Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



Umeme opens assault charges against NRM MP Tayebwa:

29 August, 2020

Written by URN


Thomas Tayebwa (Left in the picture) with President Museveni


Power distributor Umeme has opened assault charges against Ruhinda North MP Thomas Tayebwa. Tayebwa is alleged to have assaulted a Umeme contractor early this week as he disconnected the MP from a transmission line on which he had connected illegally.


In a video that has since gone viral, Tayebwa is seen questioning a man who had disconnected power in addition to ordering him to lie down.

The gentleman is seen being beaten as they counted up to 10 strokes. Peter Kaujju, head of communications at Umeme said a case of assault on Ref: SD/87/26/2020 has been reported at Katwe police station.
“Umeme’s attention has been drawn to a video making rounds in which one of our contractor employees is seen beaten at the premises said to belong to Hon. Thomas Tayebwa in Busabala, Kampala. Umeme strongly condemns acts of human rights violation,” said Kaujju.


Efforts to speak to Tayebwa were futile as he did not pick nor return our calls. However, Kaujju said the incident is being investigated and Umeme will provide the necessary support to the authorities in this matter.

This is not the first time where powerful and rich people have assaulted people while on their lawful duties. In May this year, police briefly detained Maj. Gen. Paul Lokech on allegations of confronting a senior female traffic police officer, ASP Ruth Kyobutungi, on Namugongo Road, Kira Municipality, in Wakiso District.

Former NRM western region vice chairman, Maj. Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza last year also assaulted a female traffic officer, Sgt. Esther Namaganda in Seeta, Mukono after violating traffic regulations.

CID records of 2019 show 31,895 cases of assault were reported presenting a 12.1 per cent decrease compared to cases reported of 2018.

An African Company has been awarded Shs 181bn for a cancelled sand mining licence:

22 May, 2020

Written by URN

MPs on the committee of Natural Resources and officials from NEMA examine the effects of sand mining on Lake Victoria

Court has awarded Shs 181 billion to a company dealing in sand mining and fish farming whose licence was cancelled by government in 2016.


DMW Uganda Limited, owned by pastor Daniel Walugembe in 2019 petitioned the civil division of the High court challenging the directive by parliament in October 2016 to ban their activities of sand mining in Lwera wetland.

The parliamentary committee on natural resources called for the cancellation of the licence following complaints by locals and area politicians that several companies were engaged in illegal sand mining and export especially by the foreign companies.

In the aftermath, the committee directed the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) to also cancel licenses of the companies within three weeks for those that didn't have the approval on environmental impact assessment reports among others.

As a result, DMW also lost its licenses for sand mining and fish farming on 69 and 50 hectares of land respectively for its activities in Kakwanzi village, Kitti parish, Bukamba sub-county in Kalungu district.

The company told court that they had lawfully obtained the licenses and had since contracted M/S Victoria Construction Company to build access roads to the project sites from Kampala-Masaka highway in line with the permits they acquired.

They contend that they were shocked when parliament directed NEMA to seal off the access to the construction sites and confiscate some construction equipment and trucks within the area.  

DMW through their lawyers argued further that their project had been frustrated and subjected to loss of income as a result of failure to have a lawful justification for the actions done by NEMA  through parliament.

However, during the hearing, the government argued that parliament never issued any directive banning sand mining and as such, the company was not entitled to the remedies they sought from court.

NEMA  which was also sued alongside government confirmed that it had permitted the company to do the activities it was doing. NEMA added that it (NEMA) had the right to withdraw or cancel permits due to non-compliance, substantial modification or undesirable effects of permitted activities.

However, in his judgement, justice Dr Andrew Bashaija, the head of the civil division of High court agreed with the company citing that indeed parliament erroneously halted the mining activities as there is no valid justification whatsoever for their actions.

Bashaija explained that since the company had obtained permits from NEMA, it had the legitimate expectation to earn from the sand mines adding that its licenses were halted unlawfully without justification before the expiry of the respective terms of permits.

In his view, this occasioned financial loss of business expectation which was the legitimate expectation of the company. The judge says the evidence before him indicates that the company had entered into contract with several other companies to supply them sand and as a result it made losses worth billions of shillings.

To support his decision, Bashaija has accordingly awarded the company Shs 178 billion for loss of business and earning and Shs 3 billion as special damages. The monies will attract a 10 per cent per annum until payment is done in full.

Environmentalists have argued that sand mining has destabilised riverbeds and water tables and is one of the causes of increasing flash floods and rising Lake Victoria water levels.
Any normal citizen of Uganda knows well what is going on other than this judge.


Because the judge seems to be living in another world of Africa, where environmental issues that are suffering corruption do not exist.


One cannot see why the tax payer must pay for such administrative mistakes?

The Katikkiro of Buganda has refused to resign:

There are lots of inefficiencies in the government of the Kingdom and

His Term of governance is at an end: 

The Katikkiro Mr Charles Peter Mayiga has affirmed that President Museveni of Uganda cannot bribe him:

4th December, 2019

Written by Baker Batte

Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga

Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga


The Katikkiro of Buganda Charles Peter Mayiga has said he is not a prized commodity that can be traded.

Addressing the Buganda Lukiiko [parliament] at Bulange Mengo on Monday, Mayiga said those who claim President Museveni bought him with a Shs 300m dummy cheque don’t know what they are talking about.

Mayiga used his speech in the Lukiiko to address social media speculation that he too had been bought by the president after a picture of him receiving a dummy cheque of Shs 300m from President Museveni during the King Edward Muteesa II memorial lecture on November 18 at Sheraton hotel circulated widely.


