that it had far better weapons than the NRA, at least up to 1982. A coup by the UFM could not be ruled out.Kabaka returns.  And yet, it would have been unlikely that the UFM and Fedemu could plan and stage a coup in September 1986 for one main reason: In August 1986, the Crown Prince of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, had returned to Uganda from the United Kingdom where he had lived in exile for most of the 1970s  and 1980s. Mutebi’s arrival, by road from Nairobi, was greeted with an outpouring of emotion by Baganda.

 

On top of their gratitude (as they understood it) over Museveni’s delivering Buganda and Uganda from the northern army, the UNLA, now Museveni had made it possible for their beloved Crown Prince (Ssabataka) to return home. However, the daring and ambitious Kayiira and his UFM and their.  Fedemu allies might have been, given this excitement about  Mutebi’s return and the added political capital this was giving the NRM, it would have made little sense to attempt a military coup so soon, as the country was just recovering  from the January takeover of power by  the NRM and so soon after the return of Buganda’s Crown  Prince from exile. A police detective, Gideon Bairensi, had searched the house at Nalukolongo of traditional medicine man, Sabiiti Matovu, and  reportedly recovered 15 guns and eight empty magazines, plus several barrels of diesel (which barrels later went missing).This, according to the NRA, was part of the evidence of the coup  plot. Considering the large amount of weaponry that the UFM had at its disposal, it is questionable that a pathetic 15  rifles and eight empty magazines would constitute the UFM’s idea of weaponry for a coup. It  would seem, then, that the NRA moved on the UFM and Fedemu as part of a purge of its main rivals, perhaps aware now that with Prince Mutebi in Uganda, there was a security threat in the revival of Buganda fervor and nationalism, and with that nationalism for the first time since the days of Kabaka Mwanga in the late 19th Century backed by solid military power. Whatever the truth, many of these arrested UFM and Fedemu men were jailed, tortured and have never been seen again. The UFM has effectively been written out of contemporary Ugandan history, as if it never existed

 

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com.

 

 

 

 

Kkooti ya Uganda ewadde Palamenti ya Uganda obuyinza, yo yokka, yeba ekkyuusa  ennyingo 102(b):

Ken Lukyamuzi, Asuman Basaalirwa, Johnnary Ssebuufu, Bwanika (asembye ku ddyo) nga bawuliriza looya Rwakafuuzi.

Bya Mukyala Alice Namutebi

 Added 16th December 2017

 

KKOOTI ekkirizza Palamenti okugenda mu maaso n’enteekateeka z’okukubaganya ebirowoozo ku ky’okukyusa akatundu 102(b) akaggya ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti.

 

Omuyambi w’omuwandiisi wa Kkooti Enkulu Joy Kabagye ye yayisizza ekiragiro kino n'agamba nti Palamenti ya ddembe okuteesa ku mateeka n’okukola ennongoosereza kubanga bwe buvunaanyizibwa bwayo obulambikiddwa Ssemateeka.

Kabagye agambye nti kkooti ne Palamenti byetongodde era buli kimu kirina emirimu egyakirambikibwa nga kati kkooti okweyingiza mu mirimu gya Pamaenti kuba kugiggyako buvunaanyzibwa bwayo.

Bino Kabagye okubyogera abadde agoba okusaba kwa bannabyabufuzi abali ku ludda oluvuganya gavumenti okuli Abed Bwanika wa People’s evelopment Party, Ken Lukyamuzi owa Conservative Party ne Asuma Basalirwa owa Jeema ababadde basaba kkooti eyimirize Palamenti okuteesa ku bbago lino okutuusa ng'omusango gwabwe mwe basabira kkooti eragire akakiiko k’ebyokulonda okuteekawo 'koodi' abantu abaagala liferendamu gye balina okukozesa okulonda mu kifo ky'okukuhhaanga emikono gyabwe.

Ensala y’omulamuzi tesanyusizza Bwanika ne banne era nga bagambye nti bagenda kujulira.

Nb

Ani atamanyi kyebajja kubakola mwe ababaka ba Togikwatako, nga muyingidde mu Parliamenti ya Uganda, nemudamu okuyimba oluyimba lwe ggwanga lya Uganda? Ye abange bwe munayingira mu Parliamenti ya Uganda nemutuula kuludda lwammwe oluvuganya M7, nemutunulira abateesa nga musirise busirisi nga embwa esudde ekyuma, olwo munaaba mukoze kiki enyo?

 

Mbawa gabwerere. Ku Monday nga 18 December, 2017, temuyitayo mu Parliamenti ya M7. Ekibi nti mujja kusubwa supu wo musaala gwebabawa omuyitirivu.

 

Mwe ababugutanira ebya kkooti okuloopa temuyiga. Wano Obote nga yefuze Parliamenti ya Uganda 1966/67, namaggye, nabuli kimu, yalanga nagamba. Nze siwawabirwa. Omusango gusinga Buganda. Twabagamba nga muteesa embaga zammwe ezokulonda 2016 nti temugenda yo. Mwawalaza mpaka. Kakati mukifuwa mukizza...... wa?

 

 

 

 

Wano mu Bwakabaka bwa Buganda, Katikkiro awadde abaami ba Kabaka, abali mubyalo by'Ensi ya Buganda, amagezi:

Kattikiro wa Buganda Mr Charles Peter Mayiga

By Dickson Kulumba

Added 15th December 2017

 

KATIKKIRO Charles Peter Mayiga asabye abaami ba Kabaka Abatongole ku byalo obutakkiriza kufebezebwa wabula besowoleyo mu buli nsonga ebeera mu bitundu byaabwe,naawa ekiragiro nti ku mikolo bayanjulwenga,ensi ebamanye nga mu kino lwebanayongera okunyweza obuwereeza bwabwe.

Bino yabyogedde asisinkanye abantu okuva mu ggombolola y’e Nsangi abaakulembeddwamu Omwami w’eggombolola eno Ssabagabo Vicent Kayongo nga baleese amakula ga Kabaka e Bulange- Mmengo nayongera nagamba nti omuntu atakola tasobola kwenyigira mu nsonga y’amakula. “Nebaza Abatongole n’abemiruka mu ggombolola y’e Nsangi. Temukkiriza kubafeebya.

Bwebaba balaga abantu abakunganidde ku mbaga oba ku lumbe, oli kalabalaba mutegeze nti ndi Mutongole, banyanjule. Mubagambe bakalabalaba wano mu Buganda Abaami ba Kabaka balina okwanjulwa…mwe lujjegere oluyingira ddala abantu ba Kabaka okuva mu byalo okutuuka wano e Mmengo,” Mayiga bweyagambye.

Katikkiro yakubiriza abaami okwolesa obwesigwa nga bakunganya amakula mu bantu kubanga kino kyekinaleetera abantu okuwaayo ebintu n’obwagazi ate nga tebakoowa. Kayongo yategezezza nti omulundi guno, obuvunanyizibwa bw’okukunganya amakula yabukwasizza Abatongole nabo okwongera okuggumira mu bantu bebakulembera ng’era Omutongole Kato David Ssamba yeyakulembeddemu banne.

Gyebuvuddeko Mayiga yalagira Abatongole (Abaami ba Kabaka ku byalo) okwongera amaanyi mu buvunanyizibwa bwaabwe ku byalo okulaba nga birimu obutebenkevu,abantu bakola emirimu egibayimirizaawo nga bakolera wamu ne Bassentebe b’ebyalo aba Gavumenti eyawakati.

Ssebwana Charles Kiberu Kisiriza yebazizza Bannabusiro bakulembera olw’okwenyigira mu ntegeka y’okuletera Kabaka oluwalo era n’abakubiriza okunyikiza enkola ya Bulungibwansi egenderera okutumbula obuyonjo n’okukuuma obutonde bwensi mu Busiro.

Mayiga Yasuubiza okufuna olunaku agende akyalire ebitundu ebiwerako mu ggombolola oluvanyuma lw’okusabibwa Ssebwana ne Hajj Kiyimba okukyalirako ekitundu kino omwaka ogujja. Mu bintu byebalese kuliko ente, enkota z’amatooke, omuceere, sukaali,bbogoya,kivuuvu, wayini, entebe, embuzi n’ebirala nga bino bikunganyizibwa okuva mu bantu nebiretebwa mu Lubiri okukozesebwa abawereeza ba Kabaka ababeerayo.

Nb

Ono omukulembeze wa Buganda simanyi alowooza tetumanyi biri muggwanga ennaku zino kubafuzi abeyita abakulembeze abegula omusimbi omuyitirivu okusigala mubwami okutuusa okufa kwabwe. Kattikiro twesonyiwe. Sirika ko nenjiri yo enungamu obulungi! Abantu bakoowu mubigambo byabakulembeze ab'Africa.

 

 

 

 

The President of Uganda, who constantly wants his country to leave the International Criminal Court, has sent a judge to this court:

The President of Uganda who wants to rule the country of Uganda until the end of his life.

 

 

Mr P M Katunzi

 

13 December, 2017

 

Written by Pius Muteekani Katunzi 

 

One of Uganda’s best judges, Solome Balungi Bbosa, has landed at the Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC).

Strangely, although President Museveni is a vociferous critic of the ICC, it is understood that he assigned Attorney General William Byaruhanga and Uganda’s permanent representative at the UN, Adonia Ayebare, to lobby and ensure that she gets that posting.

The irony is that President Museveni once contemplated pulling Uganda out of ICC. Reason? The court targets African criminals and is lenient on those from Europe and America.

The president’s disapproval was particularly noticeable in 2016 when he defied ICC orders to arrest and surrender Sudan president Omar al-Bashir.

The ICC issued arrest warrants for Bashir in 2009 and 2010, accusing him of masterminding genocide and crimes against humanity during the campaigns to quell revolts in the Darfur region of Sudan.

As a signatory to the Rome Statute which established ICC, Uganda is required to act on its arrest warrants. But in 2016, Bashir attended President Museveni’s swearing-in ceremony and he flew out untouched.

The ICC is complementary to national jurisdictions, meaning that in cases where national courts could not try crimes under the statutes, the accused could be referred to it.

And this is captured in the preamble of the Rome Statute: “affirming that the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished and that their effective prosecution must be ensured by taking measures at national level and by enhancing international cooperation.”

Since this international court does not have a police force, it relies on the cooperation of the state parties to enforce its orders.

After the 2016 inauguration ceremony, Museveni explained that he could not invite Bashir and then later arrest and surrender him to ICC.

“That is very un-African. It is uhuni (buyaye). We don’t treat visitors like that,” he said.

And again this year, President Bashir came back to Uganda and his host drove him around his farm in Kisozi as the two heads of state smiled and chatted away.

It is only Botswana and Malawi that threatened Bashir with arrests. In June 2015, South Africa, another state party to the Rome Statute, was served with a request to help ICC arrest Bashir.

But the writing was on the wall that they were not willing to help the moment they allowed him on South African soil and accorded him all the immunities enjoyed by foreign dignitaries.

In international law, the doctrine of sovereign or diplomatic immunity entitles certain holders of high-ranking offices such as that of a president to enjoy immunities from jurisdiction in other states, both civil and criminal.

That means that national courts are unable to try a high official of another state who is suspected of committing crimes, as this would constitute a violation of state sovereignty.

This is derived from the United Nations Charter which enunciates the principle of the sovereign equality of all member states, whereby a state is not permitted to interfere in affairs that are within the domestic jurisdiction of another state.

Sovereign immunity covers both heads of state and the state itself. Personal immunity only extends to incumbent heads of state. And indeed, Bashir is a sitting president.

According to article 27 (irrelevance of official capacity) of the Rome Statute, Bashir’s official capacity as a sitting head of state does not exclude his criminal responsibility, neither does it grant him immunity against prosecution before the ICC. 

The article states: “This statute shall apply equally to all persons without any distinction based on official capacity. In particular, official capacity as a head of state or government, a member of a government or parliament, an elected representative or a government official shall in no case exempt a person from criminal responsibility under this Statute...”

Article 27 (2) adds: “Imunities or special procedural rules which may attach to the official capacity of a person, whether under national or international law, shall not bar the Court from exercising its jurisdiction over such a person.”

The good intentions of the ICC to fight impunity of dictators have been defeated by the very signatories to the Rome Statute.

There is apprehended bias. African leaders who were very enthusiastic when signing this law have lost vigour partly because many of them thought the law would only catch their opponents. Now it turns out that sitting presidents are subjects to ICC’s jurisdiction.

So, this is the milieu in which Justice Bbosa will operate. She is representing a country opposed to the conduct of ICC!

While her role is to dispense justice, she could as well be deployed to change the negative attitudes prevailing back home. Good luck, my lord!

The author is the business development director at Observer Media Limited.

Nb

Indeed this is a good African challenge to make good the great planet  earth. Why should African people suffer in their own backward countries when other countries are just looking the other way, when they can help to serve universal justice?

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the Parliamentary Opposition has appealed to the public to come out and oppose the continuous old age rule of the President of Uganda:

December 8, 2017

Written by JOSEPHINE NAMULOKI & URN

Opposition Members of Parliament today launched anti-age limit removal campaign activities ahead of tabling of a report on the Constitutional Amendment No.2 Bill 2017 next week.

Addressing journalists at Parliament, Butambala MP Muwanga Kivumbi said that the new campaign code-named 'Togikwatako week' and will run for the next seven days. "We are declaring next week as 'Togikwatako' week", Kivumbi said.

Loosely translated to mean 'don't touch' the Constitution, 'Togikwatako' is a term that was coined by politicians opposed against the proposed scrapping of the presidential age limit. They eventually selected red ribbons as a symbol of their defiance against the proposed scrapping of Article 102(b), which currently caps the presidential age at between 35 and 75 years.

MP Muwanga Kivumbi addressing the media at Parliament today

Kivumbi says that for the next one week starting on Monday they will 'paint the entire country red'. The 'Togikwatako week' activities include calling on the electorate to persistently call their MPs and warn them against lifting the presidential age limit, visiting homes of MPs, and dressing in red colour attires from head to toes.

“The country is going to be painted red and [police boss] Gen Kale Kayihura can’t stop the wind that is going to blow in the country,” Kivumbi also internal affairs shadow minister said.

"We have also ensured that a group of activists are going to be calling phones of MPs, better leave them on, hundreds and thousands of people are going to call MPs. By the way be free to call them and tell them 'Gikwateko' [touch it] but we are sure if they listen to voice of Ugandans, majority are going to be telling them 'Togikwatako", Kivumbi added. 

He further said that they are going to mount a parade along Parliamentary Avenue on the day the report will be tabled before parliament so that every MP who enters parliament to debate it shall have a guard of honor by Ugandans telling them to resist the proposed amendment.

The MPs including Rukungiri Municipality MP Roland Mugume, Rubaga North MP Moses Kasibante, Kalungu West MP Joseph Ssewungu, Kawempe North MP Latif Ssebaggala and Kyotera Woman MP Robinah Ssentongo among others vowed to mobilise constituents for a parade along Parliament Avenue where MPs headed to Parliament will be met with a crowd of voters ahead of the anticipated tabling of the report next Tuesday.

It is expected that the Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi’s 'age limit' bill next week.

"Every Ugandan of all works of life and of all persuasion we’re requesting you beginning Monday the colour of dressing is red. This time all people of Uganda are being asked to add whatever they can in their own smallness to show that they are for ‘Togikwatako’.

Businesses will be closed, there will be a series of activities. By the way we’re going to have a daily press conference up to Tuesday. We’ll be briefing you, some actions we cannot announce them now because of the nature of what they’re but we have now really rallied", Kivumbi said. 

The MPs warned the Parliamentary police and Sergeant-at-Arms that they don't expect any foreign security operatives at parliament next week as the case was in September during the tabling of the presidential age limit motion.
 
"This Parliament is a temple, we do not expect to see SFC [Special Forces Command], and we do not expect a barricade around this Parliament. And we want open voting, not secret voting. We even expect the Office of the Speaker to be fair, we don't expect other excuses we got that people were deployed here without our knowledge." said Kivumbi. 

 

 The Opposition politicians dressed in red as a mark of opposition speak out to the press.

 

According to Article 262 of the Constitution, at the second and third readings of the bill, NRM needs the support of not less than two-thirds of all members of parliament.

MPs warn police, UCC 
 
The opposition MPs also appealed to police not to interrupt their planned week-long campaign, saying that Ugandans will be exercising their constitutional right of defending the Constitution. Kivumbi claimed that the ongoing police operations within the city and its outskirts are aimed at intimidating residents.

"Under the Public Order Management Act (POMA) there’s a provision called spontaneous gatherings. We’re not organising any rallies, the people of Uganda are going to come up in their own way and the law protects them because we’re not saying they are going to come in thousands. They are not going to demonstrate on that day, the people of Uganda are simply going to walk to Parliament one by one not even in a group", Kivumbi said. 

Adding; "Simply go to the next trading centre in Buhweju and watch TV. People of Uganda will simply wait for their MP to make for them a parade as they enter Parliament in their own way. So the police should be informed that. Police should keep law and order, they should go to banks and ensure that there is no disruption, they should go to shop and ensure nobody interferes. They should leave Ugandans with the constitutional right to participate and to influence the affairs of their country."

Rubaga North MP, Moses Kasibante appealed to Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) to leave Ugandans debate the age limit matter peacefully without gagging the media and stopping live broadcast next week. Prior to the tabling of the 'Age Limit' motion and bill, UCC directed Television stations not to broadcast live the events in Parliament. The move drew angry reactions from media freedom activists.  
 
The Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee chaired by the West Budama South MP Jacob Oboth-Oboth embarked on the process of drafting the report on the Constitutional (Amendment) (No.2) Bill, 2017 on Wednesday after meeting President Yoweri Museveni. The committee is locked up at Lake Victoria Serena Golf Resort-Kigo in Wakiso district. 

namuloki162gmail.com

Nb 

One cannot see any excuses of some of these dodgy African politicians going to the African bush for 6 or 10 years to liberate the people of a sovereign state?

