African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.


An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.


A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.









1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.



Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

New sad news of the Luweero civil war:

The down fall of the late Rwigyema the Luweero soldier of the 1980/86  Uganda civil war:


30 September, 2018



It is unfortunate indeed for the family of this Rwandan mercenary soldier.






Somalia's death toll now at 358 as 'state of war' is planned for more Africans to suffer and die:

21 October, 2017
Associated Press
Thousands of Somalis gather to pray at the site of the country's deadliest attack and to mourn the hundreds of victims, at the site of the attack in Mogadishu, Somalia Friday, Oct. 20, 2017. More than 300 people were killed and nearly 400 wounded in Saturday's truck bombing, with scores missing. (AP Photo/Farah Abdi Warsameh)© The Associated Press Thousands of Somalis gather to pray at the site of the country's deadliest attack and to mourn the hundreds of victims, at the site of the attack in Mogadishu, Somalia Friday, Oct. 20, 2017. More than 300 people were killed…

MOGADISHU, Somalia — The death toll in Somalia's deadliest attack has risen to 358 while dozens remain missing. Somalia's president was expected to announce a "state of war" against the al-Shabab extremist group blamed for the bombing, the prime minister said.

The Somali citizens coming together for prayers over their African country' s misery. The country has been taken over by over 15 countries all over the world.
The United States is expected to play a supporting role in the new offensive planned by President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, a Somali military official told The Associated Press. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to reporters.

The president's emergency speech to lawmakers was postponed Saturday to a yet-unknown time.

Somalia's army spokesman Capt. Abdullahi Iman said the offensive involving thousands of troops will try to push al-Shabab fighters out of their strongholds in the Lower Shabelle and Middle Shabelle regions where many deadly attacks on Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, and on Somali and African Union bases have been launched.

The extremist group has not commented on the Oct. 14 truck bombing in Mogadishu, which Somali intelligence officials have said was meant to target the city's heavily fortified international airport where many countries have their embassies. The massive bomb, which security officials said weighed between 600 kilograms and 800 kilograms (1,300 pounds and 1,700 pounds), instead detonated in a crowded street after soldiers opened fire and flattened one of the truck's tires.

Somalia's information minister Abdirahman Osman said late Friday that 56 were people still missing. Another 228 people were wounded, and 122 had been airlifted for treatment in Turkey, Sudan and Kenya.

"This pain will last for years," said a sheikh leading Friday prayers at the bombing site, as long lines of mourners stood in front of flattened or tangled buildings.

Since the election of the country's Somali-American president in February, the government has announced a number of military offensives against al-Shabab, Africa's deadliest Islamic extremist group, only to end them weeks later with no explanation. Experts believe that has given the extremists breathing space and emboldened them in their guerrilla attacks.

Iman, Somalia's army spokesman, told the AP that troops recaptured three towns in Lower Shabelle region from al-Shabab on Friday in preparation for the new offensive.

Somali officials did not give details on what role the U.S. military might play.

The U.S. has stepped up military involvement in the long-fractured Horn of Africa nation since President Donald Trump approved expanded operations against the group early this year. The U.S. has carried out at least 19 drone strikes in Somalia since January, according to The Bureau of Investigative Journalism.

The latest U.S. drone strike occurred Monday about 35 miles (56 kilometers) southwest of the capital, the U.S. Africa Command told the AP. It said it was still assessing the results.

Earlier this week, in response to questions about the massive truck bombing, a Pentagon spokesman said the United States has about 400 troops in Somalia and "we're not going to speculate" about sending more.

In April, the U.S. announced it was sending dozens of regular troops to Somalia in the largest such deployment to the country in roughly two decades. The U.S. said it was for logistics training of Somalia's army and that about 40 troops were taking part.

Weeks later, a service member was killed during an operation against al-Shabab. He was the first American to die in combat in Somalia since 1993.





Mr Moses Khisa

5th December, 2016

We don’t yet know the full picture of what transpired in Kasese 25/27 November 2016. But we know that a most disturbing orgy of killings took place in the Western Provinces of Uganda.

I was in transit and away from social media, Sunday and early week, thus I can imagine that I saved myself the gory images effortlessly thrown into our faces online.

The corrosive force of social media may well be the key driver taking us to Armageddon. Basic social mores and minimum standards of public decency are being ripped and dumped with alarming speed at the behest of social media. For those predicting an apocalypse on the horizon, the wagons of social media provide a most portent propelling force with the least cost at the lowest accountability yet with top-notch effectiveness.