“There are some people who asked me why I accepted the Shs 300m from the government. They wonder whether this was meant to buy me. If you look at me, do you think I can be bought? I can’t be bought and I’m not for sale,” Mayiga said.

He explained that the money was for the reconstruction of Kasubi tombs that were torched in 2010, before he became Katikkiro.

He said during the time of Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi, government gave Buganda kingdom Shs 2 bn for the reconstruction of the tombs and promised that if Mengo gave proper accountability, more cash would trickle in. Hence that’s how they promised another Shs 2 bn that had never come until last month when the president delivered the Shs 300m.

“By the way, don’t the people of Buganda pay the most tax in Uganda? What’s wrong if they return some of it to us and we reconstruct the tombs of our departed kings? The president didn’t get this money from his pocket. Therefore, he didn’t buy me. I can also assure you when he calls me for more, I will go and pick it,” Mayiga said.

In a press statement recently, the minister in charge of information at Mengo, Noah Kiyimba, said that so far Shs 6bn has been spent on the reconstruction of the mausoleum, a Unesco World Heritage site. He added that construction work is almost 95 percent finished and very soon they will be able to hand it over to the Kabaka.



The Secretary of the bazzukulubabuganda international is making his claim:



Mr Mubiru of the bazzukulubabuganda international makes his claims very clear.




In Uganda, it is indeed a folly to walk the streets against government corruption:

By Moses Khisa


7 December, 2019


The President of Uganda struggling to walk so that corruption in his long serving government can stop

 It is highly unlikely that many Ugandans take seriously the presidential stunt of walking, ostensibly to signal commitment to stamping out corruption in Uganda. Speaking at the end of the walk, and addressing the ‘chief-walker’ rather directly, Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanyah referred to the exercise as “a waste of time and a public show for nothing,” according to Daily Monitor. Yes, it is. In fact worse.

It is a big joke and an insult to the taxpayer whose hard-earned money, taken by the State as revenue to finance public goods and services, is instead stolen, quite blatantly, no accountability and no consequences.

Mr Oulanyah reportedly added, “I come because it is a public show, but deep down, I know we’re going right back to practise the same damn corruption that we claim to fight…” “We,” yes, all present who matter, including those supposedly fighting it went back to doing the damn thing: Stealing using public positions and access to State power!

Apparently, Oulanyah stated that everyone has sinned and challenged anyone who has not engaged in corrupt practices to step forward. When it was his time to speak, the ‘chief-walker,’ the ruler, took the challenge, claiming he is a rich man, but has never stolen anything! But he also reportedly said being overweight is a sign of corruption, and that he had deliberately cut his weight from 106 to 76kgs.

Did he indirectly suggest that when he was overweight, he was corrupt and now he is not? To march against evil or for a good cause is a most welcome symbolic gesture. It helps in sending a message about what a group of people or their leadership want to achieve and what they stand for, their ideals and aspirations, their goals and priorities. This hardly applies to the regime of Mr Museveni and corruption.

Grand corruption, petty bribery aside, does not threaten Uganda’s current ruling regime, so the rulers do not have the incentive to fight it. It is not a problem to them. On the contrary, corruption funds and fuels the regime.

The NRM regime survives on nepotism and patronage – dishing out finances and favours to family and friends, to cronies and supporters. The ruler maintains his tenure in large part by supplying State largesse and buying support from as broad a spectrum of Ugandans as he can muster the resources to do so. He gets on the campaign trail from the day he is sworn in for a new term in office.

Where does he get all the money to fund a sprawling and oversized patronage machinery, including financial handouts and all sorts of material inducements? A lot of it comes from the national budget appropriated by Parliament.

The State House budget and that of the Office of the President have grown exponentially in recent years. Much of it goes to presidential pledges, donations and travel. But the money also comes from opaque and unofficial sources, from the many out there benefitting from the system and who give back to fund its continuation – that is the political corruption writ large.

Some are senior government officials and have family ties to the ultimate rulers. Others are contractors doing government work. But all are engaged in extracting from the public purse in different ways that we lump together as corruption.

In fact, we can qualify it as political corruption – grand financial malfeasance that preserves the existing regime even as individuals, extract from it for their personal accumulation. They extract so they can preserve the system and in turn the system gives them the avenues for more extraction. It is cyclical and reciprocal.

The scandals in the privatisation of government parastatals in the 1990s involved individuals highly connected to the rulers or the rulers themselves. This was the case with the divestiture of ground handling services at Entebbe airport and the eventual liquidation of the national carrier. There was the case of Uganda Commercial Bank too. And grand corruption in military procurement, guess which names featured in the big-money cases?

We no longer have public parastatals to give away to politically connected individuals, but we have public land, parcelled-out and commandeered in similar fashion as they did to the parastatals. We have large money infrastructure projects, many funded by expensive Chinese loans, from which schemers and middlemen with access to corridors of power extract slices and kickbacks from inflated bids.

It is the same modus operandi and actors cut from the same cloth as the previous ones. Of course, there are a few from the 1990s still active and running the show. They too marched against corruption on Wednesday!

Dr Khisa is assistant professor at North Carolina State University (USA).



In the State of Buganda, an Estate Developer has been arrested over wetland degradation:

This is a wetland that flows into the Lake Nalubaale from the Kings Lake. There has been a suggestion that a major canal should be built from Mengo all the way to the Lake to ease public transport and improve the flow of drainage water in the city of Kampala when heavy tropical rains fall.













Arrested Commander of the Environmental Police Emmanuel Esabo (right picture) arrests Mr Kennedy Muwana in Nyanama-Mutundwe wetlands in Rubaga Division on November 4, 2019. PHOTO BY MICHAEL KAKUMIRIZI. On the (left picture) is the helpless situation of flooding in the city of Kampala.