Ebyokwerinda mu governmenti ya Museveni eya Ministry of Defense, Parliament ya Uganda egiwa shillings obuwumbi 1,588 okukozesa buli mwaka gwebyasente:

Mr Adolf Mwesige, Minister w'ebyokwerinda mu governmenti ya Uganda.

Bya Musasi wa Bukedde

Added 17 November,  2017

Ebyokwerinda biweereddwa obuwumbi bwa Shillings 1,588 


GAVUMENTI eweze nga bw’egenda okufiirawo mu kukuuma ebyokwerinda by’eggwanga olwo kiyambe abantu okukola emirimu gyabwe nga tewali abatataaganya. Kino egenda kukikola ng’eyita mu kutumbula obukulembeze obulungi, obuzingiramu okukuuma emirembe ne Bannayuganda n’ebintu byabwe, enfuga ey’amateeka n’okuwa embalirira eri Bannayuganda. Kino Gavumenti efubye okukikola era kikyusizza eggwanga lino.

EDDEMBE N’EBYOKWERINDA

 

Eddembe, ebyokwerinda n’obutebeenkevu mu ggwanga kye kisumuluzo ky’ebyenkulaakulana y’ebyenfuna by’eggwanga. Gavumenti ya NRM ebitaddewo mu myaka 31 era Bannayuganda babirabye nga kino kijja kusigala kityo ne mu myaka egijja.

Omwaka oguwedde wabaddewo enkulaakulana ez’omuggundu mu magye n’okugafuula ag’omulembe okusobola okukuuma obutebenkevu. Ebitongole ebikuumi biyingizza abantu ab’enjawulo n’okutendekebwa mu bukodyo obutali bumu, okukyusa n’okwongera amaanyi mu mbeera z’amagye.

Mu mbeera eno, amagye ga UPDF geenyigidde mu mirimu egikulaakulanya ebitundu n’eggwanga okutwaliza awamu okugeza mu byobulimi n’obulunzi wansi w’enkola ya Operation Wealth Creation.

Amagye gongedde okukuuma eggwanga obutabaamu bikolwa bya kitujju wadde okutiisibwatiisibwa kwonna mu byokwerinda olwo abantu ne bakukola emirimu gyabwe ne balya ne ku bulamu.

Era mu mbeera eyo obutebenkevu bw’eggwanga buteereddwaako obuwubi 1,588 okusigala nga bakola bulungi emirimu gyabwe. Mu mwaka guno, Gavumenti yaakwongera amaanyi mu kutumbula enfuga ey’amateeka, okulaba nga buli muntu afuna obwenkanya era kkooti zaakufuba okulaba nga tezirwisaawo misango.

Abakozi ba Gavumenti baakwongera okukola n’okussa mu nkola ebigendererwa bya gavumenti okulaba nga batuusa empeereza ennungi ku muntu wa wansi. Okulaba nga ssente z’omuwi w’omusolo zikwatibwa bulungi n’okubaawo obwerufu mu kuwa embalirira n’enkozesa yaazo. Kino kyakukolebwa okulaba ng’obuli bw’enguzi nga buggwa mu bitongole bya Gavumenti kisobozese abantu okufuna empeereza ennungi.

Okutereeza olukalala okusasulirwa emisaala n’akasiimo eri abaaliko abakozi ba Gavumenti, kyayamba okuggyamu abo ab’empewo era kati gavumenti esobola okufi ssa obuwumbi 300 buli mwaka. Enkola ng’ezo n’okuteekawo akawunti emu zijja kugenda mu maaso okumalawo obukenuzi mu ggwanga.

Okumaliriza okugaba densite z’eggwanga n’okuteeka ebintu byonna n’ebyokusasula mu nkola ya kompyuta okwanguya emirimu.

 

EBY’OKUTEEKEBWAKO AMAANYI;

 

Gavumenti yakwekenneenya n’okukola enkyukakyuka mu minisitule ne Gavumenti ez’ebitundu okusobola okwongera empeereza ennungi.

Okwongera okutuusa empeereza ya Gavumenti ku bantu n’okulaba ng’abakozi ba Gavumenti bafuna emisaala gyabwe mu budde n’obusiimo.

Enkiiko za Gavumenti n’emisomo gyonna egya minisitule gijja kutuula mu bisenge bya Gavumenti byokka, okuggyako mu mbeera eteewalika.

Engendo z’abakungu zijja kuba ntono ate nga zimala kwekeneenyezebwa bulungi.

Omubalirizi yenna anaawangayo ensimbi ku ηηendo ezitamaze kwekeneenyezebwa ajja kuvunaanibwanga okukozesa obubi ssente za gavumenti.

Okwongera okulondoola pulogulaamu za gavumenti okulaba nga zituuka ku muntu waabulijjo.

Okulwanyisa enguzi nga Gavumenti eziba amakubo mweyita n’okukangavvula abo ababa bakwatiddwa nga bagirya.

 

 

 

 

 

One person has been shot dead and several injured by Uganda Military Police at an anti age limit rally in Rukungiri.

18 October, 2017

Wano e Buganda, ate ne Uganda Olukung'aana lwa 'Togikwatako' e Kasubi luggweeredde mu mayinja na masasi,

by Musasi wa Bukedde

Added 17th October 2017

 

Nb

  • Abange Abatuusi Abanyarwanda mubadde kiki? Mutamidde obufuzi nemugwamu akobuntu?

     

  • Ensonga eno ne Mukyala Kadaga agilaba buli budde. Gwe Kagame obade kiki eyakuzibwa wano e Buganda mu bantu balamu? Omukazi osiba waki empingu omutwale mu court zo olwo kukugamba ko?

     

  • Bannange mwawulidde Kikoofira bweyewaana nti aba NRM bwebasinga okubeera "violent". Kakati mukiraba nti "violence" ssi yabawakanya "Togikwaatako", wabula yye n'abamulya mu ngalo bebavaako obusambattuko. Kati yatandise okuwalampa Hon. Kyagulanyi, mbu "ali ku nnyonyi abuuka mukifo ky'okubeerako ne kyakolera abavubuka". Newebuuza nti ye n'abamakage abewulunzlira mu nnyonyi yaffe emu gyetwasigaza, bagasizza ki ensi yattu okuva 1986? Kimuluma nnyo Hon. Kyagulanyi okutambulako nga ye talina gyatwaala nsi. Nebwebuliba ddi, nebwanalemesa abatawagira ki gavumentikye, kliraga obwa Nnakyemalira obususse. bumugaanye okumanya ensobize, kati yekwaasa aba "Opposition".

     

    Mwe ba tmbv abagaanidde mu buyinza nga mutya okudda ewammwe okulunda ente, ffe temutwookyera aMasiro ogw'okubiri.

The African bush war rebels in Somalia have blasted 300 Somali citizens to death with a terrible bomb. Those citizens alive are protesting  to the whole world against the civil war atrocities that seem not to come to an end:

The Useless war of Africa where African lives do not count much to the world any more. The Natural Wonders of Africa seem to be the most Important than the Human Lives.

October 16, 2017

Written by VOA

Abdirahman O. Osman, Somalia's minister of information, tweeted that the number killed is now 276, with about 300 wounded. He also laid blame for the bombing on the Islamist militant al-Shabab group. But today, Monday Reuters quotes Abdikadir Abdirahman, the director of the city’s ambulance service as saying “We have confirmed 300 people died in the blast. The death toll will still be higher because some people are still missing."

In other tweets, Osman acknowledged Kenya, Ethiopia, and Turkey for sending medical aid to Somalia. Angry protesters took to the streets condemning al-Shabab.

The militant group, which often claims attacks in Mogadishu, has so far stayed silent. But the Somali government and terror experts strongly believe the group was responsible.

"Whether they claim or not claim makes no difference, we know the act that has happened, it’s al-Shabab,” former intelligence officer Abdi Hassan Hussein told VOA. “The information we are getting so far shows this is the work of al-Shabab, it has their hallmarks."

Saturday's bombing was the deadliest bomb attack in Somalia. Picture: cetusnews

Hundreds of residents on Sunday marched to the scene of the attack, condemning the militant group.

“Where is my child, fight against the wicked, to hell with them, my God condemn the evil” said one elderly angry women.

Other protesters shouted anti al-Shabab statements like, “We don’t want blood thirsty elements”.

Some protesters wept as they reached the scene and saw the apocalyptic aftermath of the explosion. The truck bomb turned one of Mogadishu’s most beautiful junctions into death and destruction.

US reaction

In Washington, the U.S. State Department condemned the attack "in the strongest terms."

"In the face of this senseless and cowardly act, the United States will continue to stand with the Somali government, its people, and our international allies to combat terrorism and support their efforts to achieve peace, security, and prosperity," a statement said.

Mohamed Yusuf, a doctor at Medina hospital, described what happened when the explosion happened at around 3:20 pm local time on Saturday.

“We were preparing to leave work for the day but then huge blast occurred, we were shocked, within five minutes ambulances brought in the wounded,” he said.

“We have received many dead people, unlike we have ever seen. The hospital is working, we are lacking intensive care equipment, we get support from ICRC but we are still lacking full capacity.”

The victims

Maryan Abdullahi, 21, just finished Banadir University where she studied medicine. She left her voluntary work at Banadir hospital Saturday and was waiting a bus when the explosion occurred. She was killed instantly. He mother Hindo Yuusuf immediately called her number when she heard about the location of the explosion.

“I called her number immediately but someone else answered and they said the owner of the phone died, her body is near the hotel [Safari],” she told VOA Somali.

Abdullahi’s father flew from London Saturday to attend his daughter’s graduation from the university. He arrived in Mogadishu Sunday morning and attended her funeral instead. Also killed were five members of the same family who were running a clothing shop.

Aweys Moallim Ali is a cousin to the family. He too was wounded in the attack. He said his relatives own two shops but they gathered into one before the explosion.

“They were doing accounting work about the sales made so far so that they can make zakat [alms] payment, they closed the other shop and were meeting in a shop near Hotel Safari,” He said.

VOA reporter

Hundreds were wounded in the attack including VOA reporter in Mogadishu Abdulkadir Mohamed Abdulle. Abdulle sustained injuries to the neck, hand and burns throughout the body. But he was in good spirits as he spoke about his condition.

“I’m injured in the lower neck, there is shrapnel inside. I have a second injury on the right hand, maybe it’s broken, and third, my body is burned in particular on the torso,” he said. "I have smaller injuries throughout the body, facial injuries, I had about 4 stitches on the face, I have multiple injuries.”

Abdulle recounted what happened at the time of the explosion

“I remember leaving the building near Safari hotel, I wanted to get into my car, as I stepped towards the car the explosion went off, that is all I remember,” he said.

‘The next thing I know is this morning when I woke up at 10am when I saw people standing around my bed.”

The Somali government has called for three days of national mourning and lowering the flag at half-mast. President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo has condemned the attack as “barbaric.”

Sahra Ahmed, Asha Aden, Jafar Kukay and Kenneth Schwartz contributed to this report.

 

Nb

Many Africans want to blame their leaders who have taken on the responsibilty of stopping this Somalia fatal war as only an African problem needing an African solution. Surely this is an African problem that requires all the international communities to come forward and to put up joint efforts to stop this African suffering. Africans are also human beings.

The African Unity troops must leave this country since they have failed to stop this sort of blood letting in Somalia.

The so called African democratic countries which are trying to bring peace and sanity to Somalia are involved in destabilizing their own respective home countries. They are every day detaining the opposition and using military police to stop free speech and a peaceful transition of political leadership in their own backyard. In some of these countries the police is trigger happy arresting women and children and shooting them point blank with live bullets.

This whole African Union political charade in Somalia and Sudan, is like former Saddam Hussein of Iraq trying to liberate Kuwait.

The country of Uganda does not seem to get fed up with receiving millions of African refugees:

August 18, 2017

Written by ROSA MALANGO

M/s Rosa Malango

 

War and conflict do not, and will never, define Africa.

However, like certain corners around the world, our beautiful continent continues to struggle with turmoil, instability and fear, forcing millions of innocent civilians to run for dear lives.

In addition to civilians from host nations, many humanitarian workers, providing critical life-saving and key basic services to victims of war, face immense risks, including to their lives.  

It is for such reasons that the United Nations commemorates World Humanitarian day every August 19. Designated in 2008, the day rallies us to advocate for the safety and security of humanitarian workers, and for the dignified survival and well-being of people affected by crises.

This year, we focus on civilians caught up in conflict. With the theme ‘civilians are not a target,’ it calls for leaders everywhere to do everything in their power to protect civilians caught in armed conflict.

With its open-door policy in welcoming fleeing refugees, Uganda continues to lead Africa and has set a global best practice for the international community, including Uganda’s neighbours, to heed.

Described by the secretary-general of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, as a symbol of integrity in refugee protection, Uganda’s progressive policy sees refugees settled in communities, amongst Ugandans, as opposed to camps.

This dignified approach where refugees are provided a small piece of land for shelter and cultivation sets an example based on humanity. In addition, refugees enjoy freedom of movement and can seek employment, go to school or start a business in the areas they are settled.

The generosity and investments of the Ugandan government and people in maintaining an open-door, transformative policy, is unique, particularly at a time when the asylum space is shrinking across the world.

A recent UNDP study found that the government and local communities spent over $323 million in 2016/17 on the protection and management of refugees and the provision of essential services, which is equivalent to 46 per cent of the education budget or 62 per cent of the health budget.

The government of Uganda and the United Nations system are committed to delivering as one.

At the heart of this commitment is the United Nations Development Assistance Framework, which is fully aligned to the government’s second National Development Plan, and includes how the rights and needs of displaced persons must be understood not only as “humanitarian” in nature, but equally as development challenges to be addressed in concert with the needs of host communities and local institutions.

Since 2015, the United Nations and World Bank in Uganda have supported the government’s Settlement Transformative Agenda through the Refugee and Host Population Empowerment Strategy (ReHoPE). This strategy supports Uganda in building resilience and self-reliance of refugees as well as their host communities.

Uganda’s refugee-hosting model is an inspiration regionally and globally. Uganda has invested significantly in making this possible. However, for the model to be sustained, it needs our support.

In June this year, the world came to Uganda to celebrate this model as well as commit to supporting it during the Uganda Solidarity Summit for Refugees.

Funds totalling over $350 million were pledged by various countries, development agencies and private sector entities to support efforts towards supporting over 1.3 million refugees and some 502,000 people in host communities in 12 districts in Uganda.

This support will go a long way in providing some of the most vulnerable people in society with healthcare, education, water and sanitation, and improved livelihoods.

Apart from supporting refugees, Uganda also deserves tremendous praise for the hundreds of humanitarian workers she sends into conflict zones across the world, to provide services to those affected by crises.

Ugandan doctors and health workers were amongst some of the first deployed to support the World Health Organisation (WHO) to fight the deadly Ebola virus in Liberia in 2014.

Ugandans are also present as aid workers in South Sudan, Somalia and various other parts of the globe supporting those caught up in crisis. Several Ugandans have lost their lives in these processes.

These examples clearly demonstrate the dedication of Uganda’s people and government to serving humanity.

I invite each one of us to applaud the government and people of Uganda for their dedication to humanitarian affairs and the values associated with providing dignified assistance. I invite Ugandans to share this knowledge with future generations to help nurture this national commitment to protect lives and livelihoods.

As we commemorate World Humanitarian day, let us remember those who have lost their lives in the service of humanity, and let us re-commit to ensuring those that serve at the frontlines of conflict are provided the safety, dignity and respect they deserve. 

The author is the UN resident coordinator/UNDP resident representative. 

Nb

Indeed it becomes profitable when these refugees become economic refugees

 

Since he walked out of jail last July, Dr Kizza Besigye began working on a larger goal of expanding his defiance campaign beyond the realm of his party.

The Observer has learnt that Besigye has begun reassembling the team of opposition politicians who spearheaded the 2011 walk-to-work protests that almost paralysed Kampala.

Besigye, according to insiders, began crystallizing his plan when he was still on remand in Luzira prison, accused of treason. While there, the FDC presidential flag bearer notably met DP’s Mathias Mpuuga (Masaka municipality MP), Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala MP) and Medard Lubega Sseggona (Busiro East MP), who were kingpins in organizing and executing the 2011 walk-to-work protests.

People close to the three MPs say they are willing to join Besigye. On the outside, other activists have cobbled what is known as the ‘defiance cabinet,’ which holds weekly meetings at Besigye’s home in Kasangati.

Besigye used the prison meetings first to mend fences with the DP MPs since they supported rival presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi, the former prime minister.

But in the face of two failed FDC-led defiant campaigns against the 2016 elections; first, the Thursday stay-at-home and the Blue Friday campaigns, Besigye is keen on getting back on board with the hardcore walk-to-work protest campaigners.

Interviewed on Saturday, Margaret Wokuri, a pro-defiance activist and Mbale FDC chairperson, said Besigye has always wanted to work with all opposition supporters.

“But since 2011, he [Besigye] has always said the issues of Uganda are not about one political party but all Ugandans who believe in justice and the rule of law. It is not new, his aim is that we fight together and get the desired [political, institutional and economic] reforms and then everyone can go back to their respective political parties,” she said.


Dr Kizza Besigye (C) alongside FDC secretary general Nathan Nandala Mafabi (L) and party president Gen Mugisha Muntu

Besigye’s approach, however, has run into some trouble within FDC. Party president Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu prefers that the party focus on organizing and strengthening its grassroots structures instead of protests.