I and my wife took a vocation trip to Fort Portal and Kasese in July 2014. Just before we hit the road, there were clashes and killings. When we got there, Kasese town was visibly on tension.

The always-field-based inspector general of police, Kale Kayihura, was in town. Days earlier, the king of the Rwenzururu, Omusinga Wesley Mumbere, addressed the press in full military uniform, in reaction to reports he was to be arrested.

Since he was a trained soldier, he reasoned, he had dressed properly for the arrest. I thought that was a hugely-powerful statement of resolve. Was he daring the state as he has been found at fault in the current breakdown of order? First, a short detour.

On a stopover in Fort Portal, before proceeding to Kasese, we ran into Brigadier Peter Elwelu, at a popular restaurant. Elwelu is easily one of the most competent and experienced commanders of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces.

He cut an unmistakable professional outlook, devoid of the bravado that one sees in some of the folks in positions of power in this dear country. He was overseeing return to normality following days of violence. Good job he must have done that time.

It should be remembered that Brigadier Elwelu contributed to setting the foundation for the UPDF’s positive role in Somalia, never mind that we had no business going there in the first place. It is a sad commentary then that it was Elwelu who, last Sunday, commanded an ill-thought and despicable attack on King Mumbere’s palace, a disproportionate mission that inevitably killed many, yet it was not inevitable.

The legion of regime apologists and courtiers have wasted little time telling the world that daring the state comes with such consequences as witnessed in Kasese. But what is the state and who is the state? The state is the single-most important aggregation and concentration of societal interests, needs, aspirations and resources.

Accordingly, the state belongs to society, to the people whose resources it wields and on whose behalf it acts. It is a little nonsensical, therefore, to suggest that, somehow, the state has certain interests of its own that are totally divorced from society and the people on whose behalf it acts and whose resources it uses.

One of the most important thinkers of modern times, German sociologist Max Weber, noted quite aptly that a state is the human institution that successfully claims monopoly over legitimate use of physical force. There are two key words here: monopoly and legitimate.

No state can claim to function viably if it can’t centralize and monopolise the legitimate use of violence. In other words, the presence of different militias and armed groups, the runaway decentralisation of the use of physical force such that anyone can use force the way he/she wishes, is antithetical to the existence of a modern state.

Historically, establishing a monopoly over force has mostly been attained when competing armed groups interested in managing a specific territory win decisive military victories. In other words, force is used to establish monopoly over the use of force.

Yet, on its own, this is seldom sustainable. We have vividly painful memories in Uganda. The wounds and scars of two decades of war in northern Uganda should dissuade the rulers that the path of brute force and arrogant display of raw power is perilous.

Whatever the personal indiscretions of Mumbere, the crisis in Rwenzori can be seen in similar lenses as in the northern, northeastern and Buganda regions. For three successive elections, 1996, 2001 and 2006, the northern and north-eastern parts of the country continuously voted against General Museveni and the NRM establishment.

Since 1996, the people of Kasese have defiantly voted against Museveni and the NRM, even felling a big historical in former defence minister Crispus Kiyonga.

It’s no coincidence that armed conflict has festered in those parts of the country where there’s pronounced social discontent against the political establishment in Kampala.

One would think that the NRM and our increasingly-beleaguered ruler have taken critical lessons in running state affairs and attaining the right to govern prudently. Obviously, the events of last Sunday suggest they have hardly taken any lessons.

This is a highly-fragile society. And the rulers are bereft of the political wisdom to govern properly. The state that is primed is at any rate quite weak and poorly-constituted.


The author teaches  political science at Northwestern University/Evanston, Chicago-USA.


But then one reads more of Africa in the former centuries as having savage war-like societies devoid of any fragile human cultures. One reckons that is how the African ancestors attained and preserved territory, law and order, and civilization.

War commands the combantants to destroy the most fragile lives in order to win the battle. Awangula olutalo yasinga okutta.

Rwandan protestors demand the British to free arrested spy chief of President Kagame of Ruanda:
Publish Date: Jun 24, 2015


Hundreds of Rwandan protestors marched on the British embassy in the capital Kigali Wednesday demanding London release their spy chief, arrested at the weekend for alleged crimes following the 1994 genocide.


British police detained 54-year-old general Karenzi Karake at Heathrow airport on Saturday on a Spanish arrest warrant that was issued as part of an investigation into alleged crimes during and after the Rwanda conflict, including the murder of Spanish aid workers.