By James Kabengwa


5th November, 2019

Mr Kennedy Muwana, a son of city businessman John Ssebalamu, was arrested while supervising construction of housing units in Nyanama-Mutundwe wetlands in Rubaga Division in Kampala yesterday. The environmental police raided the vast swamp that has been nearly wiped out by heaps of soil.






A volunteer worker trying to manage the King's lake at Mengo Palace:



Mr Kyeyune Mosses looking after this Lake on his own without any wages.


A Chinese investor Zhang Jianpeng and owners of a Pentecostal Church ‘Holy Family Ministries’, who are the co-accused, fled the scene but commander of the Environmental Police Emmanuel Esabo said they were pursuing them.

ASP Esabu’s team seized documents from Mr Muwana, which were purported to have been issued by the National Environmental Management Authority (Nema) and others from Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) claiming the activities on the wetland had been approved.

Mr Muwana’s lawyer Andrew Katongole Kityo said the housing units under construction would be distributed to residents with whom Mr Ssebalamu had agreed to relocate in exchange for the land to expand his Freedom City property in Najjanankumbi.

“We have a permit to use at least an acre of land in that area,” Mr Katongole said.

The permit issued on July 11, allows Mr Muwana to set up a bakery, ware house and residential building on Block 36, Plot 14, Kampala in Mutundwe.

“At least I am an 80 per cent complainant. The small extension was done by the workers. I don’t deserve to be arrested,” Mr Muwana said.

The operation comes after complaints from residents accusing the investors depleting the wetlands and causing floods in their homes.

The residents also accused Nema, the environmental police and KCCA of being supporters of degradation.

They said they had on several occasions seen KCCA, environmental police and Nema vehicles visit the wetland and look like “supervisors because in some incidents trucks pour soil in their presence.”

Mr Zhang, in a WhatsApp message, denied he was the owner of the land.

One of the officials of the Holy Family Ministries, who identified himself as Francis Lukyamuzi, on Saturday said they had only made a small extension into the wetland.

Rubaga Division deputy mayor Ahmed Ntare said he was not aware of the swamp being degraded.

Environmental police commander Esabu yesterday said: “We will issue an order to the Chinese to remove the soil. When he fails, we will prosecute him. For Muwana, we are taking him to court.”


Wakiso and Kampala metropolitan areas have had great wetland degradation due to population pressures that seek land for settlement and industrialisation.

Charges. An offence of environmental degradation attracts up to three years in jail or a fine between Shs200,000 and Shs18m.







In Uganda, the Ganda Elites are robbing land from the rightful owners:

A government official is clearly implicated in a Shs7b land fraud sale:

By Tom Malaba for the Monitor


22 October, 2019


Richard Jabo the executive director of Uganda Free Zone Authority Courtesy Photo 

“There was no ill intention, those oversights occur,” Mr Richard Jabo yesterday said, when tasked to explain the financial loss.

Mr Jabo asked the commission to be allowed to speak to the team in camera.

Three weeks ago, the State Minister for Privatisation and Investment, Ms Evelyn Anite, petitioned the land probe team to investigate circumstances under which government paid Shs7.5b but got no land in return.

While appearing before Justice Bamugemereire’s commission, Ms Anite accused officials in the ministries of Finance, Lands and UFZA of conniving to defraud government.

The money was for the purchase of land in Buwaya in Busiro County to set up a free zone where goods could be manufactured for export. A free zone is an industrial area where goods are regarded as being outside the customs territory and importation of raw materials is tax exempt.

‘Ghost’ land sale

After receiving clearance from Mr Jabo, the Ministry of Finance paid Mr Paul Bukenya and Mr Dick Lutaaya through Katende, Ssempebwa and Company Advocates.

Last week, Mr Augustine Bukenya Muwulizi, an administrator in the estate of Samwiri Kironde (owner of the land), told the land probe team that Mr Bukenya and Mr Lutaaya did not own the land they sold to government. Mr Muwulizi said if government needed the land, they had to pay for it.

Mr Jabo was also faulted for ignoring his director legal’s advise.

“The director legal had a dissenting opinion. We were together but we had different opinions,” Mr Jabo said.

Before buying the ghost land, UFZA had no surveyor to advise them on the purchase and according to Mr Jabo, he thought the ministry of Lands would take care of surveys.

Mr Jabo also failed to explain why he left government to pay withholding tax and stamp duty instead of Katende, Ssempebwa and Company Advocates.

When asked why he added an extra seven acres, Mr Jabo said he had done it to justify the exorbitant sum paid for the ‘ghost’ land.





In Uganda, Minister Matembe talks about her deep relationship with the President's wife:

3rd September, 2019


The Monitor reporter, Uganda


Happy times. Ms Miria Matembe (left) and Dr Specioza Kazibwe, a former Vice President, watch a play at Pride Theatre, Kampala, in 2013. FILE PHOTOS


“I became the First Lady’s trusted confidante on work-related issues and she always consulted me whenever she had a new project to do. She was very happy with the work I was doing for her. One profound incident that served to draw us closer and cement my relationship with her was the 1995 Women’s Conference in Beijing to mark the Women’s Decade.

It was puzzling that Dr Specioza Kazibwe, the then Vice President, and the Minister for Gender did not deem Ms Winnie Byanyima and I fit to be part of the 100-member government delegation to Beijing, despite the fact that we were outstanding women leaders who were doing a lot to uplift the plight of women in Uganda. People wrote about it in the press, questioning the wisdom of leaving us out of the delegation.

