Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.


Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.


Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.


Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.


Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.


Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.


Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.


Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


By  RISDEL KASASIRA
& SAM KOMAKECH


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com

"Don’t use my name to grab traditional lands" - says the long serving President of Uganda as he campaigns for democratic re-election for a 6th term in office.

By STEVEN ARIONG

Posted  Tuesday, December 1   2015

NAPAK.KARAMOJA PROVINCE: UGANDA:

President Museveni has ordered for the arrest of any person found using his name or that of State House to grab land in Karamoja region.

President Museveni said this last Thursday at a press conference held at Morulinga State Lodge in Napak District.

The President’s orders came after he was asked by a journalist whether he was aware his name was being used by land grabbers claiming to be working in State House.

The Presidents replied: “I have never sent any one to get land in Karamoja. Whoever wants the land should follow the right procedures,” he said.

According to the survey carried out by the Ecological Christian Organisation (ECO), 97 per cent of the land in Karamoja has been licensed to 147 investors who are holding exploration and mining licenses ranging from 10 to 30 years but the community does not know yet the land in the region is owned communally. The President said he would write to the ministry of land to cancel some of the licenses acquired illegally.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.

com


Over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja


Publish Date:

May 01, 2014


The First Lady and Minister for Karamoja Affairs, Mrs. Janet Museveni


By David Lumu

 

The frantic jostle for minerals in Karamoja by companies has caused a problem of large scale land acquisition, a preliminary report by the Center for Basic Report has revealed.

 

Prof. Josephine Ahikire, the executive director of the Center for Basic Research (CBR) said that the concentration of mining companies in Karamoja has a direct implication on women rights and how communities interface with companies that have acquired land to establish mineral industries.

 

“It is not really about pin-pointing, but identifying communities that have experienced the large scale land acquisition problem and looking at how women are interfacing with the process,” she said.

 

Land policy experts also argue that the quest for land acquisition in Karamoja is raising a puzzle of land development versus the protection of individuals and communities.

 

Dr. Rose Nakayi of Makerere University Law School told New Vision that although large scale land acquisitions are not an accident of contemporary time, government must come up with a clear delimitation between government and public land.

 

Nakayi said that what is spanning out in Karamoja is “a challenge of international capitalist players and the desire to have Uganda develop.”

 

“Acquisition of land by foreigners must be explained to the local communities. Foreigners cannot acquire customary land, they can only acquire leases,” she said.

 

Eng. Simon D’ujanga, the state minister for energy said that ever since the country’s remotest area was pacified by disarming cattle rustlers, over 100 mineral companies have been set up by investors.

 

“In the recent past, we have tried to market the region and the country at large. We now have over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja and we are encouraging more investors,” he said.

 

First lady, Janet Museveni, the minister for Karamoja affairs is credited for championing the transformation of Karamoja by courting donors to invest in the region.

 

A 2011 survey by the Uganda department of geological survey and mines at the ministry of energy found that Karamoja has gold, limestone, uranium, marble, graphite, gypsum, iron, wolfram, nickel, copper, cobalt, lithium and tin.


The survey indicated that land in Karamoja is owned communally, which makes it difficult for the mining companies to identify the rightful owners for compensation or consultation.

 

Prof. Ahikire said that as companies begin to explore the minerals in Karamoja, voices of land grabbing, environment damage, limited information of land laws and marginalization of women are starting to come out.

 

D’ujanga said that land in Karamoja is acquired by investors according to the law. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) puts the population of Karamoja at 1.2 million people.




Agambire oba agambye: "Nga mu mpalampye! Where do you want me to go. I have lived in the State House now 30 years. What does the Land Act say about bona-fied occupancy

Sijja kugenda.


Ono omusajja anyumirwa entalo. Mujjukire: ENSI EGULA MIRAMBO NGA NO TEMULI WUWO.


Kyankwanzi now place for wicked decisions - Fr Gaetano

By ROBERT MUHEREZA 


Posted  Sunday, February 15  2015

 

KABALE, KIGEZI, UGANDA:

The parish priest for Kitanga in Kabale Diocese, Fr Gaetano Batanyenda, has said whereas the NRM/NRA high command used Luweero to liberate Uganda, they are currently using Kyankwanzi to bring down all they promised Ugandans.

Fr Batanyenda was on Thursday addressing the press in Kabale Town where he said all the undemocratic decisions that do not have popular support such as the lifting of presidential term limits, endorsing President Museveni as sole candidate and the proposed lifting of the presidential age limit are always first taken to Kyankwanzi for endorsement during NRM party retreats.