But pro-Besigye opposition supporters look at Muntu’s approach as a non-starter. Asked to comment on the issue on October 14, Muntu said: “I recognise the rights of people to think or make judgment in whatever way they want because that is democracy.”

The misunderstandings, according to Muntu, are caused by a failure by the politically-inexperienced FDC supporters to appreciate the need for two approaches.

“The misunderstandings have tremendously narrowed; I see that there is a deeper understanding that having different approaches should not divide us, but unite us,” he added.

At the party headquarters, Muntu oversees the defiance committee headed by Kira municipality MP Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda. It was formed immediately after the February 18 elections with the aim of forcing the government to agree to an international audit of the results.

Following the failure of its immediate objective, the committee is expected to carry on with its activities, among them organizing parallel events for all national functions.

“We decided that all national functions should not be left to be monopolized by NRM because if we contribute to budgets of such functions through the taxes we pay, why then do we have to leave them to be used by NRM to promote its agenda?” Ssemujju told The Observer on October 13.

Their first planned activities during the Independence day weekend were foiled by police. On October 7, the day the first planned rally was scheduled to take place at Bweyogerere in Kira municipality, policemen surrounded Ssemujju’s home early in the morning and wouldn’t let him out.

The days that followed, police detained Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, Makindye West MP Allan Ssewanyana, Besigye, plus former Tororo MP Geoffrey Ekanya and FDC mobiliser Ingrid Turinawe.

“Our resolve is for a protracted peaceful resistance to put government on pressure to allow reforms for free and fair elections,” Ssemujju said.

Speaking on Friday, Muntu expressed his commitment to the Ssemujju-led defiance committee but not Besigye’s defiance cabinet.

“The [defiance] committee plans and works within, and also reports to the organs of the party [while the defiance cabinet] is a matter before courts; I wouldn’t want to talk about it,” Muntu said.

sadabkk@observer.ug

 

Okutabaala Obwakabaka bwa Buganda, Prime Minister Obote yali yamala dda okuggya Muteesa ku Bwa Non- Executive Pulezidenti obwa State of Uganda 1962. Obote natekawo Republic State ne Executive Presidenti nga bibye.

By Herbert Musoke

 

Added 16th May 2016

 

 

Kabaka Muteesa nga yaakafuulibwa Non-Executive Pulezidenti wa

Independent State of Uganda(1964).

 

 

Giweze emyaka 50 bukya magye ga Obote galumba Lubiri lw’e Mmengo ekyavaako ebizibu ebingi mu Buganda ne Uganda.

Wiiki enjo, tutunuulidde engeri ekikolwa kino gye kyakyusakyusaamu ebyobufuzi era HERBERT MUSOKE yayogedde n’eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda mu 1966, Jehoash Mayanja Nkangi n’alambika bwe byali.

OBOTE okulumba Olubiri n'okuwera obukulembeze bw'ennono mu Uganda yalina obuggya ku Kabaka Edward Muteesa II olw'engeri abantu be gye baamulabangamu n'ekitiibwa kye baamuwanga.

Kabaka bwe yafuuka Pulezidenti wa Uganda eyasooka, bwe yabanga agenda mu Palamenti ng'okimanya ali mu mayiro nga ttaano nti ajja olw'emizira n'enduulu ebyakubwanga.  Wabula ye Obote ng'atuuka kuyingira mu kizimbe nga tewali amunyeze wadde okumukubira akaluulu, ekyamunyiizanga ng'agamba nti Abaganda tebamutegeera.  Kyataamanya nti n'Abazungu bo abasamu kukitiibwa kyobwakabaka era baayisibwanga mu ngeri y'emu naye bo tekyabayigulanga ttama!

 

Mr Mayanja Nkangi eyali Kattikiro wa Buganda
nga Prime Minister wa Uganda, Milton Obote (May 1966) ajjawo
Obwakabaka mu Uganda nalanga Republican State ya Uganda.

 

Mu 1963 twali tulondeddwa abantu 24 okubeera abakiise okuva mu kibiina kya Kabaka Yekka (KY). Twali ne Mw. Kalema kyokka ye n'asala eddiiro okudda mu UPC.

Lumu yajja n'aηηamba nti, 'Katikkiro si musannyufu, nti Abaganda tebamutegeera'.  Nasigala neewuunaganya engeri gy'ayagala okutegeerwa.

Nga wayise ennaku, Grace Ibingira eyali minisita wa Ssemateeka mu gavumenti eya wakati naye yaηηamba ekintu kye kimu.

Namubuuza nti, Ssinga Muteesa y'aba akyadde e Lango, Abalango bayinza okumussaamu ekitiibwa? Abaganda ekitiibwa kye baali bawa Muteesa tekyali kya bwapulezidenti wabula Kabaka waabwe.

OKULUMBA OLUBIRI

Olukwe lwa Obote lwatandika tetunnafuna bwetwaze anti abakiise okuva mu UPC, DP, KY ne Katikikito Michael Kintu bwe baali bateesa ku bwetwaze gye yakutulira ddiiru y'okutta omukago n'ekibiina kya KY.  S

saaliyo kyokka abaaliyo baatutegeeza nti, eyali omuwandiisi wa gavumenti z'amatwale bwe yategeeza nti amasaza (Bugangaizi ne Buyaga) agaatwalibwa Bunyoro okuva ku Buganda gajja kukubwako akalulu, kyanyiiza Katikkiro Kintu era yamubuuza nti 'Ekkooti yange gye nnyambadde osobola okugikubako akalulu nga yange?' era yasalawo obutadda mu lukiiko e Lancaster.

Oluvannyuma lw'omuwandiisi okukizuula nti Buganda yali nkulu mu nteeseganya zino, yasaba Kabaka Muteesa okwogera ne Katikkiro we okudda mu lukiiko.   Waaliwo ensonga ya Federo nga Buganda eyagala okubeerako obuyinza bw'esigaza okwekolera ku nsonga zaayo.

Obote yategeeza nti agenda kuwagira Buganda ku bya Federo kyokka nayo erina okumuwagira ng'okulonda ebifo eby'obuvunaanyizibwa kutuuse mu National Assembly kubanga Ben Kiwanuka owa DP yali tayagala nfuga ya Federo.

Awo we waava Buganda okufuna Federo mu ndagaano ya 1962 n'eweebwa minisitule nnya okwali ey'ebyenjigiriza, obugagga bw'omu ttaka, gavumenti ezeebitundu n'ebyobulamu okugatta ku zaaliwo ku ntandikwa okuli Katikikiro, Omulamuzi n’omuwanika.

Buganda yali efuna busuulu okuva mu gavumenyi eya wakati nga tulina ne poliisi eyaffe.  Bwe badda kuno ne tugenda mu kulonda, UPC yafuna obululu 26 ebweru wa Buganda ate DP n'efuna 37 nga Buganda erina abalonzi 24 kyokka nga baali bamaze okukkiriziganya ne Obote okutta omukago n'okumuwagira mu kulonda era wano Obote w’aliira obwakatikkiro kubanga bwe yagatta obululu bwa Buganda 24 ku bubwe 26 n'amegga Ben Kiwanuka owa DP.

OKUSAANYAAWO BUGANDA

Eyali avunaanyizibwa ku matwale ga Bungereza yawandiika ng'agamba nti, 'Bungereza egenda era mmwe mulina okwerondera Pulezidenti wammwe anaasookera ddala.’ Kabaka Muteesa yali tabeerangako na kirowoozo kya kubeera pulezidenti kubanga Obwakabaka bwe bwali bumubala.

Wabula Obote olw'okuba yalina olukwe lwe, yamutumira Abby Mayanja, Balaki Kirya, Grace Ibingira n'abalala abaasisinkana Muteesa ne Katikkiro we Michael Kintu mu Lubiri e Bamunaanika ne bamutegeeza nti bandyagadde Kabaka Muteesa okubeera Pulezidenti wa Uganda asooka.

 Katikkiiro Kintu kino yakiwakanya era n'asaba Kabaka obutakikkiriza kyokka tewali amanyi ngeri gye baakuba Kabaka kalimi n'akkiriza kufuuka Pulezidentu wa Uganda era n'atwalibwa n'alayizibwa ku bwapulezidenti!

Byonna bimanyibwa Obote amaze okulumba Olubiri nti lwali lukwe lwe yali aluse obulungi anti yagamba nti, ‘Bwe nalaba Muteesa ng'akutte Bayibuli alayira, ne mmanya nti mmulina'.

OKUSIKA OMUGWA WAKATI WA BUGANDA NE OBOTE

Mu May wa 1966, Daudi Ocheng eyalina omukwano ne Buganda yantuukirira, olwo nga nfuuse Katikkiro wa Buganda n'antegeeza nti Obote n'omuduumizi w'amagye (Amin) baali baliko ebikolwa by'obulabbayi bwe baali beenyigiddemu.

Nga looya namubuuza oba alina obujulizi ye kwe kuηηamba nti tunuulira akawunti zaabwe kubanga tumanyi ssente ze bafuna naye kuliko obutitimbe bwa ssente.   Nze kwe kumugamba nti bw'obeera olina obujulizi twala ekiteeso mu Palamenti banoonyerezebweko. Bwe yatuuka mu Palamenti bangi ku bakiise baakiwagira era ne kiyisibwa.

Waayita ennaku mbale Obote ne yeefuulira Kabaka nti takyali Pulezidenti ng'amuwambisa amagye ne Kyabazinga Nadiope eyali omumyuka wa Pulezidenti n’afuumuulwa wadde yali wa UPC.

Twatuula mu Lukiiko lwa Buganda ne tuyisa ekiteeso nga tusaba Obote okudda ku byakkiriziganyizibwako mu ndagaano y'ameefuga mu 1962.

Mbeera ndi ewange, waliwo omukiise omu n'ankubira essimu nti, 'Pulezidenti' (Obote) yali ampita kyokka nga tambuulira lwaki ampita, nze kwe kumugamba nti 'mugambe ampandiikire mu butongole nja kujja.' Ssaagendayo, kye ssaamanya nti Katonda ye yali ampugula ebizibu bye nali ηηenda okugwamu.

Nkangi anyumya: Nakeera ne ntegeeza Kabaka ebyali bibaddewo kyokka enkeera Obote n'agenda mu Palamenti n'ayisa Ssemateeka gwe yassa mu busanduuko bw'ababaka, ng'aggya ku Muteesa obwapulezidenti.

 Era yagamba nti, 'Oyo Katikkiro Mayanja Nkangi alowooza y'asinga amagezi. Namuyise mmutegeeze ku nsonga eno n'agaana". Wano we namanyira nti Katonda yanjogereramu obutagenda kumusisinkana kubanga ssinga yalaga nga bwe twekobaanye okuggya ku Kanaka Obwapulezidenti.

Mukama waakisa kubanga ye kennyini yategeeza Obuganda nti mu byonna bye yakola ssaalimu era ne minisitule ze twali tufunye mu ndagaano ya 1962 yaziggyawo.  EMMANDUSO

EMMANDUSO YA BYONNA

 Obote yakolanga ebisoomooza Abaganda bamuddize olwo asobole okulumba Kabaka kyokka nga byonna bigwa butaka. Yateranga okuweereza jjipu z'amagye okuli emmundu ne zeetooloola Olubiri, bwe wataabeerangawo anyega olwo ne zidda gye zivudde.

Lumu nali ηηenze e Makindye, kati awali enkambi y’amagye naye nga mu biseera ebyo gaali maka gw’Obwapulezidenti, mmotoka y'amagye n'ejja nga kuliko abaserikale ne Kabaka Muteesa eyali mu kkanzu yokka ng'akutte emmundu n'ava mu kisenge gye twali n'ayimirira ku lubalaza olwo mmotoka n'etuyitako n'oluvannyuma n'edda n'egenda nga tewali kye bakoze kuba ne Kabaka talina kye yakola.

 Nga 21 May, 1966 Sipiika w'Olukiiko lwa Buganda yaluyita bukubirire nga tatuwadde nsonga era bwe twali mu Lukiiko, George Kaggwa eyali akiikirira essaza lya Kooki, n’aleeta ekiseeso nti Buganda eragire Obote ssinga tazza Kabaka ku bwapulezidenti ng’endagaano bwe yali, aggye gavumenti ye ku ttaka lya Buganda.

Bwe nawulira kino, nasaba Sipiika tuwummulemu ku ssaawa nga 6:30 ez’omu ttuntu, tuddemu okutuuka ku 8:00 nga njagala njogeremu ne Kaggwa kubanga nali ndaba obulabe obutwolekedde.  Namutegeeza nti njagala tulongoose mu kiteeso tugambe nti, "Ssinga Obote agaana okudda ku biri mu ndagaano ya 1962, Buganda ejja kuddamu okwerowooza".

Twakkiriziganya ku kino, kye ssaamanya nti abantu baali bamaze okwekyawa olwo nze ne nsigala mu ofiisi yange ku Butikkiro.

Okugenda okudda mu lukiiko, munnange gwe twali tukkiriziganyizza naye ye yasooka okuwakanya ekiteeso ky'okugamba nti Buganda ejja kuddamu okwerowooza era ekiteeso ky'okulagira Obote okuggya gavumenti ye ku ttaka lya Buganda ne kiyita.

Jjukira nti gavumenti eya wakati yali ewa Buganda 1/- nga busuulu olw'okukozesa ettaka lyayo ekitegeeza nti yali ekkiriza nti ettaka kw'ekolera epangisa lipangise si lyayo.  Nga wayise ennaku bandeetera ebbaluwa okwali amannya g'abakungu ba Buganda bataano nga bano baali ba masaza abaali basinga’ okubeera abavumu eri Kabaka waabwe okwali Ssekiboobo, Pookino n'abalala nga balagiddwa okukwatibwa.

Nayita Olukiiko lwa bannamawulire okutegeeza Obuganda nti bubeere bukkakkamu embeera ejja kutereera wabula nga nkyayogera, Omulangira Ssimbwa yandeetera akabaluwa ng'antegeeza nti Kabaka yali aweerezza Obote ebbaluwa ng'amutegeeza nti asse mu nkola Olukiiko kye lwayisizza.

Eno ye yali emmanduso kubanga okumala ekiseera Obote yali anoonya w'atandikira okukuba Kabaka era bwe yalaba kino n'ategeeza nti kuno kwali kujeema.   Naye ddala bwe kibeera nga Obuganda bwe bwali bujeemye nga bwe yategeeza, obukulembeze bw'ennono obulala nga Obwakyabazinga, Omukama, Obugabe, Obumbere n'abalala yaggyawo bwaki?

Nga waliwo Buganda lwe yaweereza Abangereza ekiteeso ky'okwekutulako naye tebagamba kulumba Lubiri!

AMASASI GAATONNYA NGA NKUBA

Ku ssaawa nga 10:00 nga bukya nagenda mu Lubiri okulaba Kabaka wabula nategeezebwa nti waaliwo amawulire nti Obote yali aweerezza abaserikale nga beebunguludde Olubiri!  Nadda mu Butikkiro, ku ssaawa nga 1:00 ey’oku makya, amasasi ne gatandika okukuba amabaati nga galinga nkuba.

Kaggo Kigozi eyali okumpi awo yaleekaana nti, ‘Katikkiro ofa’ olwo ne nziruka mu nnyumba okugwa ku Lubaga Road ne ndyoka nzira mu ofiisi ne nsigala okutunuulira mu ddirisa nga ndaba amasasi bwe geesooza mu Lubiri.

Nnina be nategeeza okukwatagana n'Abaamasaza okukunga abalwanyi mu Masaza bajje bayambe Kabaka kyokka kye ssaamanya nti eyali omumyuka wa Ssekiboobo yali mbega wa Obote nga byonna bye tuteesa by'atwala era be twali tusuubira okuyamba bonna baatandika okuyiggibwa.

Amasasi gaavuga okutuukira ddala ku ssaawa 9:00 ez'akawungeezi enkuba we yatandikira okutonnya olwo ne gasiriikiriramu.   Wano we nasisinkanira omukyala eyantegeeza nti Kabaka yali adduse mu Lubiri!

Twalina poliisi eyaffe nga Buganda eyali eduumirwa omungereza Chilvers. Ono yankubira ssimu n’ambuuza kye nkyakola mu Butikkiro nga baamuwadde dda ebiragiro ebinkwata era n'ampa amagezi okudduka mbule.

Nasooka kwekweka Kagoma. Nga ndi eno Obote yali ku leediyo n'agamba nti wonna we tunaasisinkana Maanja Nkangi wagenda kukwata omuliro.  Waliwo omwami Muhamad Ssensonga eyali ddereeva mu minisitule y'ebyemirimu (Works) eyajja n'antegeeza nti sikyasobola kubeera mu Buganda.

Ono yali aleese n'emmotoka ya minisitule ne ngirinnya, emabenga ng'eriyo ebikozesebwa mu kuzimba omuli ebitiiyo, amayinja, enkumbi n'ebirala.

Bino yali abitwala Mbale era twatandika olugendo kyokka nga kumpi buli yaadi 100 waliwo loodibbulooka naye olw'okuba nti mmotoka yali ya Gavumenti baabuuzanga bitono ne batuleka okugenda.

Nga tutuuse ku bbibiro by'amasannyalaze e Jinja, omuserikale yajja n'annyimirira ku mutwe n'abuuza ddereeva nti 'Weewe Onapereka Niini? Nga ye ddereeva asirise talina ky'anyega.  Yabuuza katono n'agenda emabega okukebera ekiriwo era agenda okubikkula ng’eriyo mayinja, bitiiyo n'ebirala n'atuleka ne tweyongerayo.

Obunkenke bwali mu Buganda kyokka nga bw’obuuka ensalo teri bunkenke. Bwe twabuuka ensalo za Buganda Lamek Ntambi n’annyongerayo mu Kenya okutuuka mu ffaamu y'Omuyindi Sdarudini Kar.