However, since we were internationally acclaimed for our activism in the women’s movement, Ms Byanyima and I received our invitations straight from the United Nations headquarters in New York. We were on the programme to address the NGO forum plenary sessions and I remember Ms Byanyima addressed the plenary in one morning session, while I addressed it in the afternoon.

On the evening before I was meant to return to Uganda, I received a call from the PA [personal assistant] of the First Lady. I understand they had been frantically looking for me all over Beijing and had even been to the hotel where the Ugandan delegation was staying, but could not find me since I was not part of the official government delegation.

The First Lady asked me to stay on because she wanted me to help her work on the speech she was going to present to the conference. When I told her I was scheduled to return to Uganda the next day, she wondered why I was returning home when the conference was just beginning. I told her that I had come specifically to address the NGO forum plenary and was not funded to attend as a government delegate. She wondered how I, of all the people, could have been left out of the government delegation. I actually suggested that she could work with Ms Joy Kwesiga, who was the chairperson of ACFODE then, but the First Lady insisted that I stay because she wanted to work with me.

Personal interaction

In regard to the logistical challenges, she said she would get back to me, and indeed, at midnight I received a call from her. She told me that she would send her PA to pick me up the next day and I went to stay with her in the State Lodge in Beijing. During my stay, we shared a lot together and, in fact, that was the time when I really got close to her. Every evening, we sat in the sitting room and talked about many things. It was also the time when I got to know how close the First Lady was with God.

I admired her relationship with God and wished to be like her. Down the road, I eventually became born-again myself before the end of 1995, and I must admit that her deep knowledge of God played a big role in inspiring me to return to the Lord.

We continued working well together on several projects. I remember clearly that Ms Joyce Mpanga and I worked tooth and nail to assist the First Lady to establish an organisation called the National Strategy for Advancement of Rural Women (NSARW). We worked around the clock and spent months drafting the structure and constitution of NSARW and it successfully started operations.

We even assisted in the process of hiring senior staff, including the appointment of Ms Margaret Kakitahi as the executive director. I don’t know what became of that organisation later, after the First Lady went into politics and was appointed a minister, but what I know is that initially, NSARW did a lot of work towards the empowerment and advancement of rural women.

Generally, the First Lady has done commendable work in terms of the advancement of women, mainly through NSARW and UWESO. I am proud to say that I was part of that success since I was actively involved in the founding of both those organisations.

Having appreciated my work and passion, the First Lady wanted me to be appointed to a ministerial position. I don’t know whether my appointment, finally, was caused by the First Lady’s lobbying or if it was out of President Museveni’s own volition, but what I appreciated most was not merely being appointed a minister but the particular ministry that I was appointed to head. It gave me great honour and a sense of fulfillment to be appointed the pioneer Minister for Ethics and Integrity because it confirmed to me and to others that I was considered a person of high ethical values and integrity.

The appointment showed that when the President chose to establish a ministry for the building of ethical values and to fight against corruption, it was in me that he saw the most suitable person for the task.


No Longer at Ease with the First Lady


After I had been appointed a minister, the First Lady called me to her home and we had a cup of tea. She told me that she was very happy that I was finally a minister. Like me, she was also particularly excited that I had been given the mantle of fighting corruption and building ethics and integrity in public office.

She told me a story that involved corruption that had touched her. It was about a woman at Mulago Hospital whose uterus was about to be removed because her documentation had been misplaced and no health worker there would look for it unless they were paid a bribe. Luckily for that woman, someone intervened and her uterus was saved.

The First Lady went on to say that she wanted to join hands with me to fight the scourge of corruption in Uganda. This was music to my ears. It was an indicator that my campaign against corruption would succeed now that I did not only have the good will of the First Lady but also that she was willing to actually join the fight herself. I was truly exhilarated, and in my characteristic naïve innocence, I told her, “Now that you’re joining me to fight corruption, I am confident that we will succeed. In fact, the best place to begin is here – right here in the Office of the President and State House. This is where our fight against corruption must start.”

It is very difficult to describe how her face changed in a split second. All of a sudden, her countenance switched. If she had been a white person, her face would have turned pale. She stared at me with an open mouth as if I was from Mars, and then she asked, “State House? And the Office of the President? Do you mean here?”

“Yes, madam,” I replied. “You know this issue of the Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB)? In fact, I had wanted to meet the President and talk to him about it. People are reporting that Gen Salim Saleh is involved. Also, in other high-profile corruption cases, people are pointing fingers at Hon John Kazoora and Hon Sam Kutesa.”

She interjected and asked me which Kazoora I was talking about. I replied that I was talking about the Kazoora from Ntungamo, her uncle and guardian.

I added: “People are also talking about [Mathew] Rukikaire in connection to the UCB issue. They say he knows what is going on.” Mr Rukikaire was at the time the Minister for Privatisation, which was handling the sale of UCB. I told her that these were very high-profile people and, therefore, I needed to tell the President about the cases. I asked her to help me get an immediate appointment with him.

By then, her face had totally changed. She looked at me angrily and said: “Matembe, naiwe buzima ori omu bibi bya’bairu na’bahima? Hatishi nyowe obunkweta ohurire, biri naiwe obaire ofire?” Meaning, Matembe, are you also involved in this nonsense of the Bairu against the Bahima? I thought you were a sensible person whom I could confide in, but it seems you are also hopeless and useless.”

I was so shocked and dumbfounded, and I asked her how the issue of the Bairu and Bahima (historical rivalry between the two sub-groups of the Banyankore) had come into the matter.