“It’s as if Kyankwanzi has been turned into a place to turn down all the democratic ideals that were hatched during the NRA/NRM liberation struggle in Luweero. All religious leaders in Uganda should join us in preaching against the negative trends our country is taking to avoid disastrous situations,” Fr Batanyenda said.

“Kyankwanzi has become a place of condemnation where negative seeds about hatred, nepotism, sectarianism and other forms of injustices are being sown, contrary to the spirit of the Luweero Bush War struggle...,” Fr Batanyenda added.

He said if the information that MPs are demanding Shs300m to allow President Museveni rule for life are true, it would prove how greedy our leaders are, instead of demanding better salaries for health workers and teachers and ensuring enough drugs in government hospitals.

UPC calls for Reconci-liation Commission 

By MARVIN KIRUNDA

Posted  Thursday, February 19  2015

 
Kampala- Uganda:
Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), another old dictatorial political party has demanded the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, describing as opportunistic, the way NRM government is forgiving past political leaders it demonised yesterday.

“One minute a leader is labelled a swine and before you know it, he is turned into an eminent hero.

The NRM government should stop the ad-hoc forgiving of political figures, it is an opportunistic way of handling a very traumatic period of our past,” Mr Joseph Bbosa, the UPC vice president, said yesterday.

Mr Bbosa’s comments come in the wake of Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) taking over the reburial of the remains of the late commander of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello.

Lt Gen Okello was exiled to Sudan in 1986 when the National resistance Army (NRA) under the command of President Museveni toppled the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa government. Lt Gen Okello was then commander of the UNLA.

He is said to have succumbed to diabetes in 1990 and was buried in Sudan.

Mr Bbosa said the commission will be charged with investigating and forgiving every political crimes offender and would be comprised of eminent persons in and outside Uganda.

He pointed out the war in northern Uganda from 1986-2008, the September 2009 riots in Buganda and the Luweero triangle war of 1981-1986 that brought President Museveni to power as some of the incidents that need to be investigated by the proposed commission.

However, the government spokesperson, Mr Ofwono Opondo, said government does not see any need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

“The UPC has all the platforms to express their issues including the media, courts of law and Parliament which has a Human Rights committee. Let UPC first tell Ugandans why it abolished kingdoms and made Uganda a one-party State,” he told the Daily Monitor on phone yesterday.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com


The International

Criminal Court says that it is on a visit to the Continent of Africa on invitation by its member states:

 

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for Disaster Preparedness Musa Ecweru (C) and other Soroti leaders yesterday. Photo by Simon Peter Emwamu


Posted  Tuesday, March 3  2015

 

Soroti, UGANDA- The Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court has said the ICC is in Africa on invitation by African countries that are state parties to the Rome Statute and not by choice.

Ms Fatou Bensouda, who finalised her visit of northern and eastern Uganda to acquaint herself with the effects of the LRA war yesterday, said the attack on the court by African heads of state is unfair.

“Leaders should not expect to commit atrocities and expect to be above the law. Those days are over; ICC was created to help the victims,” Ms Bensouda told a gathering comprising civil society, security and political leaders in Soroti Town.

She said African Union and ICC share the same values on human rights and are both against impunity. She said Uganda ratified the Rome Statute in 2003, and requested for help on LRA war crimes. She said investigations are also on going in DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic and Mali.

“It’s very clear we work in transparent manner,” she explained.

Ms Bensouda said the ICC believes in fact-finding, the reason she came to listen to the victims of the LRA. One of the LRA commanders, Dominic Ongwen, is at the Hague awaiting trial in January 2016.

Ms Bensouda promised that more ICC officials will be coming to take statements from LRA war victims to help her office table a solid case before the judges. This, she said, is the reason why she asked judges to adjourn the Ongwen case to January 2016 as opposed to August 2015 as earlier indicated.

Mr Musa Ecweru, the state minister for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, thanked the prosecutor for coming to listen to the war victims.

The background

President Museveni has often bashed the ICC. During the Independence Day celebrations last year, Mr Museveni described the ICC as “a biased instrument of post-colonial hegemony.” The President was unhappy with the ICC for indicting two sitting African presidents; Omar Bashir of Sudan and Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya. Mr Bashir was indicted for war crimes in Darfur while Kenyatta was accused of fanning election violence in 2007. Mr Kenyatta’s charges have since been dropped.

editorial@

ug.nationmedia.com


Museveni turns coat and apologises to ICC: "We are on same side".

 

President Museveni shakes hands with ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the President’s country home in Rwakitura.


PHOTO.

By FREDERIC MUSISI


Posted  Wednesday, March 4  2015  

 

Kampala, UGANDA,

President Museveni has said he is still on the same side with The Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) notwithstanding his .misgivings.