Enkeera yali annambuza ffaamu muganda we n’ajja misinde nga bw'aweekeera n'ategeeza nti Nkangi alina okuva wano kubanga Obote akimanyi nti ali wano!  Ono yanzirusa n'antwala mu wooteeri ya Muky. Aldina Visram. Ono twali tumuyita Namubiru kubanga yali agundidde mu Buganda nga yalondebwa n'okubeera omukiise.

Namala wiiki nga bbiri nga sivudde mu kasenge kange. Waliwo Abaganda okwali Peter Mpanga, abaali mu kkampuni y'ennyonyi ey'amawanga g'obuvannjuba bwa Afrika ne bakola enteekateeka okunzigya mu Kenya nga bagamba nti nayo nali sikyalina bukuumi bumala.

Bankolera ku byonna okugenda e Bungereza era wano we nakimanyira nti ne Kabaka yali amaze okutuuka e Bungereza ng'ayitira e Burundi.   Mukulu wange Grace Lumala yandeetera Pasitooti yange eyali eraga nti ndi minisita kubanga nagenda okuva mu bwaminisita mu Gavumentyi ya wakati ng'ekyaliko.

Olw'endabika yange, bwe natuuka ku kisaawe e Bungereza Omuzungu yasooka n'anziza mu kasenge nga yeebuuza minisita yenna asaakaatidde amalevu, anti n’engoye tezaali nnyonjo.

Bino byonna bigenda okubeerawo nga Ddamula akuumibwa mwannyinaze Yozefiina Nassaka eyali Lubuga wange era naye bwe yafa n'amukwasa mukulu wange Grace Lumala eyagikweka mu kisenge.  Ddamula yaggyibwayo mu kiseera nga ngikwasa Katikkiro Mulwanyammuli ng’Obwakaba buddiziddwaawo.

Ndi musanyufu nti Kabaka Mutebi, Katonda yamusobozesa okutuula ku Nnamulondo nga nkyali mulamu era nze ebyange bye njagala mu bulamu nabifuna!

 

Nb

Kituufu Bambi. Byoyagala mubulamu wabifuna era okyabifuna. Ensonga eno bwe buzibu obuvayo eri mubyafaayo bya ba Kattikiro ba Buganda nga ba Kabaka ba Buganda betoloddwa obulabe obuyitirivu munsi yabwe. Gwe ate Omugenyi bwakyala.......Akyaluka.

 

 


REMEMBRANCE EDITION
 
WE MUST NEVER FORGET MAY 24, 1966

 

Abaatolosa Muteesa basaba ani okusimibwa nga bakyali balamu?
Olwo abatabaala ne bafiirayo ku lwa Buganda okusiimibwa kwabwe kuliluddawa ebiro bino?
 
Kampala | May 25, 2015

                         Ssekabaka Muteesa I mu bubuddamu obwokubiri e London  June 1966
 
 

Bya DICKSON KULUMBA


BAKAAWONAWO mu lutalo lw’okulumbibwa kw’Olubiri e Mmengo bawanjagidde Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II nti bwe wabaayo gavumenti ye ky’ebategekedde, kibaweebwe nga bakyali balamu kubanga emyaka gy’abasinga gigenze.

Okusaba kuno baakuyisizza mu munnaabwe, Amrani Kinobe eyayogedde ku lwabwe n’agamba nti, “Munnaffe Nabakooza e Lugusulu yazimbirwa enju eri mu bukadde 50 ne bamukolera n’ebigenderako ebirala n’atuuka kumpi mu bukadde 70 naye ffe abaakulembera mukama waffe okumutuusa ewa Nabakooza, abamu twaweebwa 100,000/- ne satifikeeti ate abalala tebalina kye baafuna kirala.

Bino byabadde mu kusaba kw’okwebaza katonda olw’okusimattusk Ssekabaka Muteesa II n’okujjukira olunaku olwa May 24,1966 amagye ga Milton Obote lwe gaalumba Olubiri e Mengo ng’omukolo gwabadde mu Lubiri e Mengo ku eggulo.

 

Okusaba kuno kwakulembeddwaamu Omulabirizi w’e Namirembe eyawummula, Bp Balagadde Ssekadde eyasabye Olubiri luno lukulaakulanyizibwe kubanga ebikolobero Obote bye yalukoleramu byali bingi nga mu kiseera kino ebeera yatereera era abantu ba Kabaka beegazaanyirizeemu bulungi.

Omwogezi omukulu yabadde eyali Minisita omubeezi mu ofiisi ya Katikkiro, Israel Mayengo eyatadde ekibuuzo eri abantu nti kati, ‘Tukole ki? kubanga okubeerawo kw’enjega ya 1966 kwava ku mawanga, Buganda ge yeegatta nago okukola Uganda.

Mayengo yagambye nti tusobola okugamba bannaffe okutwetondera, naye bakisobola? Kubanga tewali nsonga yonna yalumbya Lubiri era ekikolwa ekyo kyaleeta ekigambo ‘Republic’ ekiringa ekirumba Abaganda nti Obwakabaka twabuggyawo kyokka n’agamba nti Ssemateeka w’eggwanga asaanye okukyusibwa ateekebwemu engeri abantu gye baagala okukulemberwamu.

Ku nsonga eno Mayengo yawadde ekyokulabirako, “Mu 1893 Abamerika baagenda ne bawamba ekitundu omuli Obwakabaka bwa Hawaii awatali kukkiriziganya kyokka mu 1993, Pulezidenti Bill Clinton yassa omukono ku kiwandiiko ekyetondera abantu b’e Hawaii wadde kati bali limu ku masaza agakola Amerika kyokka baali baagala okwongera okunyweza enkolagana.”

‘Ennugu yazaala obuzibu’

Eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda mu kiseera ekyo, Mayanja Nkangi yagambye nti tewali kintu kyatanula Obote kulumba Lubiri okuggyako obuggya bwe yalina ku Muteesa II olw’okuba yali ayagalwa abantu nga ye tebamulabawo.

Haji Mohamood Ssekimpi nga ye Mumyuka owookubiri owa Katikkiro yagambye nti Obwakabaka bwefunyiridde okutumbula obumu mu bantu kubanga bwe bugenda okuzzaawo ekitiibwa kya Buganda.

 

Omukolo gwetabiddwaako Omulangira David Golooba mutabani wa Muteesa II mu kiseera ekyo eyalina emyaka 10, Sipiika Nelson Kawalya, Nnaalinya Gertrude Tebattagwabwe n’abalala.

 

 

 

 

THE BUGANDA FEDERAL STATE OF UGANDA 1962.

 

 King of the Kingdom of Buganda and First President of the State

 of Uganda 1963/64.

 

EKIRYA ATABAALA KYE KIRYA N’ASIGADDE EKA

Omuntu atali ku lutalo naye ayinza okufa mu ngeri endala. N’olwekyo omuntu tasaana kutya kutabaala.

 

 

                               Kabaka wa Buganda nga ye President asooka mu Uganda 1963.

 

 

                                    Kabaka wa Buganda era President wa Uganda 1964.

 

 

                                                     Brass Band ya Buganda 1964/65.

 

 

 

                                               Military Police ya Buganda 1963/66

 

                                    The military Police of the State of Buganda 1961

 

 

                                                   Eggye lya Police ya Buganda

 

 

 

                Kabaka wa Buganda nga alambula Parade ya Magye Ga Buganda 1962

 

 

 

 

 

 

Abamu ku baserikale ba Maggye ga Buganda abataasa obulamu bwa

                        Ssabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda 1966.

 

Ssekabaka Muteesa nga awangangusiddwa mu Bulaya omulundi ogwokubiri government ya Obote 1966.

 

 

Emmundu ya Central Government eya Obote egoba Ssekabaka Muteesa II mu Lubiri lwe e Mengo

 

 

CURRENT MILITARY NEWS IN THIS COUNTRY

WHY THE ARMY RAIDED FORMER PREMIER'S RESIDENCE

Hardly a week after being relieved of the Premiership, the army led by one of the Chief of Staffs raided the residence of the outgoing Prime Minister under the guise of  by Browser Shop"WITHDRAWING his military escort unit and replacing them with the Police VIP unit personnel. 

 

When the NRA took over power 28years ago all the senior officials took residence in the posh suburbs of Kololo and Nakasero. They pitched camps of armed escorts within their respective residences. Some Generals like Tumwine even closed off entire road stretches that passed near their residences. These senior officials even compete on who had the biggest house, number of armed soldiers, sophisticated armament and the fleet/convoy of escort cars. In the absence of formal ranks, this show of strength was the determinant of seniority. There would even be occasional exchange of fire between these escorts following brawls between some of their rowdy bosses in night clubs.

 

 Amama Mbabazi had been a member of FRONASA, a Lieutenant in the post Iddi Amin UNLA and its Director of Legal Services, fled to Nairobi where he remained as the leading member of the NRA external wing. Upon taking over power, no doubt he was a very powerful person whom the rank and file of the NRA could not distinguish as to whether he was a soldier on not. He too like other senior NRA officials took residence in the Kololo residential area and acquired all the armed sophistication. His first assignment was Director General of External Security (DG/ESO). He was later to hold the positions of Minister of State for Defence, Minister for Security etc. He would attend all the army council and high command meetings, chair the joint intelligence council (JIC) and coordinate the intelligence agencies. Mbabazi commanded a lot of authority among the security circles that even the most senior army Generals could not distinguish whether he was above them or they were below him. At times Museveni would even delegate him to chair the Army Council. When formal ranks were introduced, Museveni deliberately gave him no army number and rank despite the fact that even the fallen members of FRONASA were also awarded. This is because Museveni wanted to please the senior NRA officers whom Museveni had earlier told that members of the External Wing including Mbabazi had failed to mobilise resources for the fighters. However, going by the nature of sensitive positions that Museveni has assigned Mbabazi for the last 28 years and the political protection against alleged abuse of office, Mbabazi was made to believe that Museveni was grooming him for succession. This is why he (Mbabazi) at one time stated that Besigye was trying to jump the succession queue. IT IS WORTHY NOTING THAT AT THE TIME ERIYA KATEGAYA SEEMED TO BE THE NUMBER TWO BEFORE HE DIED OF 'LACK OF PHYSICAL EXERCISES'!

 

The escort units of respective senior officials comprises of Aide De Camps (ADCs), armed guards and military communication radio operators commonly known as Signalers. The armed guards are subdivided into those guarding the Kampala residence, the upcountry home, farm or ranch, those stationed at the office, those guarding the family business premises, those guarding the construction site if any, those always in the company of the principal, his/her spouse and children. In some instances some guards can even be assigned to relatives, friends and in-laws. The higher the principal's position and its accruing financial benefits, the bigger the number of escorts to be sustained. Such guards are always counted to be under the army General General Headquarters by establishment but its the respective official who has a final say over the choice,  retention and return to unit (RTU) of any escort unless he is facing a disciplinary action as is the current case of Mbabazi. It is very common to find someone who started as an escort to a senior official 28 years ago is still in the same position. Others even keep their immediate families within the premises of their bosses. In some cases depending on the boss's generosity, the escort is facilitated to rent a house outside and capital to start an income generating activity. For others they have struck fortunes by being involved in running private business errands for their bosses. The live example is of Juma Seiko the long time Aide to General Saleh. The result has been that many even forget about mainstream military service while others even desert. Apart from Museveni and Mbabazi, all the initial senior NRA officials have undergone descending or loss of prestige implying that Mbabazi has retained his original escorts for the last 28 years.

 

Apart from arms and personnel composing such guard units, there is one most vital component - the military communication radio.  A radio equipment for military communication with a call sign is attached to the security detail of such official complete with radio operators/signalers. The radio equipment enables the official to keep in touch with all administrative, command & control, and operational developments in all units of the army whether in the country or outside. Even when Museveni is in New York his military radio network is active and communicates with the entire NRA whether in Moroto, Mogadishu or CAR.  This is a privilege of very few top NRA officials. Even within the military establishment, not every Tom and Dick has access to these radio communication. The radio communication centre (Signal Centre) is out of bounds for most Officers and men save for just a few. Most of the messages generated are 'classfied and restricted'.  Not even the Vice President, Kigongo, ministers or the current Prime Minister can have access to this military communication network but Amama Mbabazi had it right from 1986 till late this week. Depriving Mbabazi of this privilege is a serious sign of mistrust. For the last 28 years, before Mbabazi goes to office, gets lunch or goes to bed he had to read the message book where all the developments in the security apparatus are recorded by his signaler. At his village home in Kihihi there is this strong communication gadget that is used to monitor and intercept military communication of neighboring countries and other hostile armed groups in the DRC. It was designed by his right hand man Col. Victor Twesigye formerly of ISO's 'Operation Rabbit' who is now the NRA's Director of Communication (Signals).

Museveni has designed a more sophisticated mechanism within this radio communication network codenamed 'Kibali' whereby a few chosen top officials are able to use coded communication via these radios without other users breaking into their codes not even some of the radio operators. Mbabazi was one of the few top officials under the 'Kibali' arrangement. Therefore, by the army taking away his radio and removing him from this net (network) he is terribly incapacitated and he now realises that Museveni is all out to reduce him to an ordinary person.Mbabazi as a person must have been legally in possession of arms like an SMG, Pistol and ammunitions which have not been withdrawn because his house was not searched.

Being denied access to military radio communication and escorts is the strongest sign of losing favor with Museveni. The likes of Jim Muhweezi, Saleh, Tumwiine, Aronda etc still have their military guards and radio network intact. Now for Mbabazi, he will have to wait for the mass media  and news bulletins so as to know why there was a shooting in his neighborhood the previous night or the security situation at the Uganda/Congo border a few kms from his home. He has the cash well but it can not buy information for "information is power". The information black out is further worsened by withdrawing all his military escorts some of who have been subjected to search and arrest. Could they have been used to gather information for the 'Kipingamizi'? We are yet to see the fate of his equally powerful Aide Captain Katabazi. 

 

THEREFORE THE ORDER TO  by Browser Shop"WITHDRAW MILITARY GUARDS FROM MBABAZI'S SECURITY DETAIL AND TO DISCONNECT HIM FROM THE MILITARY RADIO NETWORK WAS GIVEN BY MUSEVENI HIMSELF. The heavy deployment and the press coverage was meant to overwhelm Mbabazi. They did not anticipate any resistance or confrontation. This is what Museveni alluded to when he stated that "AM A WAR GENERAL AND NOT A CLASSROOM GENERAL" immediately after the Kyankwanzi resolution and since then he is always in full military combat uniform 24/7. It will take alot of hardwork for Museveni's intelligence handlers to convince him that Mbabazi is linked to any form of trying to gain the top office by use of the military. The Police VIP guards are nothing but members of the newly founded Kayihura intelligence outfit tasked to maintain surveillance on Mbabazi's movements and dealings and at worse to frame him over subversive activities.

 

INFORMATION IS POWER.

 

SUGGESTED REFORMS IN A DECLARED REPUBLIC OF UGANDA

 

‘Abolish Office of the President’ 

 

                Official chair of the President of Uganda

 

 
By Eriasa Mukiibi Sserunjogi

 

Posted  Sunday, March 1  2015 

 

 

IN SUMMARY

 

Proposal,

Israel Mayengo, a former legislator, tells Sunday Monitor’s Eriasa Mukiibi Sserunjogi that Uganda’s political problems can be drastically reduced if the position of president is replaced with a presidential commission, with four people elected from different regions of the country at the helm

 

SHARE THIS STORY
 

You have an interesting proposal... 

Yes, after observing the nature of the country, and taking into consideration everything I have observed over the years, I have reached a conclusion which I don’t know how it will be disproved; that it is very difficult to get a single person to serve as president of Uganda and he is acceptable to all parts of Uganda.

Taking the current example, polls have been carried recently and when you add the weight President Museveni has to that of Amama Mbabazi, Mugisha Muntu and Kizza Besigye, those four have at least 80 per cent of support countrywide and if elections were to be carried out last month, one of them would be elected president, most likely President Museveni.

The question is, would that please the people from the north; that a westerner has been president for the last 30 years and now another one is waiting in the wings to take over? Chances are that people from the north are going to complain, wondering whether only westerners will lead this country. If we were to get a president from the north, many in Buganda will say, not those men again.

If we look at Buganda, you will get many people saying, not those Baganda again; they have bothered us for centuries. When you decide to pick one from the east, you will get many saying, those people are not reliable. Many would even object to making an innocent Karimojong president of Uganda.

So the question is, where will you ever get a single person who is acceptable to all Ugandans as president? I want this cured by replacing the position of president with a presidential commission or executive commission of four people elected from the different regions.

You seem to think that the biggest problem of Uganda is ethnicity

 

Former legislator Israel Mayengo
Former legislator Israel Mayengo during the interview
at his home in Kampala.
Photo by GEOFFREY SSERUYANGE

Oh yes, there is no question about it. And the main objective of any meaningful constitution of Uganda should be to harmonise the different communities which were put together by the British colonialists without their consent. The colonialists just bound together all these communities without regard to whether they had anything in common. They just found people who were different and lumped them together. It is our responsibility to find ways of how we can coexist meaningfully.

 

But coming from the same region didn’t stop Milton Obote being overthrown by the Okellos

Fortunately, I was with Paul Muwanga and he told me a lot of things about Obote. He told me that Obote’s group, who were Langi, had disagreements with the Acholi who came to be led by the Okellos. Muwanga told me that his boys – and by his boys he was referring to Bidandi Ssali, Kintu Musoke, Samwiri Mugwisa and Kirunda Kivejinja – asked him that the two (Obote and Okello) were having a quarrel and that this time he should not arbitrate between them; that he should let them kill each other. That can happen, yes. But we should agree that the biggest problem in our country’s politics is tribal and regional jealousies.