She answered: “You can’t be serious; you mean you want to waste Mzee’s time with this nonsense? All this while, I thought you were someone of substance, but you’re just like those who are involved in that nonsense of persecuting the Bahima. Look at the names you have given me; Kazoora, Kutesa, Salim Saleh, Rukikaire. Don’t you see?” That was very shocking to me. I said, “I am very sorry, mama. I didn’t intend to appear like that because the issue of the Bairu and Bahima has never been part of my life even as I grew up. After all, I come from Kashaari where we are a combination of both.”

She went on: “How does Uncle Kazoora come into this? And Kutesa? What about Saleh? These are people who sacrificed a lot for this country!”

I was shocked and lost for words. I managed to say, “Madam, I am sorry that this is how you perceive the issue I have raised. For me, when you said you would help me and be a key ally in my work, I candidly opened up to you. I thought I could confide in you so that you are aware of the reports out there.” I went on to tell her that these were allegations, of course, but we had to go ahead and do some investigations to establish the truth.


Before I left she said: “Okay, Matembe, I will also carry out my own investigations to find out if Salim Saleh is involved in the UCB sale scandal.” She promised to call and tell me what she would find out. Although she never called to tell me what came out of her own investigation, within two weeks after our meeting, it came to light that Saleh was irregularly involved in the buying and selling of UCB, which caused a big loss to the country.

Mr Kutesa was later to be censured by Parliament over corruption, while Mr Rukikaire resigned his ministerial position over the sale of UCB. It is now widely known that Mr Rukikaire was not corrupt and was only culpable for failing in his oversight role as Minister for Privatisation to detect the fraudulent deals.

From that time, my steady relationship with the First Lady was derailed. The frequency of our meetings reduced, although, once in a while, she would call me to discuss one issue or another. In one of those meetings, I mentioned Gen Saleh’s involvement in several corruption scandals at that time. This time she agreed with me and actually asked me to let her know whenever I heard anything about Saleh being involved in corruption deals, so that she could try and deter him from proceeding with the deals.

Later, in fact, she told me that whenever she confronted Gen Saleh after my tip-off, he would not deny the issue, but wondered where she got all the intelligence from. Of course, Gen Saleh had no idea that it was I who was tipping off the First Lady. To this extent, she tried to support my anti-corruption efforts, as she had earlier promised. When she eventually realised that the allegations I had made at the beginning were true, she changed her attitude towards me and our relationship went back to normal, although it was not as vibrant as before.

However, I kept her abreast by telling her what the public was saying on these issues. Sometimes, her own name came up in the corruption talks, and whenever that happened, I would go and tell her. She always assured me that it was all false and that people were simply telling lies about her and then we would get scriptures to read and pray about the false accusations.

We continued working together until the elections of 2001, in which people close to her and the First Family sponsored Ms Jovia Rwakishumba to run against me, as detailed in earlier chapters. Unfortunately, as Mr Kutesa told me at that dinner, it was indeed true that the First Lady was affected by my alleged support for Ms Byanyima, which the newspaper swearing-in photo had falsely implied. Consequently, our meetings and friendship ground to a halt.

It was not until 2003, two years later, that I heard from the First Lady. Ms Mary Karooro Okurut, who was then the Press Secretary in the Office of the President, called me and told me that the First Lady wanted to see me. I was in Mbarara but I promised to contact her once I returned to Kampala. I went to her office and was informed that indeed she wanted to see me, but she was now engaged in some activities and would call me soon.

The call that never came

I kept waiting for her call, which never came. At about that time, there was a women’s prayer breakfast at Sheraton Hotel that I attended, and the First Lady was the guest of honour. After the function, she rushed out. As I was getting out of the hotel, she had already entered her car, but looking out of her window she saw me and motioned me to go to her.

When I reached the car, she greeted me but I was astonished by what she told me. “Mbwenu Miria nkakwanga, nakwanga, nakwangira kimwe, kwonka Ruhanga yayanga, yaguma ayangire, nambwenu ninyija kukweta tubigambeho.” Meaning, ‘I hated you and hated you, but the Lord did not like this; the Lord has been convicting me all this time and so I will call you and we shall talk.’ I replied that all along I knew the devil had been fighting us but I had been praying about it.

Somehow though, we never got to discuss the cause of the hatred, but our relationship got back on track and she resumed delegating me to represent her in work that involved women.

In the meantime, I anxiously waited for the opportune time that the First Lady and I could discuss the cause of her hatred, but before that time came, the infamous Kyankwanzi ‘third term’ conference took place.

As already discussed, I did not mince my words as I expressed my opposition to the removal of the presidential term limit, and I went as far as mobilising the country to resist the desecration of our Constitution for the sake of her husband’s continued stay in power. That marked the end of my relationship with the First Lady.



As a matter of fact, when it was finally revealed that the UCB scandal involved Saleh and the late Sulaiman Kiggundu, Mr Rukikaire came to see me in my office to seek my guidance as the Minister for Ethics and Integrity as to what he should do. He confided in me that he did not know that there was fraudulence in the sale of UCB or even that Saleh was involved.

I advised him to resign since it was the most honourable thing to do in those circumstances, because the MPs were ready to censure him anyway. He wondered if resignation would not imply that he was guilty. I told him to make a statement, telling the country what exactly happened, and to also apologise for the mess in his ministry, and own up to his falling short in the supervision of his ministry to the extent that serious business like the sale of UCB went on without his full involvement and awareness of all the details.

After our meeting, Mr Rukikaire wrote his statement and delivered it to Parliament. Up to now, he can stand in public with his head held high because he was exonerated from corruption. It is also important to mention now that even when the allegation for which the First Lady had wrongly accused me of being involved in the petty Bahima-Bairu issues turned out to be true, she did not at any one time call me to say that I was right.