“Despite our differences, we are on the same side,” Mr Museveni told ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on Monday night, according to a statement issued by State House. The ICC Chief Prosecutor has just concluded a five-day tour of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war-affected areas in northern and eastern Uganda.

“We had to hand over Dominic Ongwen because he was arrested from a different country and had committed crimes across several countries. If he was arrested in Uganda, we would have charged him here,” the President said.

The remarks come less than three months after the President; while speaking at Kenya’s 51st Independence Day in Nairobi last year, said he was “done with this type of court justice"

President Museveni, accused the court of being a tool of Western powers to witch-hunt African leaders. The court handles major war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, for which a couple of African leaders have been indicted.

“People of the West should leave their foolishness. I am done with the ICC,” the President told a cheering crowd at Nyayo Stadium in Nairobi.

However, in Monday’s meeting, the President further stressed that Uganda will cooperate with the court and avail it all the necessary information and access to witnesses that it may need.

musisif@ug.nationmedia.

com

 

Ettaka litabudde munnamagye Brigadier Kasirye Ggwanga ne mwannyina
May 18, 2015
Kasirye Ggwanga. 
 

Bya SAMSON SSEMAKADDE NE LUKE KAGIRI

 


MUNNAMAGYE  Brig. Kasirye Ggwanga akutte mukulu we n’amuggalira  ku poliisi ng’amulanga kugezaako kubba ttaka lya kika.

Ettaka lino liri ku kyalo Katakala mu  Mityana Town Council nga liriko yiika ttaano era nga kwe kuli ennyumba y’ekika ey’ekiggya eky’aba Kasirye.

Elizabeth Nabwami, 66, abadde yaakadda okuva mu  Amerika gy’amaze emyaka egisukka mu 10 ye yakwatiddwa.

Kiddiridde okugenda ewaabwe e Katakala ng’ayagala okulongoosa  awaka ng’eno Kasirye Ggwanga gye yamusanze n’amugoba  era  n’aleeta  poliisi n’agiragira emukwate era n’okusiba omuntu yenna anaagendayo okumweyimirira.







Kasirye Gwanga(wakati) nga akyali muvubuka mumagye ga Uganda Acholi, Uganda.


Wabula mukulu waabwe bonna, Edith Najjuuko yagenze ku poliisi e Mityana ne yeeyimirira Nabwami n’ateebwa.

Najjuuko agamba nti, “ettaka lino si lya Kasirye Ggwanga nga lyange nga Najjuuko, ne baganda bange abawala mukaaga kuba kitaffe omugenzi, Yovani Kasirye bwe yali tannaffa yandekera ekibanja  wabula oluvannyuma nneegula ne nkiteeka mu mannya gange. Kitaffe yagaana Kasirye Ggwanga okumusikira kuba we yafiira  Kasirye yali atandise okukola effujjo mu kika olw’okuba ye mwana yekka omulenzi  mu baana  b’omugenzi era ng’amannya ge ye Samuel Wasswa Gitta.”

Brig. Kasirye eyasangiddwa mu makaage e Makindye, yagambye nti,  “mwannyina yakomawo okuva mu Amerika n’ajingirira ekyapa oluvannyuma  lw’okugenda mu minisitule y’ebyettaka  ne kiteekebwa mu mannya ge ng’omuntu. Yatandika okuligabanyaamu bu poloti obwa 100 ku 50 era n’aleeta n’abaalirambula abaatandika n’okulipima n’atuuka n’okutema omuti ogwali ku biggya ng’ayagala kugutemamu mbaawo.  Mwannyinaze ono nnali namuwa yiika y’ettaka e Kyaggwe wabula nga yagaana okukolerako ekintu kyonna. Nange kwe kusalawo okumusibisa nga njagala yeesonyiwe ettaka lya famire akyuse n’ekyapa akizze mu ga famire kuba talina buyinza bukikyusa.”

DPC wa Mityana, Donald Ebunyu yagambye nti bagguddewo omusango ku fayiro SD: 37/16/05/2015 ogukwata ku by’ettaka wadde nga  Kasirye Ggwanga yaloopye gwa kwoonoona bintu bye, ogw’okutema omuti.

 

Democracy wa Bagagga nabaavu mu Africa:

 

By World Media

 

15 March, 2019

 

 

President M7 greeting government employed youths as crime preventers in Uganda
Although President Museveni once declared that he did not need anyone's advice, the number of people officially paid  as presidential advisers is set to rise to 141 this coming financial year.
A study by The Observer of the staffing levels at the Office of the President and State House has found that by comparison, more out-of-job politicians are hired as presidential advisors than key critical government civil servants like policy analysts and economists.