How did Muwanga get to tell you this?

We were imprisoned together and for a whole 183 days, we sat in a prison cell with Paul Muwanga and we discussed this. So he said when he had been advised by his boys not to intervene between Obote and Okello, he withdrew and kept quiet and eventually Obote was overthrown in 1985.

How did you end up in jail with Muwanga?

We were the first treason suspects when the current regime came to power despite the fact that when the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) was created, I was the first vice president to President Museveni.

So how did you become a rebel?

How I became a rebel? In any case, I never became a rebel; it was mere suspicion. Those suspected of being rebels, including Andrew Kayiira, Muwanga, Evaristo Nyanzi, Dr Lwanga, Francis Bwengye and 12 young men who included Maj Ndibowa who had been trained in Sandhurst in the UK, were arrested and dumped in Luzira in October 1986.

I had taken two German visitors for a drive around the River Nile and I was suspected of planning to blow up the Owen Falls Dam. So they included me among the treason suspects and I ended up spending 183 days in Luzira Maximum Prison and had a chance to sit with Muwanga alone in a prison cell for all those days.

Muwanga was a member of UPC and I had been a member of UPM while all the other suspects had been members of the Democratic Party so they didn’t want to mix with us. That is how I got the opportunity to ask Muwanga all sorts of questions and I think he gave me candid answers to many of the questions except to one question – on how Oyite Ojok died. To that he said he would tell me after we got out of prison. We did not manage to meet afterwards because he died shortly after being released from prison.

How did Muwanga come to wield a lot of power after Amin was overthrown?

I asked him a similar question while we were in prison. I asked him why he literally appointed Obote back into the office of president; why he did not take up the office himself. He told me that throughout his life he never wanted to be No. 1; that he always wanted to be No. 2. But that from his position as No. 2, he would shake up all the people below him and the one above him. He said that is why he was secretary general of UPC and in the Obote II government he was vice president and minister of defence.

The man was brilliant by the way. I saw it first hand when we were in prison. He was a genius who never did much formal schooling. He would handwrite with his left hand and write so well, and then he would use his right hand and then you would look at two beautiful handwritings. His two hands would produce two different signatures; very few people can do that. Whenever we came to court, Muwanga put in even more organised speeches than his lawyer.

How did you get out of prison?

We were eventually acquitted. The prosecutor just stood up in court one day and said there was no evidence of any sort to implicate me. Kayiira, Dr Lwanga and another friend of mine also came out the same day but Muwanga stayed in jail. He kept telling me in our cell that he knew I would be released soon but that he would spend four years in jail and that they would bring over a hundred cases of murder against him but that he would win all of them.

He indeed ended up spending four years and some two weeks in jail. Ten days after we were released, Kayiira was shot dead. Incidentally some soldiers came to the house where I was staying the same night Kayiira was killed but I was away. I learnt of it later and I ended up in hiding for 90 days.

Going back to your idea, you want us to have a presidential commission instead of a single person as president, how would that work in practice?

 

Former Uganda president Idi Amin

It will be working as the president but jointly, say the way it is done in Switzerland. You have commissioners among whom they elect a chairman on a rotational basis. Each chairman, call him the president, will serve for a year and then another one takes over as chairman. But on all important matters, the decisions of the commissioners will need to be unanimous.

The commission itself will not have term limits but the commissioners will have term limits. Each commissioner will serve for four or five years, eligible for re-election only once. To ensure that the commission is in place all the time, the terms of the commissioners will not expire at once, meaning that two commissioners will be elected from two regions every after two years, so that as the terms of the two commissioners reach expiry, the terms of the other two commissioners will still have two more years to run.

I propose that we have four commissioners – one each from the northern region, eastern, western and central. I propose that half of the commissioners should be women. This will resolve the question of having power being concentrated in the hands of one man and minimise dictatorial tendencies. It will reduce complaints about tribalism and nepotism in State House, lower the cost of protecting the president because with a commission like that, there will be no single person who you will be worried about being overthrown, being harmed, and things like that.

It will help us deal with the embarrassing pomposity around the presidency; vanity, waste, you know. Bill Gates, the richest man in America, put up a residence which some said was the best in the world. It cost him $50m. The State House in Entebbe cost $80m without the cost of land being included. This whole idea of the president moving around in a special jet, when even some of the countries which give us aid don’t have their leaders flying private jets. All this shows the showiness of our leaders. This should be minimised.

There is also the constant worry of being overthrown. So we spend billions on the army, special forces, weapons, all kinds of efforts are taken to guard against coups. And yet the coups are aimed at the presidency; to get rid of one man and replace him with another one. I believe strongly that if Uganda was being guided by a presidential commission instead of one president, an attack on Lubiri in Mengo wouldn’t have taken place.

And it was from that attack that the retrogression of Uganda started. We need to lower the cost of defence; because what we call defence is actually not defence of the country, it is defence of the president. Not many are worried that Rwanda or Kenya or any of our other neighbours will attack us so that we need to stock weapons. It is mostly about the president surviving in power. We need to curtail this using a presidential commission.

 

The four regions you are talking about would in effect be semi-autonomous. Is this another way to propose a federal system of government?

Of course, the federal system would be beautiful. It would be a good way to diffuse the ongoing cold war between Buganda and Uganda; a cold war which even negates our Constitution, which talks about governance by the consent of the governed. The Baganda have consistently not agreed to being governed the way they are being governed. They have had a unique system of governance that has been in place for the last 800 years and they would like to continue with it. A presidential commission would be a good solution for everyone.

It is said that power isn’t handed over on a silver platter. How do you intend to go about taking power from one president and handing it over to a presidential commission?

I know the prevailing leadership will detest this arrangement. But we can convince the almost 400 MPs that not each of them will become president. Even if each of them were to be president for one year, it will take 400 years of each of them to get a go at the presidency. So they should have no problem agreeing to the idea of a presidential commission.

We seem to have a powerful President who wields enormous powers over a big majority of MPs. How do we deal with that?

We don’t need a powerful president. This is the strong man syndrome which has engulfed the African continent. We don’t need a strong man. We had Idi Amin here as strong man. Where did he lead us? Would anyone want him back? I am sure even President Museveni will say we don’t need Amin back.

But look at what the President is doing; he has a powerful hand in almost everything. And we don’t need that. The more you have power the more you expect to be opposed. And then the president reacts by committing billions of our money to defend himself. If you add up the money spent in Internal Affairs, in Defence, the State House and what is spent by the so-called presidency, you will be surprised that it will dwarf the money spent on education, health and agriculture. Why? All this idea of defence is defence for the president. If someone wandered to where the president is seated, he will be grabbed immediately and branded an enemy of the State. But is the president the State?

Have you tried to feed this idea into the current talk about electoral and political reforms by politicians, civil society and religious leaders?

I haven’t had much chance. But when the minister of Constitutional Affairs asked the public to make suggestions about the amendment of the Constitution, I sent in my idea. I knew it would be opposed because when a copy was sent to the Speaker of Parliament and the Clerk to Parliament, I am told the Speaker did not clear the idea of distributing copies to MPs.

You were an active politician in 1994/95 when the Constitution was made. Did you try to feed this into the process?

Yes I did. In 1993 I had already formulated this idea and I tried to sell it to the voters. But in the constituency where I was campaigning, in Sese Islands you can imagine, the people could not appreciate it. It is natural that they wouldn’t. All they know is that there is always a chief; that old method of ours. So I couldn’t get elected. You know that elections these days go to those who can buy more soap for the voters. But I proposed this idea to my friends who were important in the Constitutional Commission and the Constituent Assembly.

They said it was a fantastic idea but that it was too sophisticated for the people to understand. I even proposed it to my friend and former schoolmate, Prof Apolo Nsibambi, and Sam Njuba who said it would be difficult for people here to understand it; that all that they know is that there must be someone at the head of government. That is true; but that someone is okay in countries which have a good tradition of following the constitution and following the law.

Some people have asked me before; where has it worked? My first answer has always been; must it have worked elsewhere? Who said Africans cannot come up with unique solutions to their problems? I have always been quoting James Madson, one of the architects of the American Constitution, who used to say a constitution is like a garment, it must be tailored to fit the contours of the wearer. So those who design any constitution for Uganda must have an awareness of our society. The present constitution doesn’t seem to recognise that. It seems to say, we will take the bull by the horns, we will force these people to accept what we are saying. And while at it, we keep moving in circles.

 

High profile killings in Uganda, trigger rush to acquire private guns

    The hearse carrying the remains of the principal state attorney Joan Kagezi arrives at
       her home in Kiwatule, a city suburb, yesterday.

 

Prosecutor Kagezi, who was killed by gunmen on Monday evening as she returned home with her children, will be buried today in Buloba on Mityana Road.

PHOTO BY Abubaker Lubowa

By ANDREW BAGALA & SOLOMON ARINAITWE 

Posted  Thursday, April 2  2015 

 

KAMPALA.UGANDA:

Wealthy citizens, especially the business community and the corporate class, are rushing to acquire private guns as spate of high profile killings rise, according to police.

Gen Kale Kayihura, the police chief, yesterday said he is under a lot of pressure from several people to sign their applications to acquire licenced guns.
“Everyone is applying for a firearm. Many people don’t like me because I have failed to sign on their applications to get firearms,” Gen Kayihura said while meeting the business community in Kampala yesterday.
Many people, including businessmen and traders, had applied for the firearms earlier but had given up because of delays. 
They are now contacting the police to know why their applications have delayed.
Several people in the business community and civil service have been shot dead in the past two years. 
There has been increasing fear for personal security following the gunning down of Senior Prosecutor Joan Kagezi on Monday night. Kagezi was driving back to her home in Kiwatule, a Kampala suburb, with her children when assailants trailing her shot her dead.
Although Gen Kayihura did not tell the number of persons who applied for guns, police officers in the private security department say more than 10,000 applications for firearms have not yet been certified by the police.
The Police Act gives power to the Inspector General of Police to licence arming of any civilian basing on his or her record. 
Gen Kayihura said he had been hesitant to give out licences because many of them have misused guns, including former Arua Municipality MP Akbar Godi.
Akbar, who shot his wife, Rehema Caesar dead using a licenced pistol, was convicted of murder and sentenced to 25 years in jail. 
Meanwhile, the government yesterday explained that the gunning down of Kagezi was a case of “organised crime” designed to intimidate the justice system. 
MPs heard that, in response, a team is being set up to whip the boda boda industry into order as her attackers used a motorcycle taxis as an escape vehicle. 
Internal Affairs minister Aronda Nyakairima told Parliament that security agencies have been warning the country about impending terror attacks but he fell short of shedding light on why the government could not avert the attack on its senior prosecutor.
MPs quickly punched holes in Gen Nyakairima’s, insisting that despite strenuous claims from the government that the slain attorney was provided with security, it was never the case. 
MPs also said the ruling NRM party reaps political capital from the boda boda industry and lacks the will to regulate it. It has been noted that boda bodas have repeatedly been used in the recent cases of violent crime.
Referring to Kagezi’s involvement in the high profile trial of suspects in the 2010 al-Shabaab terrorist bombings, which claimed 76 lives in Kampala, and the recent murders in Busoga sub-region, Gen Nyakairima said her killers wanted “to eliminate her in order to intimidate investigators and prosecutors of such cases”.
Without delving into details, Gen Nyakairima revealed that a terror attack was averted on September 14 last year after the arrest of an unspecified number of “suicide terrorists” .
“Overt and covert operations have been intensified. All potential terrorist targets are being covered. Through such measures, the security agencies will remain on top of the situation,” he said.

PREVIOUS CASES

April 20, 2014: Sheikh Abdu Karim Ssentamu shot dead in Kampala. Aaron Madanda charged in court. Case pending.
June 22, 2012: Abasi Abubaker Kiweewa killed. Luke Balaba was arrested for his killing, charged with murder then given bail but jumped it.
Nov 1, 2012: Yunus Ababaker Madungo shot dead in Bugiri District. Five suspects charged with murder. Muzafaru Mugoya Kawule, Musa Ndabanji, Sheikh Twaha Nurdin Baligeya later jumped bail. Two other suspects Bashir Mwanda and Abdu Rashid Kalenge are on remand.
December 25, 2014: Sheikh Abdul Khadir Muwaya killed in Mayuge District, six suspects are detained.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

 

 

Uganda Radio history in the 1960s in the eyes of a broadcaster Mr Sempiri.

 Posted  Monday, May 11  2015 

 

At 80, with a vibrant memory, JC Sserwadda Sempiri, a former Director of Broadcasting at Radio Uganda, has seen it all, from the birth of Uganda to its current state. He talked to Gillian Nantume about his experiences.

“I am apolitical and I have never belonged to a political party,” JC Sserwadda Sempiri says as he shows us around his crude biogas facility. He walks with an erect stature, with short precise steps, his head held high.

“But being a radio broadcaster, I could not ignore the things happening around me.”
His eyes light up behind thick glasses when he remembers the hopes he had as a student at Uganda’s independence in 1962.
“We looked forward to taking over from the British in the civil service. The educated were few and in high demand. If you had a Cambridge certificate, which is an equivalent of UCE, employers would fight for you.”

Sempiri had taught for a year at Fellowship High School in Kampala, before he joined Makerere University in 1960 to study Business Administration.

Joining Radio Uganda
“In November 1964, I was living in Namungoona and I witnessed riots for the first time, after the referendum. Baganda were angry at the results and started rioting in Nakulabye. When the soldiers came; one of the people killed was Byron Kawadwa’s father, who was a tailor.”

According to A. Kasozi, Nakanyike Musisi, James Mukooza Sejjengo in their book Social Origins of Violence in Uganda, 1964-1985, the lost counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi had been a contentious point by the time the Munster Report of 1961 recommended that a referendum be held.

Tension between UPC and Kabaka Yekka (KY) members increased in Parliament when a referendum bill was introduced in August 1964.

Sempiri says, “A truck with students from St Mary’s College Kisubi collided with an army truck as they returned from a football match. In my opinion, it was a deliberate accident orchestrated by the army. At least twelve students died.” Some people put this number at 14.

The riots quieted down after a few days and life went on, despite the political ramblings. In 1965, Sempiri joined Radio Uganda as a programme organiser, assigned to the Luganda section.

Even now, he still fondly remembers the camaraderie at the studio, where everyone cared about the wellbeing of others. He was the only graduate among his colleagues, and life was vibrant. Until 1966.

State of emergency
In early 1966, Milton Obote had moved to consolidate his position as the de-facto number one in the country. On 24 May, he moved against the Mengo establishment. The resulting battle left many dead. A state of emergency was declared. 
Sempiri had been assigned to read the news on the Blue Channel. Because of the riots and killings he had walked from Namungoona to the studios in Nakasero.

“The editor had slotted an announcement among the news items. Signed by Prime Minister Obote, it was a curfew order starting from 6pm to 6am.” The news was to be read live at 8pm. 
“I read the announcement but my mind was on the journey back. The studio cars did not have a curfew permit. We were transported in a military car.”

In Nakulabye, there were no street lights and soldiers stopped the car in the middle of the road. Their instructions were to drive in well-lit places. In the dark and lonely street, they offloaded Sempiri at 2am.

“Holding my rosary, I began to pray as I walked to Lubigi. I reached home safely.”

At this point, Sempiri takes time off to educate me on the merits of trusting in Mother Mary. She has a special place on the crowded wall in his living room, among family photographs.

Although there was heightened tension in Kampala, Sempiri got married on August 12, 1967. They settled in their home in Makindye.

1971 coup
By the time Amin came to power, Sempiri had been promoted to duty officer.

“On January 24, 1971, I had picked my sick brother from Nakaseke. By the time he was admitted in Rubaga Hospital, it was 1am. I had to be at the station by 5am to sort out the day’s programmes.”

He woke at 6.15 am. Terrified, he put on the radio to hear what filler had been slotted in. It was tourism music.

“I grabbed shoes and a flask and entered the car. My wife was talking about bullets but I did not hear a thing.”

As he drove out, a thick fog descended on Kampala and he could not see beyond his windscreen. 
“I drove slowly and at clock tower, the fog lifted. I noted that the streets were empty but my thoughts were on the studio.”

On Entebbe Road, a woman shouted at him, “Mukulu, gyolaga nga bibi!” (literally translated as Boss, the situation is bad in that direction), as she ran in the opposite direction. He ignored her.

“As I was turning into Parliament Avenue, I came across 20 soldiers armed to the teeth. I stopped and lifted my hands. My foot was still on the accelerator. The soldier signalled a circle with his hand.”

Sempiri drove wildly until he encountered more soldiers at Parliament. He thought President Obote was going to make a speech. Why else would there be soldiers on the streets? After the same signal he drove on.

At the crested towers roundabout, the soldier made the same sign.

“As I was accelerating, I heard him cock his gun. It came like a sound from very far off. It dawned on me that the signal they were giving me meant that I should turn back. I saw him in the review mirror, taking aim.”

Sempiri turned his car round and sped past the National Theatre. At Kibuye Police Station, he slowed down and turned into the home of a colleague, Engineer Jaberi Katongole.

“He had the BBC on. That is when I got to know there had been a coup. I got on the phone and called the permanent secretary in the ministry of information, Michael Emojong. I began apologising but he interrupted me, saying the music on radio was from the Bugolobi transmitter. He instructed me to go and switch it off.”

After his near death encounter, Sempiri ignored the instructions and instead drove home. 
The next day, the broadcaster drove back to work. The streets were overflowing with celebrants.

“A friend brought out his old Bedford and immediately people jumped onto it, carrying effigies of Obote. They were so many, that the lorry eventually overturned. Luckily, no one died. I was happy that we were rid of Obote.”
However, it was not all glory. Sempiri does not want to talk about relatives killed during the regime.