Inside Lubega, Muhangi fight over Baganda Bus Park land

By the Monitor paper, Tom Malaba


16 April, 2019


Disputed. Qualicell building in downtown Kampala whose ownership is contested by several businessmen. Traders operating in the building have suffered losses due to constant closures of the structure. PHOTOs BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA

Former motor rally champion Charles Muhangi was found dead in his bed at his home in Buziga, a Kampala suburb.

His death last December cast a dark shadow on resolving a row over ownership of the 0.518-hectare piece of land on which Qualicel Bus Terminal, Qualicel building and Nabukera Plaza were built. This area was once known as Baganda Bus Park in downtown Kampala.

On the day he died, he was due to meet President Museveni alongside city tycoons Drake Lubega and Mansur Matovu. Two months after his death, police, ostensibly acting on orders of Deputy Attorney General Mwesigwa Rukutuna, evicted Muhangi’s Horizon Coaches and handed the property to Mr Lubega and Mr Matovu, as the owners.

Yet on various occasions, police and the office of the Attorney General have authored letters of contradictory opinion.

In February, the Police Director for Legal Affairs, Mr Erasmus Twaruhukwa, wrote to the Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander, instructing him to evict Muhangi’s Horizon Coaches from the property.

This letter was premised on a meeting he held with Mr Rukutana.

“The purpose of this communication is to relay position of the matter, which is that Lubega should be in possession of the premises in question as the matter of ownership awaits court’s jurisdiction. The matter, therefore, is to instruct that you ensure that possession of the premises returns to Mr Lubega. Any property that is aggrieved by this decision is advised to seek court redress,” Mr Twaruhukwa wrote.

He had earlier asked the Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander in a September 26, 2019, letter to maintain the status quo, with Muhangi’s Horizon coaches as the sitting landlords.

“In the meantime, you will ensure that status quo reverts to what it was before receipt of my instructions of my letter of January 24, 2019 and that from the office of the Attorney General dated January 23 by ensuring that Horizon Coaches takes repossession of the premises,” he said.

Horizon Coaches has been feuding with the duo over ownership of the property for almost a decade.

In 2011, the late Muhangi petitioned the President who directed the Lands ministry to look into the matter.

The ministry constituted a committee, which recommended that, “UBOA [Uganda Bus Operators Association] did not possess the powers to divest Horizon Coaches of its shares. The officers of UBOA took the law in their hands to divest Horizon Coaches of its shares and consequently the land it was supposed to own”.

According to the committee’s report, Mr Godfrey Nangumya, the late Muhangi’s lawyer, during hearings, claimed that Horizon Coaches embezzled Shs1.6b.

Upon receiving the report, President Museveni on July 2011 advised the Lands ministry to cancel all titles on the disputed land if they were fraudulently acquired.

Mr Lubega petitioned the Constitutional Court, arguing that the President did not have powers to cancel the titles.

The Constitutional Court dismissed the case on grounds that the wording in the President’s letter of cancelling the titles, if they were acquired fraudulently, “did not appear to meet the definition of a directive or an instruction”.

In April 2015, the Constitutional Court ordered Mr Lubega to respect the status quo where Muhangi remained the landlord. The court said the eviction of Horizon Coaches in March 2014 was unlawful.

In 2017, a panel of Supreme Court judges led by Jotham Tumwesigye dismissed an appeal in which Mr Lubega was challenging the Constitutional Court verdict.

But in February this year, Mr Twaruhuka wrote to the Metropolitan Police Commander to evict Horizon Coaches from the property, two months after Muhangi’s death.

Tenants go to court

Fed up with this state of affairs, a group of 292 tenants renting on the shopping malls under dispute two weeks ago sued their feuding landlords over the business wrangle that has led them to incur losses.

The tenants, in their suit before the High Court in Kampala, argue that the Supreme Court ordered that for the time being, Horizon Coaches remains in change of the property. But the new landlords are seeking rent arrears for five months retrospectively. They are also threatening to evict any trader who continues to pay rent to Horizon Coaches.

Yet more parties are seeking a slice of this property. The Departed Asians Property Custodian Board last month wrote to both Mr Lubega and the Uganda Bus Operators Association Investment Limited (UBOAIL), claiming the land and warning that any ongoing developments on it will attract a penalty of Shs1.8b.



Works. Ongoing construction works on the contested former Qualicel bus terminal land.

The genesis of the dispute dates back to 2002 when UBOAIL was granted a five-year lease on Baganda Bus Park on Plot 43 - 47, Nakivubo Road, by then Kampala City Council (KCC).

KCC, then headed by Mayor John Sebaana Kizito, demanded a Shs1b premium. UBOAIL directors Ceasar Tokuma, Muhangi and Mr Nangumya failed to raise this amount.

They approached Kobil Kenya to join the project to build the much-vaunted Baganda Bus modern terminal. Kobil staked Shs600m in exchange for 0.300 of an acre to build a petrol station. UBOAIL also took a Shs200m loan from dfcu Bank, secured with a title of Mr Tokuma’s house in Luzira. Another Shs200m was raised through the company’s operations.

Though UBOAIL promised to give Kobil land to build a petrol station as part of the modern bus terminal, KCC declined to approve the project.

UBOAIL was then required to reimburse Kobil’s funds, according to minutes of a board meeting held on December 15, 2005.

“Since we could not raise the money, we decided to sell part of the land to Kampala businessmen,” says Mr Nangumya.

Records at the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) show that UBOAIL Board of Directors on December 19, 2005 resolved to sell the land to Mr John Sebalamu and Mr John Bosco Muwonge to build commercial retail facilities as per the terms of development of the sub-lease between KCC and UBOAIL.