According to the 2016/17 ministerial policy statement for the Office of the President and State House presented to Parliament in April, the Office of the President has 259 vacant positions, mostly for civil servants such as principal policy analysts (3), principal economist, and principal legal officer.

Other vacancies include a commissioner and an assistant commissioner for monitoring, directors for the manifesto implementation unit and directorate of economic affairs and research (DEAR) plus an assistant commissioner for policy.

PRESIDENTIAL ADVISORS

The policy statement, however, shows that although the president lacks key staff, the number of his advisors has steadily been rising after every election cycle or cabinet reshuffle, whose roles actually overlap.

Museveni currently has 116 advisors in the Office of the President; but the statement suggests this number is to rise to 121 this financial year. This is 39 more than the number of advisors the president had at the beginning of his fourth elective presidential term in 2011.

This is in addition to 20 other advisors listed as staff of State House – 15 of them ranked as ‘senior’.  It means  that the total number of Museveni’s advisers will shoot to 141 with the 2016/17 financial year.

While their colleagues listed under the Office of the President get a monthly package ranging between Shs 2.3m and Shs 2.6m, those under State House are paid between Shs 4m and Shs 7.3m.

The surging numbers of presidential advisors seem to contradict the president’s proclamation at a public rally in Masaka that he does not need anybody’s advice (See: I don’t need advisors – Museveni, The Observer February 11, 2015). If he does not need advice, one analyst asked, why does he keep increasing the number of advisors?

Advisors have severally hinted that they never get to meet the president to advise him, besides writing routine monthly briefs that in most cases don’t reach him.

According to the list presented to Parliament, many advisors were once ministers, MPs or district LC-V chairpersons. According to our study, the number of advisers seems to go up every after an election cycle and cabinet reshuffle.

 

M7 jubilant after winning a 6th term in a Presidential Office

 

For instance, after the March 2015 cabinet reshuffle, former Attorney General Peter Nyombi and former Finance, Planning and Economic Development Minister Maria Kiwanuka joined the long list of presidential advisors who are former ministers.

Some of the former ministers who are advisors include Gerald Ssendaula, Ham Mulira Mukasa, Ezra Suruma, Namirembe Bitamazire, Beatrice Wabudeya and Gen Salim Saleh.

Others are former prime ministers Kintu Musoke and Apolo Nsibambi, former vice president Specioza Wandira Kazibwe, Dr James Makumbi and Muhammed Mayanja who were ministers in the 1990s.

PARTISAN ADVISORS

Topping the list of former MPs who are advisers is NRM deputy electoral commission boss John Arimpa Kigyagi who, despite holding a partisan office, draws a Shs 2.3m monthly salary as a presidential advisor.

The list also includes former Serere MP John Emily Otekat and former Bukoto West MP Mulindwa Birimumaaso, who is also the NRM chairman for Lwengo district.

The former LC-V chairpersons who are Museveni’s advisors include John Wycliffe Karazarwe, who led Ntungamo district until 2011. Others are Vincent Ssemakula Ssettuba (Rakai), Brig Kasirye Ggwanga (Mubende), Yowasi Makaaru (Bushenyi) and Fred Nayebare Kyamuzigita (Lyantonde). Some former LC-V chairpersons like Ian Kyeyunye (Wakiso) are now resident district commissioners (RDCs).

DEAD ADVISORS

Besides the politicians, some of Museveni’s advisors are retired soldiers such as former deputy Army Commander Maj Gen Joram Mugume, Lt Col Jacob Asiimwe, Capt Olive Zizinga and former presidential pilot Maj Gen Ali Kiiza.

A further scrutiny of the list also found that former envoys Francis Butagira and Ibrahim Mukiibi are also presidential advisors. Two of the listed 116 advisors such as Hajji Badru Wegulo and Besweri Mulondo are dead.

The minister for the Presidency Frank Tumwebaze declined to be interviewed for a comment at the weekend. He said he was away on leave and referred this writer to Security minister Mary Karooro Okurut, who is holding the portfolio. Contacted for a comment at the weekend, Karooro declined to say much until Monday.

“There is no way I can have an answer simply because I have been holding the portfolio; I need to consult,” Karooro said.

The new opposition chief whip, Kira municipality MP Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda, described the anomalies as part of the political fraud by the president.

“To Museveni, the state is meant to serve his politics; the people who do his politics have to be accommodated on the public service payroll because he [president] never has his own money to pay them,” Ssemujju said.

Ssemujju said his scrutiny of the same document found that the staffing levels at both State House and Office of the President sharply contradict the structures approved by the ministry of Public Service.