“There were a few good times. I was walking to work, in the rain, on Christmas Day in 1975 and near the Golf Club, permanent secretary, Keshi Nyakimwe drove past.”

Recognising him, he reversed and when Sempiri explained that his car was grounded, Nyakimwe told him to pass by his office.

“He gave me a chit authorising me to buy a car atShs60,000. I gave the chit to a woman who owned a Mazda, and she bought the new car and gave me her used one, with a balance of Shs10,000.”

When the scarcities began to pinch, people took to lining up for commodities and Sempiri remembers standing in line with Archbishop Janan Luwum for half a bar of soap. Luwum had the grace to chat with those in line.

1979 war
As the Tanzanians approached Kampala, Sempiri’s wife drove his family to Nakaseke, and hiked a lift from soldiers to Wandegeya.

It was dejavu again. The broadcaster who had, by then, shifted from Namungoona, walked from Wandegeya to Kamwokya where he was living. Save for the fresh bodies that littered the ground, the streets were empty.

Shells were coming from Old Mulago hospital and they had cleared the entire street. That night, Sempiri slept in the attic.

“I spent two days in the attic. The third morning dawned quietly. There was no shelling. I looked out at an empty street. Before long, bicycles started going past at a high speed, followed by motorcycles, then cars.

They were piled “I climbed down and went to the road, where I learnt that Kampala had fallen to the Tanzanian Army and Ugandan rebel fighters. I did not participate in the looting because I come from the Mpologoma (Lion) clan. We do not take leftovers.”

He admits that he took a kilo of sugar from a neighbour who had looted sacks of sugar and salt. After two years without drinking sugared tea, the temptation was too great.

A day after the liberation, Sempiri found Robert Ssebunya, the information minister in the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government, standing outside the studio.

“I had walked to work and at the Lugogo Bypass, people were striping dead bodies. The soldier’s bodies had new underwear which was quite surprising.”

According to Sempiri, with Ssebunya, they tried to use the radio to popularise Yusuf Lule’s presidency.
“It was basically a mop-up operation. We did not air the insecurity and killings that continued. We told them everything was under control.”

Within less than three months, he was popularising Godfrey Binaisa’s presidency.

Out of work
Towards the 1980 elections, the minister of information, David Anyoti, instructed Sempiri to give all political parties an equal platform on the radio. Secretly, however, he insisted prominence should be given to UPC.

“That was the most stressful time of my life. I had to balance the UPC coverage with the other political parties, which almost got no coverage at all. When Paulo Muwanga announced that he was the only one mandated to announce the results, I sensed trouble.”

Indeed, the next day, Anyoti fired him. He remained in the government house, though, and still received his salary. The money was not enough to take care of his family so he went into magendo (black market) selling beer, plastics, and conduit pipes on the black market.

“Once, near the crematorium on Jinja road, I passed a bullet-riddled Mercedes as I was coming from Luzira where I got my goods from. I stopped and saw the body of my former schoolmate lying in the front seat.”

Hurriedly, he returned to his truck. It was 11am. On Acacia Avenue (now John Babiiha Avenue), he saw a roadblock and stopped the car a few meters away. Doing a quick mental calculation, he swung into a side road. The soldiers opened fire. 
“I survived, somehow. But out of their range, I got a splitting headache and I almost failed to drive. The sudden relief was too much for me to bear.” 

After 1985
When the Okellos ousted Obote, the next day Wilson Wanyama, permanent secretary in the ministry of information called Sempiri back to work.

“I found the studio in shambles. I had started a library, and bought an Encyclopedia Britannica, periodicals, and pronouncing dictionaries. Pages had been torn out of the encyclopedia. I felt like crying.”

Immediately he was made acting director of broadcasting and confirmed in 1988. 
During his tenure Sempira sat on the board that hired the likes of late Bbale Francis, Mukalazi Kyobe, Israel Kigozi, Raphailina Nakabuubi, and Sulaiman Madada (current minister of State for the Elderly and Disability). ). All of them have gone on to make names for themselves in the broadcast industry.

In 1990, at 55, Sempiri retired from the civil service. His monthly salary was less than Shs10,000.

Out of broadcasting
Sempiri has 11 acres of land on which he grows eucalyptus for sell. 
“I rear pigs and grow food. I am the secretary in my clan and an executive secretary in the club of Mary Teresa Ledochowska.”

None of his children followed him into broadcasting because of the poor pay.

Sempiri says that in this day of shock and alarm, he can only listen and wonder. The former head of training at the school of journalism (now UMI) says, “I understand it’s about the money but in my day, I could not allow some things to air on radio. Can you imagine herbalists advertising themselves? Some presenters have murdered the Luganda language, and some of the proverbs they air are just lewd sayings.”

 

US, Britain push for UN sanctions on South Sudan
Publish Date: Aug 19, 2015

 

United States and  Britain push for UN sanctions on South Sudan

 


WAAKHE SIMON WUDU


UN - The United States and Britain pushed for UN sanctions against South Sudan's government Tuesday, over its failure to sign a peace deal to end a brutal two-year civil war.

South Sudan rebel chief Riek Machar met a Monday deadline to sign the power-sharing agreement, but President Salva Kiir only initialed part of it and said he would return to the table in early September to finalize the accord.

US National Security Advisor Susan Rice accused Kiir's government of a "failure of leadership" and said it had "squandered" another opportunity to end a conflict that has killed tens of thousands and which has plunged the world's youngest nation into chaos.

"There must be consequences for those who continue to stand in the way of peace," she said, calling for UN Security Council sanctions if the government does not sign the deal within 15 days.

On a recent visit to East Africa, US President Barack Obama threw his personal weight behind efforts to foster peace in a country midwifed into existence by Washington, but then, critics say, abandoned at birth.


A picture taken on July 25, 2015 shows internally displaced women and children waiting for their food ration after an humanitarian airdrop by World Food Programme (WFP) in a small locality in Mayendit County of Unity State, South Sudan. South Sudan's army has lifted a more than a month-long aid blockade into rebel areas, the UN said on August 14, 2015, warning of a "dire situation" as fighting continues despite ongoing peace talks. The blockade since late June of aid barges on the Nile river into the northeastern battleground state of Upper Nile, as well as a ban on food flights into the state capital Malakal, had badly hit areas already on the brink of famine. Tens of thousands of people have been killed in 20 months of war, which has been marked by widespread atrocities on both sides. AFP PHOTO / CHARLES LOMODONG


The latest peace accord was brokered by the eight-nation East African IGAD bloc, bolstered by the UN, the European Union, the African Union, China and other players -- including Britain and the United States.

At the UN headquarters in New York Tuesday countries weighed their next move.

"If the government will not sign up to the IGAD-plus deal, then we must all be firm on our next steps," British Deputy Ambassador Peter Wilson told the 15-member Security Council.

"We cannot sit by while leaders fight and their people's suffering grows."

More time for Kiir

The council last month imposed sanctions on six commanders -- three from the government forces and three from the rebels -- the first to be blacklisted by the United Nations over the conflict.

A travel ban and an assets freeze were slapped on the six men and the council is considering adding new names to the sanctions list, as well as an arms embargo.

But China, which has oil interests in South Sudan, said the government should be allowed more time to come onboard.

"The best solution would be to reach an agreement," said Chinese Ambassador Liu Jieyi.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the signing of the deal by the rebel leader and expressed "his strong hope that President Kiir will sign the agreement by the end of the 15-day deadline."

The Security Council is due to discuss sanctions on South Sudan at a meeting next Tuesday.

South Sudan has been torn by fighting between forces loyal to Kiir and rebels allied with Machar, his former deputy, since December 2013 and the violence has imploded along ethnic lines.

Nearly 70 percent of the country's population is facing food shortages while nearly 200,000 terrified civilians are sheltering in UN bases.

digital@newvision.co.ug

 

 Nb

It seems in this modern age on our planet that some countries love economic commodities from failed country states and not like the people who reside there at all. That is why they sell these countries second hand military hardware of the Second World War and look the other way when human suffering increase!

Worse still:

 

The Democratic Alliance (TDA) was a virtual nonentity not so long ago on the wider political stage.

But in the last couple of months, the opposition alliance has attracted ample attention as it stepped up its search for a joint presidential candidate (JPC) to challenge President Museveni’s 30-year hold on power in next year’s general election.

Much of the debate has centred on key opposition leaders such as Dr Kizza Besigye, Norbert Mao, Prof Gilbert Bukenya and Amama Mbabazi. With the JPC set to be announced today, SULAIMAN KAKAIRE profiles some of the other key figures driving TDA.


PROF FREDERICK SSEMPEBWA

He is a co-chair of the TDA Summit [top leadership]. Ssempebwa is a founding partner of Katende, Ssempebwa & Company Advocates. The firm as of 2014 has 75 associate offices globally. Ssempebwa is also a celebrated Law professor at Makerere University.

He has published extensively on topics related to Revenue Law and Taxation, Constitutional Law, Contracts, Conveyance and General Litigation. He has previously served in government as a minister and worked with various corporate bodies and parastatals.

He was chairman of the Constitutional Review Commission, which reviewed the 1995 Constitution and was a member of the Committee of Experts seconded to Kenya’s constitutional  amendment process.

He has also been enlisted to advise on South Sudan’s constitution-making process and sits on the Judicial Service Commission of Uganda, which recommends judicial appointments. Ssempebwa was part of Uganda National Liberation Front, which was instrumental in removing the Idi Amin government.

DR THELMA AWORI

Dr Awori is a co-chair of the TDA Summit. She, like Prof Ssempebwa, participated in the meetings that birthed TDA. She is a Liberian/Ugandan, who has dedicated much of her life to women’s rights and empowerment in Africa. She holds a Bachelor of Arts in Social Relations and Cultural Anthropology from Harvard University and a Master of Arts in Adult Education and Humanistic Psychology from the University of California, Berkeley.

Thelma Awori

Dr Awori has previously worked as assistant secretary general and director of the Africa Regional Bureau of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and deputy assistant administrator in UNDP’s Bureau for Policy and Programme Support in New York. She was also the UN Resident Coordinator and Resident Representative for UNDP in Zimbabwe.

As deputy director of UNIFEM, the United Nations Development Fund for Women, she was chief of its Africa section. Currently, Dr Awori has continued her commitment to expanding women’s leadership in Africa through building women’s livelihoods in Uganda and in Liberia, training women entrepreneurs in income-generation skills.

The Africa-America Institute’s 28nd Annual Awards Gala in September 2012 recognized Dr Awori. She won the Distinguished Alumna Award for her lifelong commitment and service to gender equality, especially the promotion of women’s leadership in Africa’s local communities. Dr Awori was instrumental in the establishment of Sirleaf Market Women’s Fund; an organization supporting women entrepreneurs in Liberia.

BISHOP DR ZAC NIRINGIYE

He is an eminent member of the Summit but also coordinates the TDA secretariat. He is the former assistant bishop of the diocese of Kampala, a position he assumed after four years as regional director of the Church Mission Society’s work in Africa and 20 years of ministry among students in Uganda and all over English and Portuguese-speaking Africa.

He also worked with the Fellowship of Christian Unions (FOCUS) Uganda and the International Fellowship of Evangelical Students (IFES). Dr Niringiye holds a Bachelor of Science in Physics and a diploma in Education, all obtained from Makerere University.

He also holds a master’s degree in Theology from Wheaton College, USA, and a PhD in Theology and Mission History from Edinburgh University. He has written widely on theology, leadership and mission.

He has also been instrumental in the founding of many organisations and ministries, including the Evangelical Fellowship of Uganda and Kampala Evangelical School of Theology (KEST). He is also a marriage and family life counsellor.

REV DR JACINTO OGWAL

He is the secretary general of the Uganda People’s Congress. He holds a PhD in Church History from Pontifical Gregorian University Rome. He has formerly lectured at Gulu University and the Catholic University of East Africa in Nairobi. He is the current MP for Otuke county.

IMAM IDDI KASOZI

Popularly known as Imam Kasozi, he is an eminent member of the Summit. He hails from western Uganda in Nyakibale village in Ntungamo district. He is the Imam of Mawanga Mosque (Munyonyo) and vice chairman of Uganda Muslim Youth Assembly (UMYA).

Imam Kasozi

Imam Kasozi belongs to the breed of Muslim leaders who have promoted political Islam in Uganda. He is a member of many Muslim organisations and bodies, including; the Ammanah foundation, Mia Mia foundation, Imam Kasozi Climate Change project, HEAR Uganda and Bridge foundation. Under the climate change project, he has donated more than 60,000 tree seedlings across the country.

BISHOP MACLEOD BAKER OCHOLA

Retired Bishop Ochola is an eminent member of the Summit. He is the retired Anglican bishop of Kitgum diocese in northern Uganda. He is a board member and Ambassador for Peace at the Acholi Religious Leaders’ Peace Initiative, a leading peace-building organisation in Uganda that played a crucial role in the 2008 LRA, government peace talks.

He is also the founder and chair of the Acholi Education Initiative and was recently appointed a member of the Elders Forum, which tries to bring together government and political opposition.

WASSWA BIRIGGWA

Currently, Biriggwa, is the chairperson of the TDA’s committee in charge of Finance and Fundraising and by virtue of his appointment, he sits on the Summit.

He holds a bachelor of communications degree from Emerson College and two master’s degrees in public relations from Boston University, (USA), and another in law and diplomacy from Fletcher school of diplomacy (USA). He worked for several companies in the US, including Citi Bank.

In the 1980s, he worked as a manager in the Coffee Marketing Board until he ventured into private business. In the 1990s, Biriggwa led the mobile phone revolution when he became one of the first managers of Celtel-Uganda, now Airtel.

Wasswa Birigwa

After the restoration of Buganda kingdom, Biriggwa served in the institution for about a decade, including as a member of the Lukiiko and minister, before venturing into elective politics.

In 1998 when Biriggwa participated in the first Kampala mayoral race, he was seen as an independent voice under a one-party system. In 2002, during the second mayoral race, Biriggwa, who had expressed interest, controversially quit the race.

Some opposition members alleged he had been bribed by the ruling party to step down for its candidate Wasswa Ziritwawula, in favour - of being appointed an ambassador. Later that year (2002), Biriggwa became Uganda’s ambassador to Ethiopia and Djibouti, before moving to Japan, where he spent seven years. He retired into private business in 2013.

MOHAMMED MUWANGA KIVUMBI

His activism has led him to prison a number of times. As leader of the pressure group, Popular Resistance Against Life Presidency (PRALP), started in 2004 to campaign against the lifting of presidential term limits, Kivumbi was arrested five times in two years.

skakaire@observer.ug

Nb

One understands that these greedy African War Lord leaders are determined to see that there are African solutions to African civil war problems not until these poor African refugee asylum seekers start flocking or swarming to major international cities of the world like London, New York, Calais, Geneva, Bonn, and most likely Beijing and Hong Kong. This is where one wonders then. Is it only an African problem or an International problem?

 

 

 

Since he walked out of jail last July, Dr Kizza Besigye began working on a larger goal of expanding his defiance campaign beyond the realm of his party.

The Observer has learnt that Besigye has begun reassembling the team of opposition politicians who spearheaded the 2011 walk-to-work protests that almost paralysed Kampala.

Besigye, according to insiders, began crystallizing his plan when he was still on remand in Luzira prison, accused of treason. While there, the FDC presidential flag bearer notably met DP’s Mathias Mpuuga (Masaka municipality MP), Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala MP) and Medard Lubega Sseggona (Busiro East MP), who were kingpins in organizing and executing the 2011 walk-to-work protests.

People close to the three MPs say they are willing to join Besigye. On the outside, other activists have cobbled what is known as the ‘defiance cabinet,’ which holds weekly meetings at Besigye’s home in Kasangati.

Besigye used the prison meetings first to mend fences with the DP MPs since they supported rival presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi, the former prime minister.

But in the face of two failed FDC-led defiant campaigns against the 2016 elections; first, the Thursday stay-at-home and the Blue Friday campaigns, Besigye is keen on getting back on board with the hardcore walk-to-work protest campaigners.

Interviewed on Saturday, Margaret Wokuri, a pro-defiance activist and Mbale FDC chairperson, said Besigye has always wanted to work with all opposition supporters.

“But since 2011, he [Besigye] has always said the issues of Uganda are not about one political party but all Ugandans who believe in justice and the rule of law. It is not new, his aim is that we fight together and get the desired [political, institutional and economic] reforms and then everyone can go back to their respective political parties,” she said.


Dr Kizza Besigye (C) alongside FDC secretary general Nathan Nandala Mafabi (L) and party president Gen Mugisha Muntu

Besigye’s approach, however, has run into some trouble within FDC. Party president Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu prefers that the party focus on organizing and strengthening its grassroots structures instead of protests.

But pro-Besigye opposition supporters look at Muntu’s approach as a non-starter. Asked to comment on the issue on October 14, Muntu said: “I recognise the rights of people to think or make judgment in whatever way they want because that is democracy.”

The misunderstandings, according to Muntu, are caused by a failure by the politically-inexperienced FDC supporters to appreciate the need for two approaches.

“The misunderstandings have tremendously narrowed; I see that there is a deeper understanding that having different approaches should not divide us, but unite us,” he added.

At the party headquarters, Muntu oversees the defiance committee headed by Kira municipality MP Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda. It was formed immediately after the February 18 elections with the aim of forcing the government to agree to an international audit of the results.

Following the failure of its immediate objective, the committee is expected to carry on with its activities, among them organizing parallel events for all national functions.

“We decided that all national functions should not be left to be monopolized by NRM because if we contribute to budgets of such functions through the taxes we pay, why then do we have to leave them to be used by NRM to promote its agenda?” Ssemujju told The Observer on October 13.