However, it is not clear how Mr Lubega came to own land on the adjacent plot where he built Nabukeera Plaza. Records from URSB show that there could have been a dispute between the promoters of UBOAIL.

Between 2001 and 2006, there were events in the company pointing to disagreement within the directors of UBOAIL. The peak of these internecine fights, resulted in a palace coup in the ruthless transport business where players often employ gamesmanship to succeed.

Lease of life

The new directors were Horizon Coaches for Muhangi, Lowi Road Ways Ltd owned by Mr Ceasar Tokuma, Kyn and Reyne Investment Ltd for Mr Nangumya, Asuman Junju and Sons Ltd for Asuman Junju, Kabonesa Investments Ltd for Mr William Akankwasa, Travelers Choice Ltd for Dan Kwatampora and Long Freighters for Mr Stephen Byaruhanga.

As of May 16, 2002, Muhangi had 225 shares and the rest of the directors had 20 shares each.

As the directors of UBOAIL fought over the property, Mr Lubega exploited the chink in UBOAIL’s armour to gain access to a bigger part of the Buganda Bus Park land and build an arcade. He then sold another piece of land to Mr Matovu.

On November 10, 2005, the board removed Horizon Coaches owned by Muhangi from directorship at the time he was imprisoned in Mbarara over a shooting incident. This was possible because officials with interest in the property bankrolled City Hall officials when Muhangi was in prison.

Muhangi, who was a signatory to the company, was replaced with Mr Tokuma, Mr Taremwa and Mr Byaruhanga, the company secretary, as joint signatories. Muhangi was also removed from the membership of the sub-committee of the board of directors tasked to oversee and ensure the implementation of the project for Baganda Bus Park.

According to Mr Nangumya, when KCC refused to okay the Kobil petrol station as part of the bus terminal, UBOAIL had to refund Kobil’s money. This is what he says led to the ejection of Muhangi. “The Kobil debt had accumulated to Shs1.1b. …seeing we were behind schedule, John Sebaana Kizito called us and said we were getting into a red zone, and advised that we invite businessmen to invest in the project,” says Mr Nangumya.

“That is how we sold land to Ms Christine Nabukeera, Mr Sebalamu and Mr Muwonge,” he adds.

However, Mr Nangumya says when they sold the land to Mr Sebalamu, he made a payment of a Shs2b to Horizon Coaches not UBOAIL.

“After receiving the money, Muhangi never paid Kobil and Cairo Bank. We removed him as chairperson, replaced him with Mr Tokuma and sold 0.69hectares of the land to Mr Lubega to redeem the shares we had pledged to Kobil,” he adds.

“That is when Muhangi started challenging that the portion to Mr Lubega should have remained with UBOAIL. The problem he had received money from Mr Sebalamu, which he never declared,” says Mr Nangumya.

But Muhangi’s family accuses Mr Nangumya of breaching a fiduciary duty by conniving with Mr Lubega to grab what belonged to his client while he was incarcerated.

Museveni intervenes

In 2011, Muhangi lodged a complaint with the President who directed Ms Getrude Njuba, the lands director at State House, to call for negotiations.

“In the meeting, Muhangi offered to pay Shs1.5b to the shareholders and another Shs5.5b as value for the land and he put it in writing,” says Mr Nangumya.

He adds that in the ensuing confusion, the bus park had been left with one Tom Smith Semuwemba and Mr Bosco Muwonge to run.

Mr Nangumya recalls that its then that Mr Lubega took advantage of the confusion to grab an extra 0.46hectares of the land.

“So the empty space (where Mr Lubega is building a new building) remained as a bus park,” he says.

In 2011, the UBOAIL Board gave Muhangi authority to recover the land from Mr Lubega. In the spirit of reconciliation, Mr Muwonge paid Shs600m but Mr Lubega refused,” recalls Mr Nangumya.

He adds that Mr Lubega did not stop at grabbing the land but took advantage and extinguished the interest of UBOAIL on the land.

“There is no transfer of title from UBOAIL to Drake Lubega. It is at that time that UBOAIL disappeared. What Muhangi was fighting for is registration.”

Mr Nangumya recalls a UBOAIL Board resolution in 2011 that appointed a four-man committee with Muhangi as chairperson. Mr Jjunju, Mr Stephen Byaruhanga and Mr Willy Sekubwa were the other members delegated to fight for the interests of the company on the land.

After an unsuccessful attempt to recover the land, in 2017, UBOAIL re-appointed the same committee to demand their share of the land from Mr Lubega, this time replacing Jjunju, who had passed on, with Mr Hamim Sentongo, the chairperson UBOA Central Ltd. UBOA Central Ltd held 12 per cent shares in UBOAIL, according to the Uganda Gazette records of December 22, 2017. However, a letter from Peter Nyombi, then Attorney General in 2010, stated that the land belonged to Mr Lubega.

“That on February 23, 2010, the property in question, now designated as Plot 50 – 52 Nakivubo Road was transferred into the names of Francis Drake Lubega. All available evidence that we have in our possession points to Francis Drake Lubega being the lawful owner of the land in question,” Nyombi wrote in a February 20, 2014 letter to the Inspector General of Police.

Mr Sentongo revealed to Daily Monitor that UBOAIL in 2017 registered a case with the Commission of Inquiry into Land Matters.

On October, 23, 2018, Mr Lubega was summoned by the Catherine Bamugemereire’s led-commission of inquiry. The probe team instructed the Registrar of Lands not to transfer the land.

Mr Sentongo said Mr Lubega destroyed properties as he tried to forcefully take over the land, compelling UBOAIL to place a caveat on it.