“The number of his advisors and assistants keep growing…he never needs the [approved staff] structure because he operates informally,” Ssemujju said. “He [president] is not under pressure to recruit staff but under pressure to accommodate his people. He has people who can’t handle the formal civil service jobs and, therefore, has to create positions where he can deploy them.”   

sadabkk@observer.ug

How free and fair was the Uganda 1996 election after 10 years of rule by the political party of the National Resistance Movement?

 

President Museveni (R), accompanied by his wife Janet,

swears in as President of Uganda for the first time as an

elected president in 1996. File photo

 
By Faustin Mugabe

Posted  Saturday, January 30   2016
 

Electing new leaders in many African countries is still a do or die business, but more so the president. The incumbents tend to glue to the chair as their opponents push the hardest for their exit.
On May 9, 1996, Uganda hosted the first direct presidential elections in the history of the country. Incumbent President Museveni of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party won the three- man race. And three days after, on May 12, he was sworn in as president at Kololo airstrip in Kampala.

Museveni had obtained a total of 4,428,119 votes (74.2 per cent). The Democratic Party (DP) president general Paul Ssemogerere, who was the coalition presidential candidate of the Inter-Party Forces Cooperation (IPFC), came second with 1,416,139 votes (23.8), and the JEEMA party candidate Mohammed Kibirige Mayanja trailed with a paltry 120,000 votes. About 196,000 votes were spoilt. The total votes cast was 6,193,816 while 8,460,509 Ugandans were registered voters.
The composition of registered voters in the four regions of the country was: Buganda 2,477,714, western 2,230, 186, eastern 2,198,181 and northern had 1,554,428. Another historic record set was that Museveni defeated Ssemogerere at Bendegere B, in Nkumba Entebbe, formerly Mpigi District, now Wakiso District. Bendegere B polling station is where Ssemogerere cast his vote. Museveni got 256 votes, while Ssemogerere polled 209 votes. Kibirige got only five votes, while 11 votes were spoilt. To be defeated by your opponent at the very polling station you cast the vote can indeed be too hard to comprehend.

Hours after the Interim Electoral Commission (IEC) led by Stephen Akabway had announced provisional results on May 10; the IPFC candidate Ssemogerere dismissed them as false at a press conference at IPFC headquarters in Kabusu, Kampala. Ssemogerere said: “I cannot accept these results as valid”. The New Vision, The Monitor, as well as the Crusader newspapers of the following day, quoted him as having said.

“I have been a patient person in public life. I thought this was the best thing for this country. I have spent time with people I don’t agree with for the sake of democracy. I have not known time before or after independence, when people of different political beliefs, religions and nationalities have come together for once. Now all this has been shattered by the stubbornness of [Yoweri Museveni] wanting to cling to power,” he added.
During the press conference, Ssemogerere also revealed 54 cases of malpractices recorded by DP across the country. The 64-year-old DP stalwart said rigging of votes included intimidation of voters by the State, use of pre-ticked ballot papers, use of fake voter’s cards and doctored voter registers.

Speaking exclusively to the Sunday Monitor at his home at Kabusu in Kampala recently, Ssemogerere confirmed that there was rigging. “For instance, at the [former] Kadogo Army School Polling Station in Mbarara, those soldiers [Kadogos/young soldiers] were allowed to vote for Museveni several times. Someone who was there came and told me. That person is still around,” he said. Asked whether he would have won the elections if there was no rigging, Ssemogerere answered: “Whether Museveni won the elections or not, I can tell you, there was rigging”. Asked why he didn’t challenge Museveni’s victory in the courts of law;

Ssemogerere answered: “Going to court? It all depends on what you want to achieve.”
Two weeks to the polls day, DP had formally warned the IEC boss, Akabway of what they saw as imminent rigging for candidate Museveni. In a letter dated April 24, 1996, which, Ms Maria Lubega Mutagamba, then chairperson of the Inter-Party Electoral Commission and National Chairperson of Ssemogerere’s campaign team, wrote to Akabway threatening to block the entire election exercise on the polls day.

The letter in part read: “I must warn you, Mr chairman, that unless all members of the campaign team of Mr Museveni are removed from the position of presiding officers and polling assistants, I shall instruct all my polling agents to refuse all the stations to open.”
The letter mentioned 30 names of Museveni’s campaign agents, who were also presiding officers or polling assistants. Among them were: Musisi Sam Sseruga, who was said to be the chairman of Museveni’s campaigning team in Kakeeka Zone, Rubaga South in Kampala. He was also the presiding officer of Kakeeka 1 Village in the same area.