Their first planned activities during the Independence day weekend were foiled by police. On October 7, the day the first planned rally was scheduled to take place at Bweyogerere in Kira municipality, policemen surrounded Ssemujju’s home early in the morning and wouldn’t let him out.

The days that followed, police detained Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, Makindye West MP Allan Ssewanyana, Besigye, plus former Tororo MP Geoffrey Ekanya and FDC mobiliser Ingrid Turinawe.

“Our resolve is for a protracted peaceful resistance to put government on pressure to allow reforms for free and fair elections,” Ssemujju said.

Speaking on Friday, Muntu expressed his commitment to the Ssemujju-led defiance committee but not Besigye’s defiance cabinet.

“The [defiance] committee plans and works within, and also reports to the organs of the party [while the defiance cabinet] is a matter before courts; I wouldn’t want to talk about it,” Muntu said.

sadabkk@observer.ug

 

Okutabaala Obwakabaka bwa Buganda, Prime Minister Obote yali yamala dda okuggya Muteesa ku Bwa Non- Executive Pulezidenti obwa State of Uganda 1962. Obote natekawo Republic State ne Executive Presidenti nga bibye.

By Herbert Musoke

 

Added 16th May 2016

 

 

Kabaka Muteesa nga yaakafuulibwa Non-Executive Pulezidenti wa

Independent State of Uganda(1964).

Giweze emyaka 50 bukya magye ga Obote galumba Lubiri lw’e Mmengo ekyavaako ebizibu ebingi mu Buganda ne Uganda.

Wiiki enjo, tutunuulidde engeri ekikolwa kino gye kyakyusakyusaamu ebyobufuzi era HERBERT MUSOKE yayogedde n’eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda mu 1966, Jehoash Mayanja Nkangi n’alambika bwe byali.

OBOTE okulumba Olubiri n'okuwera obukulembeze bw'ennono mu Uganda yalina obuggya ku Kabaka Edward Muteesa II olw'engeri abantu be gye baamulabangamu n'ekitiibwa kye baamuwanga.

Kabaka bwe yafuuka Pulezidenti wa Uganda eyasooka, bwe yabanga agenda mu Palamenti ng'okimanya ali mu mayiro nga ttaano nti ajja olw'emizira n'enduulu ebyakubwanga.  Wabula ye Obote ng'atuuka kuyingira mu kizimbe nga tewali amunyeze wadde okumukubira akaluulu, ekyamunyiizanga ng'agamba nti Abaganda tebamutegeera.  Kyataamanya nti n'Abazungu bo abasamu kukitiibwa kyobwakabaka era baayisibwanga mu ngeri y'emu naye bo tekyabayigulanga ttama!

Mr Mayanja Nkangi eyali Kattikiro wa Buganda

nga Prime Minister wa Uganda, Milton Obote (May 1966) ajjawo

Obwakabaka mu Uganda nalanga Republican State ya Uganda.

Mu 1963 twali tulondeddwa abantu 24 okubeera abakiise okuva mu kibiina kya Kabaka Yekka (KY). Twali ne Mw. Kalema kyokka ye n'asala eddiiro okudda mu UPC.

Lumu yajja n'aηηamba nti, 'Katikkiro si musannyufu, nti Abaganda tebamutegeera'.  Nasigala neewuunaganya engeri gy'ayagala okutegeerwa.

Nga wayise ennaku, Grace Ibingira eyali minisita wa Ssemateeka mu gavumenti eya wakati naye yaηηamba ekintu kye kimu.

Namubuuza nti, Ssinga Muteesa y'aba akyadde e Lango, Abalango bayinza okumussaamu ekitiibwa? Abaganda ekitiibwa kye baali bawa Muteesa tekyali kya bwapulezidenti wabula Kabaka waabwe.

OKULUMBA OLUBIRI

Olukwe lwa Obote lwatandika tetunnafuna bwetwaze anti abakiise okuva mu UPC, DP, KY ne Katikikito Michael Kintu bwe baali bateesa ku bwetwaze gye yakutulira ddiiru y'okutta omukago n'ekibiina kya KY.  S

saaliyo kyokka abaaliyo baatutegeeza nti, eyali omuwandiisi wa gavumenti z'amatwale bwe yategeeza nti amasaza (Bugangaizi ne Buyaga) agaatwalibwa Bunyoro okuva ku Buganda gajja kukubwako akalulu, kyanyiiza Katikkiro Kintu era yamubuuza nti 'Ekkooti yange gye nnyambadde osobola okugikubako akalulu nga yange?' era yasalawo obutadda mu lukiiko e Lancaster.

Oluvannyuma lw'omuwandiisi okukizuula nti Buganda yali nkulu mu nteeseganya zino, yasaba Kabaka Muteesa okwogera ne Katikkiro we okudda mu lukiiko.   Waaliwo ensonga ya Federo nga Buganda eyagala okubeerako obuyinza bw'esigaza okwekolera ku nsonga zaayo.

Obote yategeeza nti agenda kuwagira Buganda ku bya Federo kyokka nayo erina okumuwagira ng'okulonda ebifo eby'obuvunaanyizibwa kutuuse mu National Assembly kubanga Ben Kiwanuka owa DP yali tayagala nfuga ya Federo.

Awo we waava Buganda okufuna Federo mu ndagaano ya 1962 n'eweebwa minisitule nnya okwali ey'ebyenjigiriza, obugagga bw'omu ttaka, gavumenti ezeebitundu n'ebyobulamu okugatta ku zaaliwo ku ntandikwa okuli Katikikiro, Omulamuzi n’omuwanika.

Buganda yali efuna busuulu okuva mu gavumenyi eya wakati nga tulina ne poliisi eyaffe.  Bwe badda kuno ne tugenda mu kulonda, UPC yafuna obululu 26 ebweru wa Buganda ate DP n'efuna 37 nga Buganda erina abalonzi 24 kyokka nga baali bamaze okukkiriziganya ne Obote okutta omukago n'okumuwagira mu kulonda era wano Obote w’aliira obwakatikkiro kubanga bwe yagatta obululu bwa Buganda 24 ku bubwe 26 n'amegga Ben Kiwanuka owa DP.

OKUSAANYAAWO BUGANDA

Eyali avunaanyizibwa ku matwale ga Bungereza yawandiika ng'agamba nti, 'Bungereza egenda era mmwe mulina okwerondera Pulezidenti wammwe anaasookera ddala.’ Kabaka Muteesa yali tabeerangako na kirowoozo kya kubeera pulezidenti kubanga Obwakabaka bwe bwali bumubala.

Wabula Obote olw'okuba yalina olukwe lwe, yamutumira Abby Mayanja, Balaki Kirya, Grace Ibingira n'abalala abaasisinkana Muteesa ne Katikkiro we Michael Kintu mu Lubiri e Bamunaanika ne bamutegeeza nti bandyagadde Kabaka Muteesa okubeera Pulezidenti wa Uganda asooka.

 Katikkiiro Kintu kino yakiwakanya era n'asaba Kabaka obutakikkiriza kyokka tewali amanyi ngeri gye baakuba Kabaka kalimi n'akkiriza kufuuka Pulezidentu wa Uganda era n'atwalibwa n'alayizibwa ku bwapulezidenti!

Byonna bimanyibwa Obote amaze okulumba Olubiri nti lwali lukwe lwe yali aluse obulungi anti yagamba nti, ‘Bwe nalaba Muteesa ng'akutte Bayibuli alayira, ne mmanya nti mmulina'.

OKUSIKA OMUGWA WAKATI WA BUGANDA NE OBOTE

Mu May wa 1966, Daudi Ocheng eyalina omukwano ne Buganda yantuukirira, olwo nga nfuuse Katikkiro wa Buganda n'antegeeza nti Obote n'omuduumizi w'amagye (Amin) baali baliko ebikolwa by'obulabbayi bwe baali beenyigiddemu.

Nga looya namubuuza oba alina obujulizi ye kwe kuηηamba nti tunuulira akawunti zaabwe kubanga tumanyi ssente ze bafuna naye kuliko obutitimbe bwa ssente.   Nze kwe kumugamba nti bw'obeera olina obujulizi twala ekiteeso mu Palamenti banoonyerezebweko. Bwe yatuuka mu Palamenti bangi ku bakiise baakiwagira era ne kiyisibwa.

Waayita ennaku mbale Obote ne yeefuulira Kabaka nti takyali Pulezidenti ng'amuwambisa amagye ne Kyabazinga Nadiope eyali omumyuka wa Pulezidenti n’afuumuulwa wadde yali wa UPC.

Twatuula mu Lukiiko lwa Buganda ne tuyisa ekiteeso nga tusaba Obote okudda ku byakkiriziganyizibwako mu ndagaano y'ameefuga mu 1962.

Mbeera ndi ewange, waliwo omukiise omu n'ankubira essimu nti, 'Pulezidenti' (Obote) yali ampita kyokka nga tambuulira lwaki ampita, nze kwe kumugamba nti 'mugambe ampandiikire mu butongole nja kujja.' Ssaagendayo, kye ssaamanya nti Katonda ye yali ampugula ebizibu bye nali ηηenda okugwamu.

Nkangi anyumya: Nakeera ne ntegeeza Kabaka ebyali bibaddewo kyokka enkeera Obote n'agenda mu Palamenti n'ayisa Ssemateeka gwe yassa mu busanduuko bw'ababaka, ng'aggya ku Muteesa obwapulezidenti.

 Era yagamba nti, 'Oyo Katikkiro Mayanja Nkangi alowooza y'asinga amagezi. Namuyise mmutegeeze ku nsonga eno n'agaana". Wano we namanyira nti Katonda yanjogereramu obutagenda kumusisinkana kubanga ssinga yalaga nga bwe twekobaanye okuggya ku Kanaka Obwapulezidenti.

Mukama waakisa kubanga ye kennyini yategeeza Obuganda nti mu byonna bye yakola ssaalimu era ne minisitule ze twali tufunye mu ndagaano ya 1962 yaziggyawo.  EMMANDUSO

EMMANDUSO YA BYONNA

 Obote yakolanga ebisoomooza Abaganda bamuddize olwo asobole okulumba Kabaka kyokka nga byonna bigwa butaka. Yateranga okuweereza jjipu z'amagye okuli emmundu ne zeetooloola Olubiri, bwe wataabeerangawo anyega olwo ne zidda gye zivudde.

Lumu nali ηηenze e Makindye, kati awali enkambi y’amagye naye nga mu biseera ebyo gaali maka gw’Obwapulezidenti, mmotoka y'amagye n'ejja nga kuliko abaserikale ne Kabaka Muteesa eyali mu kkanzu yokka ng'akutte emmundu n'ava mu kisenge gye twali n'ayimirira ku lubalaza olwo mmotoka n'etuyitako n'oluvannyuma n'edda n'egenda nga tewali kye bakoze kuba ne Kabaka talina kye yakola.

 Nga 21 May, 1966 Sipiika w'Olukiiko lwa Buganda yaluyita bukubirire nga tatuwadde nsonga era bwe twali mu Lukiiko, George Kaggwa eyali akiikirira essaza lya Kooki, n’aleeta ekiseeso nti Buganda eragire Obote ssinga tazza Kabaka ku bwapulezidenti ng’endagaano bwe yali, aggye gavumenti ye ku ttaka lya Buganda.

Bwe nawulira kino, nasaba Sipiika tuwummulemu ku ssaawa nga 6:30 ez’omu ttuntu, tuddemu okutuuka ku 8:00 nga njagala njogeremu ne Kaggwa kubanga nali ndaba obulabe obutwolekedde.  Namutegeeza nti njagala tulongoose mu kiteeso tugambe nti, "Ssinga Obote agaana okudda ku biri mu ndagaano ya 1962, Buganda ejja kuddamu okwerowooza".

Twakkiriziganya ku kino, kye ssaamanya nti abantu baali bamaze okwekyawa olwo nze ne nsigala mu ofiisi yange ku Butikkiro.

Okugenda okudda mu lukiiko, munnange gwe twali tukkiriziganyizza naye ye yasooka okuwakanya ekiteeso ky'okugamba nti Buganda ejja kuddamu okwerowooza era ekiteeso ky'okulagira Obote okuggya gavumenti ye ku ttaka lya Buganda ne kiyita.

Jjukira nti gavumenti eya wakati yali ewa Buganda 1/- nga busuulu olw'okukozesa ettaka lyayo ekitegeeza nti yali ekkiriza nti ettaka kw'ekolera epangisa lipangise si lyayo.  Nga wayise ennaku bandeetera ebbaluwa okwali amannya g'abakungu ba Buganda bataano nga bano baali ba masaza abaali basinga’ okubeera abavumu eri Kabaka waabwe okwali Ssekiboobo, Pookino n'abalala nga balagiddwa okukwatibwa.

Nayita Olukiiko lwa bannamawulire okutegeeza Obuganda nti bubeere bukkakkamu embeera ejja kutereera wabula nga nkyayogera, Omulangira Ssimbwa yandeetera akabaluwa ng'antegeeza nti Kabaka yali aweerezza Obote ebbaluwa ng'amutegeeza nti asse mu nkola Olukiiko kye lwayisizza.

Eno ye yali emmanduso kubanga okumala ekiseera Obote yali anoonya w'atandikira okukuba Kabaka era bwe yalaba kino n'ategeeza nti kuno kwali kujeema.   Naye ddala bwe kibeera nga Obuganda bwe bwali bujeemye nga bwe yategeeza, obukulembeze bw'ennono obulala nga Obwakyabazinga, Omukama, Obugabe, Obumbere n'abalala yaggyawo bwaki?

Nga waliwo Buganda lwe yaweereza Abangereza ekiteeso ky'okwekutulako naye tebagamba kulumba Lubiri!

AMASASI GAATONNYA NGA NKUBA

Ku ssaawa nga 10:00 nga bukya nagenda mu Lubiri okulaba Kabaka wabula nategeezebwa nti waaliwo amawulire nti Obote yali aweerezza abaserikale nga beebunguludde Olubiri!  Nadda mu Butikkiro, ku ssaawa nga 1:00 ey’oku makya, amasasi ne gatandika okukuba amabaati nga galinga nkuba.

Kaggo Kigozi eyali okumpi awo yaleekaana nti, ‘Katikkiro ofa’ olwo ne nziruka mu nnyumba okugwa ku Lubaga Road ne ndyoka nzira mu ofiisi ne nsigala okutunuulira mu ddirisa nga ndaba amasasi bwe geesooza mu Lubiri.

Nnina be nategeeza okukwatagana n'Abaamasaza okukunga abalwanyi mu Masaza bajje bayambe Kabaka kyokka kye ssaamanya nti eyali omumyuka wa Ssekiboobo yali mbega wa Obote nga byonna bye tuteesa by'atwala era be twali tusuubira okuyamba bonna baatandika okuyiggibwa.

Amasasi gaavuga okutuukira ddala ku ssaawa 9:00 ez'akawungeezi enkuba we yatandikira okutonnya olwo ne gasiriikiriramu.   Wano we nasisinkanira omukyala eyantegeeza nti Kabaka yali adduse mu Lubiri!

Twalina poliisi eyaffe nga Buganda eyali eduumirwa omungereza Chilvers. Ono yankubira ssimu n’ambuuza kye nkyakola mu Butikkiro nga baamuwadde dda ebiragiro ebinkwata era n'ampa amagezi okudduka mbule.

Nasooka kwekweka Kagoma. Nga ndi eno Obote yali ku leediyo n'agamba nti wonna we tunaasisinkana Maanja Nkangi wagenda kukwata omuliro.  Waliwo omwami Muhamad Ssensonga eyali ddereeva mu minisitule y'ebyemirimu (Works) eyajja n'antegeeza nti sikyasobola kubeera mu Buganda.

Ono yali aleese n'emmotoka ya minisitule ne ngirinnya, emabenga ng'eriyo ebikozesebwa mu kuzimba omuli ebitiiyo, amayinja, enkumbi n'ebirala.

Bino yali abitwala Mbale era twatandika olugendo kyokka nga kumpi buli yaadi 100 waliwo loodibbulooka naye olw'okuba nti mmotoka yali ya Gavumenti baabuuzanga bitono ne batuleka okugenda.

Nga tutuuse ku bbibiro by'amasannyalaze e Jinja, omuserikale yajja n'annyimirira ku mutwe n'abuuza ddereeva nti 'Weewe Onapereka Niini? Nga ye ddereeva asirise talina ky'anyega.  Yabuuza katono n'agenda emabega okukebera ekiriwo era agenda okubikkula ng’eriyo mayinja, bitiiyo n'ebirala n'atuleka ne tweyongerayo.

Obunkenke bwali mu Buganda kyokka nga bw’obuuka ensalo teri bunkenke. Bwe twabuuka ensalo za Buganda Lamek Ntambi n’annyongerayo mu Kenya okutuuka mu ffaamu y'Omuyindi Sdarudini Kar.

Enkeera yali annambuza ffaamu muganda we n’ajja misinde nga bw'aweekeera n'ategeeza nti Nkangi alina okuva wano kubanga Obote akimanyi nti ali wano!  Ono yanzirusa n'antwala mu wooteeri ya Muky. Aldina Visram. Ono twali tumuyita Namubiru kubanga yali agundidde mu Buganda nga yalondebwa n'okubeera omukiise.

Namala wiiki nga bbiri nga sivudde mu kasenge kange. Waliwo Abaganda okwali Peter Mpanga, abaali mu kkampuni y'ennyonyi ey'amawanga g'obuvannjuba bwa Afrika ne bakola enteekateeka okunzigya mu Kenya nga bagamba nti nayo nali sikyalina bukuumi bumala.