“We are claiming a part of Qualicel shopping centre and even where Mansur Matovu built was not his,” revealed Mr Sentongo.

To prove UBOAIL’s interest on the land, Muhangi on October 11 last year pledged to pay Mr Sentongo and Mr Sekuubwa 20 per cent of the total land value and for their destroyed properties.

Mr Lionel Muhangi, Charles Muhangi’s eldest son and one of the administrators of his father’s estate, however, says members of UBOAIL sold their interests to his father.

Lionel Muhangi showed Daily Monitor a copy of a memorandum of settlement dated December 2, 2007, which reveals that Muhangi paid Shs5b to UBOAIL after a mutual understanding where they agreed to sell and transfer the land for purposes of development.

According to the payment schedule, Shs4.4 billion was payment for the UBOAIL’s interest in the land, Shs900m was payment for UBOAIL’s indebtedness to Kobil while Shs300m was payment for expenses incidental to the memorandum of understanding.

The memorandum was signed by Mr Jjunju and Mr Byaruhanga as directors for UBOAIL while Muhangi and Fred Tumwine signed on behalf of Horizon coaches. However, this particular document was not filed with the Registrar of Companies.

Mr Sentongo contests the memorandum of settlement in the possession of Muhangi’s son, saying if Muhangi had bought the interests, he would not have accepted to be named as a member of a task-force to recover UBOAIL land.

“What I can tell him [Lionel Muhangi], let him join UBOAIL; his shares are safe in UBOAIL,” he says.

Currently, the main suit between Muhangi as the plaintiff against Mr Lubega and Mr Matovu as defendants is before the Commercial Division of the High Court.

The litigants can only hope that justice should not only be delayed but must manifestly be dispensed.

Muhangi factor

Petition. In 2011, the late Muhangi petitioned the President who directed the Lands ministry to look into the matter. The ministry constituted a committee, which recommended that, “UBOA [Uganda Bus Operators Association] did not possess the powers to divest Horizon Coaches of its shares. The officers of UBOA took the law in their hands to divest Horizon Coaches of its shares and consequently the land it was supposed to own”.

Additional reporting by Frederic Musisi






Uganda egenda kuddamu okusima Copper e Kirembe

By Muwanga Kakooza


Added 2nd April 2019


GAVUMENTI etukkizza eby’okusima kkopa e Kilembe mu disitulikiti y’e Kasese mu kawefube w’okwongera okutumbula eby’enfuna n’okufunira abantu emirimu.


Kilembemines1 703x422Kilembe copper mines as of today


Mu ntegeka z’erina, gavumenti esuubira okukolagana ne banneekolera gyange okusitula eby’okusima kkopa n’eky’obuggagga ekirala ekya  ‘kaboloti (cobalt)’ okuva mu kirombe e Kirembe ekisangibwa mu disitulikiti y’e Kasese mu bugwankuba bwa Uganda.

Olukiiko lwa baminisita olwatudde ku Mmande era lwasazeewo bino. Era ne lusalawo okwongera okuyigga eby’obuggagga by’omu ttaka ebirala ebiyinza okuba mu kirombe kino.

Baminisita bakkirizza gavumenti okufuna omugagga okussa ensimbi mu kirombe kino eggwanga lisobole okufunamu omugaso.

Olukiiko lwakkirizza entegeka za gavumenti ez’okuzimbira abanoonyi b’obubudamu 1,780 enju e Kyangwali mu bugwanjuba bwa Uganda.

Era lwakakasizza nti olunaku lw’abakozi lwakukuzibwa e  Patongo  Akwee  Primary School  playground  mu disitulikiti y’e  Agago.






Omuvubuka ono asasula kumusolo wano e Buganda?


Kirungi abavubuka ba Uganda okubeera ne sente bwebaba basasula omusolo








A Shs72bn scandal in the National Enterprise Corporation, the trading arm of the Uganda Armed forces is being investigated:

The proud military officials of the Uganda Armed forces on field exercise

The Luwero civil war seems to have turned peasants into rich billionaires.


Was the brutal civil war of Luwero justified?
By the Abr media
26 October, 2018

The scandal relates to 914 former NEC workers who were laid off many years ago as part of the retrenchment.

Once retrenched, employees become entitled to terminal benefits. Having been retrenched in 1992/1993, some of the ex-NEC workers missed their benefits prompting them to sue government in 2002. Almost 10 years later in August 2011, Justice Kibuka Musoke ruled in their favor and ordered government to pay them Shs7.1bn. As they waited for their payment, the ex-NEC workers learnt that the ministries of Defense, Finance & Justice (AG Chambers) were processing Shs46bn as opposed to the mere Shs7.1bn court directed.

They became appalled and petitioned the IGG saying this was fraud. They claimed over 270 names on the beneficiaries' list were ghosts. The IGG referred the matter to the Auditor General from whom it was hijacked by CIID headquarters Kibuli from where it was controversially closed.

The two ministries of Finance & Justice then began effecting payments through the ex-NEC workers' lawyer Davis Ndyomugabe who now says he has been paying out to the beneficiaries. The lawyer, on whose Stanbic Bank account the money continues to be wired in installments, says there are some of his clients he hasn't yet managed to locate and that's why he is still keeping their money.


ISO is now investigating to establish how what was initially Shs7.1bn grew to Shs72bn which the two ministries of Finance & AG are continuing to pay in regular installments. The Stanbic Bank account number ISO is investigating 9030004036149 of the Metro branch. Whereas Solicitor General Francis Atooke says he isn't aware of the NEC matter, Finance Ministry publicist Jim Mugunga says he is aware of the matter but finds Shs72bn outrageously very high.


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