Another one was Margaret Kituuka, who was the head of Museveni’s campaign team in Kabusu zone, South Rubaga, but was also appointed the polling assistant in the same area. Mutagamba, who after the elections crossed to NRM, and is now the Minister for Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities, also quizzed why some civic educators were allowed to use candidate Museveni’s posters while demonstrating the voting exercise. She also wondered why 10 civic educators had been withdrawn without replacement in Busiro constituency by Akabway after candidate Museveni’s campaign agents complained about them.

Political commentator Charles Rwomushana saw it all

Was there rigging for candidate Yoweri Museveni? Political commentator Charles Rwamushana (pictured), who was Constituency Assembly (CA) delegate for Rujumbura County in 1994, and a victim of electoral violence in 1996 as he contested for Rujumbura County in Rukungiri District against then Brig Jim Muhwezi, answers the question.

“Let us look at Rukungiri District where I was with Ssemogerere when we faced the barbaric attacks from these [NRM] people,” Rwamushana says, adding: “If the election was to be free and fair in Rukungiri, it would have been a miracle for Ssemogerere to get 10,000 votes in the district, which included Kanungu.” He goes on to say that the persecution of candidate Ssemogerere in Rukungiri was not because the people hated him. “The violence against Ssemogerere, led by a District Internal Security Officer (DISO), was State-inspired. “The DISO carried out Operation Tumukyirize, where Ssemogerere supporters who had nominated him in the district would be arrested by a gang, who would then lift that person facing the sky and let him fall down; this would be done repeatedly until that person would accept to withdraw his signature from the nomination book. As a result, Ssemogerere did not have the required 100 signatures from Rukungiri.”

Rwomushana also asserts: “There was under age voters who were allowed to vote early in the morning so that they could not be seen by the election observers. This, I witnessed at my polling station, Kahoko, Nyakagyeme [Sub-county]. They rigged elections which Museveni would have even won in a free and fair election because, at the time, Museveni was still popular, except in the north.”
Still in Rukungiri District, Ssemogerere was blockaded inside Sky Hotel by wild youths for hours as they roasted a bull outside. Museveni obtained 99.8 per cent and Ssemogerere polled 0.1 per cent in the district.

Election violence
In Rukungiri, Rwomushana says he survived death in the State-inspired electoral violence, but was admitted at Nyakibaale Mission Hospital for days after his main opponent’s supporters had savagely attacked him and his supporters.
“They [NRM] wanted to kill me even when I was at the hospital. I was saved by the nurse who told me of the plan and I left the hospital,” Rwomushana said in an exclusive interview with Sunday Monitor.

Former Electoral Commissioner speaks out
Lawyer Charles Owor (above), one of the seven Electoral Commissioners of the Interim Electoral Commission, spilled the beans two years after the elections. On October 16, 1998, Owor reaffirmed at an organised conference in Kampala that there was “under-age voting” to favour NRM. Owor said without mentioning candidate Museveni. The conference with the theme: “Uganda’s wars: Military vs. Political solutions,” was organised by “The Free Movement”, a political pressure group, which Owor was the vice chairman. The conference attracted some of the country’s top intellectuals, who included late Noble Mayombo, then deputy director of Military Intelligence, DP’s Norbert Mao, among others. In the hot debate, Owor insisted that the elections were not free and fair.

Left to fight alone
However, when Mayombo challenged him to seek court redress if the elections were rigged, Owor responded that as an individual, he could not take the government to court due to lack of finance. Owor’s outburst was recorded by the Ugandan print media for several months. Earlier in April 1996, when the NRM party pressed the scandalous skulls of Luweero war victims in a full page advert in the New Vision newspaper, Owor was the only Electoral Commissioner who castigated the infamous advert; attracting harsh response from John Nagenda, the architect of the advert. Nagenda was also President Museveni’s adviser on media and public relations. Later, on October 23, 1998, Owor was hosted on Radio One FM on the Spectrum talk-show, where he insisted that there were what he called “fundamental flaws in election”. Owor was later relieved of his duties when a permanent Electoral Commission, chaired by Aziz Kasujja was appointed and Owor was later to die in what is said to be a road accident in Kenya.

 


 

 

 

In Uganda the political party in power gets ready for rigging another National Election. Although the Chairman is very old now, he has a very young team of administrators at the Secretariat that he is training to cope with this work:

 

L-R: A photo montage of NRM deputy secretary general

L-R: A photo montage of NRM deputy secretary general Richard Todwong,

secretary general Kasule Lumumba and party treasurer Rose Namayanja.