Bankolera ku byonna okugenda e Bungereza era wano we nakimanyira nti ne Kabaka yali amaze okutuuka e Bungereza ng'ayitira e Burundi.   Mukulu wange Grace Lumala yandeetera Pasitooti yange eyali eraga nti ndi minisita kubanga nagenda okuva mu bwaminisita mu Gavumentyi ya wakati ng'ekyaliko.

Olw'endabika yange, bwe natuuka ku kisaawe e Bungereza Omuzungu yasooka n'anziza mu kasenge nga yeebuuza minisita yenna asaakaatidde amalevu, anti n’engoye tezaali nnyonjo.

Bino byonna bigenda okubeerawo nga Ddamula akuumibwa mwannyinaze Yozefiina Nassaka eyali Lubuga wange era naye bwe yafa n'amukwasa mukulu wange Grace Lumala eyagikweka mu kisenge.  Ddamula yaggyibwayo mu kiseera nga ngikwasa Katikkiro Mulwanyammuli ng’Obwakaba buddiziddwaawo.

Ndi musanyufu nti Kabaka Mutebi, Katonda yamusobozesa okutuula ku Nnamulondo nga nkyali mulamu era nze ebyange bye njagala mu bulamu nabifuna!

Nb

Kituufu Bambi. Byoyagala mubulamu wabifuna era okyabifuna. Ensonga eno bwe buzibu obuvayo eri mubyafaayo bya ba Kattikiro ba Buganda nga ba Kabaka ba Buganda betoloddwa obulabe obuyitirivu munsi yabwe. Gwe ate Omugenyi bwakyala.......Akyaluka.


REMEMBRANCE EDITION

 

 

WE MUST NEVER FORGET MAY 24, 1966

Abaatolosa Muteesa basaba ani okusimibwa nga bakyali balamu?

Olwo abatabaala ne bafiirayo ku lwa Buganda okusiimibwa kwabwe kuliluddawa ebiro bino?

Kampala | May 25, 2015

                         Ssekabaka Muteesa I mu bubuddamu obwokubiri e London  June 1966
 

Bya DICKSON KULUMBA


BAKAAWONAWO mu lutalo lw’okulumbibwa kw’Olubiri e Mmengo bawanjagidde Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II nti bwe wabaayo gavumenti ye ky’ebategekedde, kibaweebwe nga bakyali balamu kubanga emyaka gy’abasinga gigenze.

Okusaba kuno baakuyisizza mu munnaabwe, Amrani Kinobe eyayogedde ku lwabwe n’agamba nti, “Munnaffe Nabakooza e Lugusulu yazimbirwa enju eri mu bukadde 50 ne bamukolera n’ebigenderako ebirala n’atuuka kumpi mu bukadde 70 naye ffe abaakulembera mukama waffe okumutuusa ewa Nabakooza, abamu twaweebwa 100,000/- ne satifikeeti ate abalala tebalina kye baafuna kirala.

Bino byabadde mu kusaba kw’okwebaza katonda olw’okusimattusk Ssekabaka Muteesa II n’okujjukira olunaku olwa May 24,1966 amagye ga Milton Obote lwe gaalumba Olubiri e Mengo ng’omukolo gwabadde mu Lubiri e Mengo ku eggulo.

Okusaba kuno kwakulembeddwaamu Omulabirizi w’e Namirembe eyawummula, Bp Balagadde Ssekadde eyasabye Olubiri luno lukulaakulanyizibwe kubanga ebikolobero Obote bye yalukoleramu byali bingi nga mu kiseera kino ebeera yatereera era abantu ba Kabaka beegazaanyirizeemu bulungi.

Omwogezi omukulu yabadde eyali Minisita omubeezi mu ofiisi ya Katikkiro, Israel Mayengo eyatadde ekibuuzo eri abantu nti kati, ‘Tukole ki? kubanga okubeerawo kw’enjega ya 1966 kwava ku mawanga, Buganda ge yeegatta nago okukola Uganda.

Mayengo yagambye nti tusobola okugamba bannaffe okutwetondera, naye bakisobola? Kubanga tewali nsonga yonna yalumbya Lubiri era ekikolwa ekyo kyaleeta ekigambo ‘Republic’ ekiringa ekirumba Abaganda nti Obwakabaka twabuggyawo kyokka n’agamba nti Ssemateeka w’eggwanga asaanye okukyusibwa ateekebwemu engeri abantu gye baagala okukulemberwamu.

Ku nsonga eno Mayengo yawadde ekyokulabirako, “Mu 1893 Abamerika baagenda ne bawamba ekitundu omuli Obwakabaka bwa Hawaii awatali kukkiriziganya kyokka mu 1993, Pulezidenti Bill Clinton yassa omukono ku kiwandiiko ekyetondera abantu b’e Hawaii wadde kati bali limu ku masaza agakola Amerika kyokka baali baagala okwongera okunyweza enkolagana.”

‘Ennugu yazaala obuzibu’

Eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda mu kiseera ekyo, Mayanja Nkangi yagambye nti tewali kintu kyatanula Obote kulumba Lubiri okuggyako obuggya bwe yalina ku Muteesa II olw’okuba yali ayagalwa abantu nga ye tebamulabawo.

Haji Mohamood Ssekimpi nga ye Mumyuka owookubiri owa Katikkiro yagambye nti Obwakabaka bwefunyiridde okutumbula obumu mu bantu kubanga bwe bugenda okuzzaawo ekitiibwa kya Buganda.

Omukolo gwetabiddwaako Omulangira David Golooba mutabani wa Muteesa II mu kiseera ekyo eyalina emyaka 10, Sipiika Nelson Kawalya, Nnaalinya Gertrude Tebattagwabwe n’abalala.

THE BUGANDA FEDERAL STATE OF UGANDA 1962.

 King of the Kingdom of Buganda and First President of the State

 of Uganda 1963/64.

 

 

EKIRYA ATABAALA KYE KIRYA N’ASIGADDE EKA

Omuntu atali ku lutalo naye ayinza okufa mu ngeri endala. N’olwekyo omuntu tasaana kutya kutabaala.

                               Kabaka wa Buganda nga ye President asooka mu Uganda 1963.

                                    Kabaka wa Buganda era President wa Uganda 1964.

                                                     Brass Band ya Buganda 1964/65.

                                               Military Police ya Buganda 1963/66

                                    The military Police of the State of Buganda 1961

                                                   Eggye lya Police ya Buganda

                         Kabaka wa Buganda nga alambula Parade ya Magye Ga Buganda 1962

               Kabaka wa Buganda ng' ali ku Parade ya Maggye ga Military Police e Bulange 1963.

Abamu ku baserikale ba Maggye ga Buganda abataasa obulamu bwa

                        Ssabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda 1966.

Ssekabaka Muteesa nga awangangusiddwa mu Bulaya omulundi ogwokubiri government ya Obote 1966.

 

Emmundu ya Central Government eya Obote egoba Ssekabaka Muteesa II mu Lubiri lwe e Mengo

CURRENT MILITARY NEWS IN THIS COUNTRY

WHY THE ARMY RAIDED FORMER PREMIER'S RESIDENCE

Hardly a week after being relieved of the Premiership, the army led by one of the Chief of Staffs raided the residence of the outgoing Prime Minister under the guise of  by Browser Shop"WITHDRAWING his military escort unit and replacing them with the Police VIP unit personnel. 

When the NRA took over power 28years ago all the senior officials took residence in the posh suburbs of Kololo and Nakasero. They pitched camps of armed escorts within their respective residences. Some Generals like Tumwine even closed off entire road stretches that passed near their residences. These senior officials even compete on who had the biggest house, number of armed soldiers, sophisticated armament and the fleet/convoy of escort cars. In the absence of formal ranks, this show of strength was the determinant of seniority. There would even be occasional exchange of fire between these escorts following brawls between some of their rowdy bosses in night clubs.

 Amama Mbabazi had been a member of FRONASA, a Lieutenant in the post Iddi Amin UNLA and its Director of Legal Services, fled to Nairobi where he remained as the leading member of the NRA external wing. Upon taking over power, no doubt he was a very powerful person whom the rank and file of the NRA could not distinguish as to whether he was a soldier on not. He too like other senior NRA officials took residence in the Kololo residential area and acquired all the armed sophistication. His first assignment was Director General of External Security (DG/ESO). He was later to hold the positions of Minister of State for Defence, Minister for Security etc. He would attend all the army council and high command meetings, chair the joint intelligence council (JIC) and coordinate the intelligence agencies. Mbabazi commanded a lot of authority among the security circles that even the most senior army Generals could not distinguish whether he was above them or they were below him. At times Museveni would even delegate him to chair the Army Council. When formal ranks were introduced, Museveni deliberately gave him no army number and rank despite the fact that even the fallen members of FRONASA were also awarded. This is because Museveni wanted to please the senior NRA officers whom Museveni had earlier told that members of the External Wing including Mbabazi had failed to mobilise resources for the fighters. However, going by the nature of sensitive positions that Museveni has assigned Mbabazi for the last 28 years and the political protection against alleged abuse of office, Mbabazi was made to believe that Museveni was grooming him for succession. This is why he (Mbabazi) at one time stated that Besigye was trying to jump the succession queue. IT IS WORTHY NOTING THAT AT THE TIME ERIYA KATEGAYA SEEMED TO BE THE NUMBER TWO BEFORE HE DIED OF 'LACK OF PHYSICAL EXERCISES'!

The escort units of respective senior officials comprises of Aide De Camps (ADCs), armed guards and military communication radio operators commonly known as Signalers. The armed guards are subdivided into those guarding the Kampala residence, the upcountry home, farm or ranch, those stationed at the office, those guarding the family business premises, those guarding the construction site if any, those always in the company of the principal, his/her spouse and children. In some instances some guards can even be assigned to relatives, friends and in-laws. The higher the principal's position and its accruing financial benefits, the bigger the number of escorts to be sustained. Such guards are always counted to be under the army General General Headquarters by establishment but its the respective official who has a final say over the choice,  retention and return to unit (RTU) of any escort unless he is facing a disciplinary action as is the current case of Mbabazi. It is very common to find someone who started as an escort to a senior official 28 years ago is still in the same position. Others even keep their immediate families within the premises of their bosses. In some cases depending on the boss's generosity, the escort is facilitated to rent a house outside and capital to start an income generating activity. For others they have struck fortunes by being involved in running private business errands for their bosses. The live example is of Juma Seiko the long time Aide to General Saleh. The result has been that many even forget about mainstream military service while others even desert. Apart from Museveni and Mbabazi, all the initial senior NRA officials have undergone descending or loss of prestige implying that Mbabazi has retained his original escorts for the last 28 years.

Apart from arms and personnel composing such guard units, there is one most vital component - the military communication radio.  A radio equipment for military communication with a call sign is attached to the security detail of such official complete with radio operators/signalers. The radio equipment enables the official to keep in touch with all administrative, command & control, and operational developments in all units of the army whether in the country or outside. Even when Museveni is in New York his military radio network is active and communicates with the entire NRA whether in Moroto, Mogadishu or CAR.  This is a privilege of very few top NRA officials. Even within the military establishment, not every Tom and Dick has access to these radio communication. The radio communication centre (Signal Centre) is out of bounds for most Officers and men save for just a few. Most of the messages generated are 'classfied and restricted'.  Not even the Vice President, Kigongo, ministers or the current Prime Minister can have access to this military communication network but Amama Mbabazi had it right from 1986 till late this week. Depriving Mbabazi of this privilege is a serious sign of mistrust. For the last 28 years, before Mbabazi goes to office, gets lunch or goes to bed he had to read the message book where all the developments in the security apparatus are recorded by his signaler. At his village home in Kihihi there is this strong communication gadget that is used to monitor and intercept military communication of neighboring countries and other hostile armed groups in the DRC. It was designed by his right hand man Col. Victor Twesigye formerly of ISO's 'Operation Rabbit' who is now the NRA's Director of Communication (Signals).

Museveni has designed a more sophisticated mechanism within this radio communication network codenamed 'Kibali' whereby a few chosen top officials are able to use coded communication via these radios without other users breaking into their codes not even some of the radio operators. Mbabazi was one of the few top officials under the 'Kibali' arrangement. Therefore, by the army taking away his radio and removing him from this net (network) he is terribly incapacitated and he now realises that Museveni is all out to reduce him to an ordinary person.Mbabazi as a person must have been legally in possession of arms like an SMG, Pistol and ammunitions which have not been withdrawn because his house was not searched.

Being denied access to military radio communication and escorts is the strongest sign of losing favor with Museveni. The likes of Jim Muhweezi, Saleh, Tumwiine, Aronda etc still have their military guards and radio network intact. Now for Mbabazi, he will have to wait for the mass media  and news bulletins so as to know why there was a shooting in his neighborhood the previous night or the security situation at the Uganda/Congo border a few kms from his home. He has the cash well but it can not buy information for "information is power". The information black out is further worsened by withdrawing all his military escorts some of who have been subjected to search and arrest. Could they have been used to gather information for the 'Kipingamizi'? We are yet to see the fate of his equally powerful Aide Captain Katabazi. 

THEREFORE THE ORDER TO  by Browser Shop"WITHDRAW MILITARY GUARDS FROM MBABAZI'S SECURITY DETAIL AND TO DISCONNECT HIM FROM THE MILITARY RADIO NETWORK WAS GIVEN BY MUSEVENI HIMSELF. The heavy deployment and the press coverage was meant to overwhelm Mbabazi. They did not anticipate any resistance or confrontation. This is what Museveni alluded to when he stated that "AM A WAR GENERAL AND NOT A CLASSROOM GENERAL" immediately after the Kyankwanzi resolution and since then he is always in full military combat uniform 24/7. It will take alot of hardwork for Museveni's intelligence handlers to convince him that Mbabazi is linked to any form of trying to gain the top office by use of the military. The Police VIP guards are nothing but members of the newly founded Kayihura intelligence outfit tasked to maintain surveillance on Mbabazi's movements and dealings and at worse to frame him over subversive activities.

INFORMATION IS POWER.

 

Former legislator Israel Mayengo during the interview

at his home in Kampala.

Photo by GEOFFREY SSERUYANGE

Oh yes, there is no question about it. And the main objective of any meaningful constitution of Uganda should be to harmonise the different communities which were put together by the British colonialists without their consent. The colonialists just bound together all these communities without regard to whether they had anything in common. They just found people who were different and lumped them together. It is our responsibility to find ways of how we can coexist meaningfully.

But coming from the same region didn’t stop Milton Obote being overthrown by the Okellos

Fortunately, I was with Paul Muwanga and he told me a lot of things about Obote. He told me that Obote’s group, who were Langi, had disagreements with the Acholi who came to be led by the Okellos. Muwanga told me that his boys – and by his boys he was referring to Bidandi Ssali, Kintu Musoke, Samwiri Mugwisa and Kirunda Kivejinja – asked him that the two (Obote and Okello) were having a quarrel and that this time he should not arbitrate between them; that he should let them kill each other. That can happen, yes. But we should agree that the biggest problem in our country’s politics is tribal and regional jealousies.

How did Muwanga get to tell you this?

We were imprisoned together and for a whole 183 days, we sat in a prison cell with Paul Muwanga and we discussed this. So he said when he had been advised by his boys not to intervene between Obote and Okello, he withdrew and kept quiet and eventually Obote was overthrown in 1985.

How did you end up in jail with Muwanga?

We were the first treason suspects when the current regime came to power despite the fact that when the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) was created, I was the first vice president to President Museveni.

So how did you become a rebel?

How I became a rebel? In any case, I never became a rebel; it was mere suspicion. Those suspected of being rebels, including Andrew Kayiira, Muwanga, Evaristo Nyanzi, Dr Lwanga, Francis Bwengye and 12 young men who included Maj Ndibowa who had been trained in Sandhurst in the UK, were arrested and dumped in Luzira in October 1986.

I had taken two German visitors for a drive around the River Nile and I was suspected of planning to blow up the Owen Falls Dam. So they included me among the treason suspects and I ended up spending 183 days in Luzira Maximum Prison and had a chance to sit with Muwanga alone in a prison cell for all those days.

Muwanga was a member of UPC and I had been a member of UPM while all the other suspects had been members of the Democratic Party so they didn’t want to mix with us. That is how I got the opportunity to ask Muwanga all sorts of questions and I think he gave me candid answers to many of the questions except to one question – on how Oyite Ojok died. To that he said he would tell me after we got out of prison. We did not manage to meet afterwards because he died shortly after being released from prison.

How did Muwanga come to wield a lot of power after Amin was overthrown?

I asked him a similar question while we were in prison. I asked him why he literally appointed Obote back into the office of president; why he did not take up the office himself. He told me that throughout his life he never wanted to be No. 1; that he always wanted to be No. 2. But that from his position as No. 2, he would shake up all the people below him and the one above him. He said that is why he was secretary general of UPC and in the Obote II government he was vice president and minister of defence.

The man was brilliant by the way. I saw it first hand when we were in prison. He was a genius who never did much formal schooling. He would handwrite with his left hand and write so well, and then he would use his right hand and then you would look at two beautiful handwritings. His two hands would produce two different signatures; very few people can do that. Whenever we came to court, Muwanga put in even more organised speeches than his lawyer.

How did you get out of prison?

We were eventually acquitted. The prosecutor just stood up in court one day and said there was no evidence of any sort to implicate me. Kayiira, Dr Lwanga and another friend of mine also came out the same day but Muwanga stayed in jail. He kept telling me in our cell that he knew I would be released soon but that he would spend four years in jail and that they would bring over a hundred cases of murder against him but that he would win all of them.

He indeed ended up spending four years and some two weeks in jail. Ten days after we were released, Kayiira was shot dead. Incidentally some soldiers came to the house where I was staying the same night Kayiira was killed but I was away. I learnt of it later and I ended up in hiding for 90 days.

Going back to your idea, you want us to have a presidential commission instead of a single person as president, how would that work in practice?