PHOTOS BY FAISWAL KASIRYE

By Ivan Okuda

Posted  Sunday, September 20  2015
 

Plot 10 Kyadondo Road in Kampala continues to bustle with hordes of traders vending National Resistance Movement (NRM) party paraphernalia and supporters of candidates chanting slogans in the precincts.

As of close of business this week, the interior and exterior walls of the miniature home of the NRM were fresh with a new coat of yellow and white paint. You can’t miss the rebranding boy!

In the parking yard are spotless white, monster VX Land Cruisers with customised number plates RM 0001-RM 0005 for the secretariat’s top bureaucrats.

But as they say, don’t judge a book by its cover. Inside the neat walls now sparkling at the ruling party headquarters lies a thicker coating of intrigue, mutual suspicion, mistrust, backstabbing and intricate political chess games.
By end of this month, the party will have emerged out of primaries which will see a change of guard in the top echelons of leadership. How bruised the party will emerge after these elections remains to be seen.

Two weeks ago, NRM electoral commission boss Tanga Odoi and the all-powerful secretary general (SG) Kasule Lumumba hit the headlines over a disagreement that spilled to the media.

Dr Odoi, a once vocal academic from Makerere University, took to the press, accusing the SG of frustrating him and the party.

“We are ready to conduct the primaries but our only frustration is lack of support from the secretary general,” Dr Odoi told the media.

Ms Lumumba, an assertive woman in her own right, claimed there were still inhouse nuts and bolts to be fixed before the said monies could be released.
It took the intervention of the President to calm tensions. The Tanga-Lumumba debacle only spoke to the deep seated infighting that could send the secretariat to paralysis.

Inside sources who were not comfortable being quoted by Sunday Monitor reveal the power fights started off from day one.

Following the move by Mr Museveni to undercut his erstwhile political soul mate Amama Mbabazi, first with the Kyankwanzi resolution, then the amendment of the constitution making the positions of SG, deputy SG, treasurer and deputy treasurer appointive, and finally the appointment of the new cabin crew, things have never been the same.

Mbabazi’s ghost haunting NRM?
Of course there are still traces of Mbabazi’s own work style when he was SG at the party. Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Kahinda Otafiire persistently accuses Mbabazi of having run the party like a family business.

“NRM is not Mbabazi and family company limited. We are not Mbabazi’s business,” he once angrily said.

Whereas the party offices are situated at Plot 10 Kyadondo, Mbabazi found it convenient to do business from his private office at Crested Towers.

NRM deputy spokesman Ofwono Opondo threw in his weight, watering down Mbabazi’s contribution, saying the party had no office basics such as a website, post office box and computers.

But the same Mbabazi led a team that delivered Museveni a resounding victory in 2011, the same Mbabazi registered success in parliamentary elections, with the party garnering close to 80 per cent of the 375 MP seats and the same Mbabazi gave NRM a clean balance sheet in local government elections, including Kampala, a predominantly Opposition stronghold. 
People who worked at the secretariat during Mbabazi’s tenure give numbing tales of intrigue at the party.

President Museveni this year, while officiating at the NRA/M day celebrations in Soroti District, hinted on this when he associated Mbabazi’s tenure with laziness and intrigue, telling the BBC in an interview he had sacked his premier for playing divisive politics.

“We now have a government of children. Lumumba (NRM secretary general) was in Primary Six when the NRM came to power while Rose Namayanja’s (party treasurer) first job was to sell pancakes to NRM guerrillas, Dr Kenneth Omona (deputy treasurer) was still in nursery, Richard Todwong (deputy secretary general) in Primary Six.

Only Tanga Odoi (NRM electoral chair) was a bit older in his 2nd year at university,” President Museveni said, as he introduced the new NRM leaders to the audience.

“President Museveni said the biggest problem in NRM was quarrels among the members and thanked Ms Lumumba for reconciling the warring factions in Busia District, which could have cost the party the post,” Daily Monitor reported.

Mbabazi’s ghost hovers over NRM
But Opondo, Museveni and Otafiire in their condemnation of Mbabazi, whatever his weaknesses took, possibly celebrated too early.

The Banyankole say ‘you do not praise your father as a good runner until those pursuing him return.’ Reason? They could return with him as a captive.
Sources in the secretariat reveal intrigue has actually worsened with the emergence of what Museveni calls a regime of children.

Dr Odoi, for instance, prefers to hold press conferences with Opondo instead of Rogers Mulindwa and is said to be cold to staff seen as Lumumba’s blue eyed boys. 
For Odoi and Lumumba, the elephant in the room, according to sources, is who should run the show.

When Mbabazi’s legal team challenged the new party primary elections guidelines, Todwong in an interview with this reporter said he had rushed to the press prematurely.

Some of the guidelines were still in draft. A day later, one of the newspapers ran a story with Lumumba disregarding the guidelines.

The guidelines that proposed NRM slapping jail terms and fines, clearly out of touch with the party constitution, were in some circles said to be ridiculous. 
The night his appointment was declared, a Cabinet minister who did not want to be quoted said the party had made a wrong choice in Odoi, seen as divisive from his hey days at Makerere.

But Odoi comes into a party where members such as Trade minister Amelia Kyambadde come belching with self-entitlement. To take a tough stance against them is to court enmity.
As members returned forms, for instance, he attempted to stick to the rules. When Deputy Prime Minister Moses Ali’s aide came to pick his forms, Odoi barked at him, ordering him to ask his boss to pick the forms personally. 
Gen Ali would later saunter into the offices with disgust written on his face.

A week or so later, he stopped the all-powerful Sam Kutesa from accessing the party premises with a government car. Mr Kutesa stuck to his guns, flashing his credentials as president of the United Nations General Assembly.

Odoi finds himself a victim of being a stickler to the “rules”.

Apparently, the Lumumba-Odoi fallout has also sucked in Ms Kyambadde (former party treasurer), Ruth Nankabirwa (Government Chief Whip), Ofwono Opondo, Dr Hassan Galiwango (party director for administration), Dr Kenneth Omona (deputy treasurer), among others.
But there is the Todwong-Namayanja-Lumumba clash

At the height of the delegates’ conference last December, the media was awash with stories accusing deputy SG Todwong of mismanaging delegates’ allowances.

Todwong, whose roots in NRM stretch to his high school days at a time the party was taboo in northern Uganda given the brunt of war, was enraged. The stories, it emerged later, were planted by one of his colleagues. The snake was right under his feet.

Todwong feels he is an old broom who knows the corners best. Add to that a tinge of entitlement, having served as acting SG when Mbabazi got into trouble with his boss.

In fact, sources in the party attribute the rivalry to the rift between Todwong on the one side and Lumumba, Namayanja on the other.

Lumumba and Namayanja, for instance, sit in a private office in Kololo, while Todwong’s office is in Bukoto. They meet at the secretariat as and when circumstances dictate. How they coordinate party activities remains a puzzle.

When contacted, Todwong down played the intrigue in the party, “That was misreporting. As far as I know there is no disunity in the party, we are working as a team and we are strong, that is how we have managed to run these elections.”

He, however, admits that given an array of cross-socio-economic and political backgrounds, they can clash but the clashes still fall within the boundary of what is bearable and common place in any other office.

In a recent interview with Sunday Monitor, Dr Odoi denied the President had castigated or warned him on anything.
“The President did not castigate anybody. He only lectured us about good administration and delegation of roles. He emphasised that we must be transparent in procurement, administration and that we must share information no matter what level one is at,” Dr Odoi said after the President met him and others at State House.

Otafiire, who offered himself in 2010 for the NRM SG job with former vice president Gilbert Bukenya, says: “I am not aware of any infighting in NRM. What I saw was the EC chairman complaining that the SG was not facilitating activities. But complaining is okay. I have not paid particular attention to the infighting. We are members of one family.”

Tamale Mirundi, the president’s adviser on the media, speaking as a political analyst, said: “Mbabazi in his scheme to become president infiltrated every sector of government, doing a surgical operation on Museveni. He left the NRM secretariat like a colonialist, his traces are still there.”

He adds, “Museveni made a mistake to appoint Todwong, Lumumba’s deputy. He should have been either promoted to SG or taken to another place because he is a spill-over from Mbabazi administration.

For us who are guarded by soldiers, when you change guards you ensure the old ones don’t find themselves taking orders from the new ones. Todwong expected to be SG. There are many people who are fighting Lumumba to show she has failed so they take over.”

What is the net effect on the party? 
“Anyone who thinks infiltrating NRM secretariat will fail Museveni is a day dreamer. Museveni is a guerrilla politician, there are several other secretariats,” he said.

True to Mirundi’s assertion, Museveni has since spread the net of his 2016 campaign beyond the secretariat with Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde running a parallel structure in Kololo and Ms Molly Kamukama, an astute mobiliser and smooth political operator also running a unique structure in Mbuya with a healthy budget and political communication bureau, separate from the NRM official one in Kamwokya.

Despite this infighting, the party has made progress.

Not so long ago, Shs16 billion was collected at the two fundraising dinners Museveni hosted at State House in Entebbe to mobilise funds for the construction of the 27-storey Movement House.

The intrigue in the party, it appears, is only testament to Museveni’s own work methods and the unwritten rule of politics.