The around 300 protestors chanted "Free the general," with some carrying photographs of the country's spy chief. One protester held a placard that read "Demeaning Africans is not acceptable," quoting Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo's angry response on Twitter to Karake's arrest.


The Rwandan government has condemned the detention of Karake, who has been President Paul Kagame's top spy since 2011, branding his arrest an "outrage."


"We strongly believe that General Karenzi has no case to answer in the UK and we are going to camp here until he is released," said protestor Apollo Munanura.


Joel Ntihenuka, an engineer who was among the demonstrators, called Karake's detention "improper and unjust".


"We are here to demand an immediate release of General Karenzi Karake who was illegally detained by the UK authorities over unsubstantiated claims," said protestor Herbert Muhire, delivering a message from protesters to Britain's High Commissioner.


Karake is part of a circle of top military officers in the former Rwandan Patriotic Front rebel movement.


The rebels ended the 1994 genocide by Hutu extremists which left an estimated 800,000 people dead, mostly minority Tutsis.


British High Commissioner William Gelling gave a brief statement, saying he understood the protestors "frustrations" but that the arrest "was on legal obligations based on the Spanish indictments", and that London remained "a close partner and maintains a good relationship with Rwanda."


Amin’s soldiers ignored Entebbe raid warning:

Publish Date: Jun 25, 2015

Amin had openly expressed his support for the Palestinian cause


By Joshua Kato


In the early hours of July 4, 1976, some 39 years ago, Israeli commandos carried out a daring raid on Entebbe International Airport. This week, 39 years later, Sunday Vision will run an exclusive series of stories about the raid, starting Friday, through Saturday to Sunday.


A few days before the raid, Palestine terrorists had hijacked an Air France plane, full of mainly Israelis and forced it to land at Entebbe. Several officers of the Uganda Army had received intelligence about the attack, but failed to act on it.


The first intelligence came from Col. Gad Wilson Toko who was in Nairobi. Toko, an officer of the Uganda Army, was tipped off by a friend in the Kenyan government the moment the Israelis landed in Nairobi, where they had stopped over before proceeding to Entebbe. The second tip came from Maj. Gen. Isaac Lumago, Amin’s ambassador to Lesotho.


Idi Amin and Mustafa Adrisi were away in Mauritius, attending an Organisation of African Unity summit and had returned hours before the raid. 


The man in charge of the country while Amin was away, Col. Isaac Maliyamungu, was a man of limited education. His ability to analyse threats was questionable. It would appear the challenge was too big for Maliyamungu (Swahili for 'God’s money').


He did nothing about the intelligence, describing them as gasiya (Swahili for 'rubbish'). It was a fatal mistake. Had he taken the reports seriously, the Israelis would have found a different battle game.


But then why did the terrorists pick Uganda as their final landing port? The reasons were easy to find.


In a provocative typical fashion in 1972, he conducted a simulated invasion of Israel, in full view of foreign journalists. In a grand display involving helicopters, tanks and infantry, Amin demonstrated how he would lead his forces to capture the Golan Heights, the Syrian territory occupied by Israel.


“Victory over Israelis,” he punched the air at the end of the mock manoeuvre.


The Israelis were not amused by these antics.



Latest Posts

The new breed of African leaders like Kabila, Kagame and Kaguta have failed miserably to promote African democracy on the Ancient Continent of Africa:













The new breed of African leaders of the 20th Century, from left to right. Mr Kabila, Mr Kagame and Mr Kaguta:



Asuman Bisiika

Mr Asuman Bisiika
24 December, 2017
Written by Asuman Bisiika

Once upon a time, there was a Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s African Leadership Prize. It came with what was said to be the biggest cash prize on earth. Former Mozambican president Joachim Chissano made history by becoming the first recipient of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s African Leadership Prize.
Some cynics said the prize was like bribing African leaders to do what they were supposed to do. Others said the prize money would have been better spent on whistle blowers reporting rogue African leaders’ wealth stashed away in foreign banks. For me, the Mo Ibrahim African Leadership Prize gave us an opportunity to interrogate the paradox of African leadership and statesmanship.

Does African statesmanship need to be incentivised? What is $5m to a leader who has the national Treasury as a private bank account? The African president or head of government does not lead his or her people; he has power over his or her people and the national assets. What incentives would make one a statesman and leader (and not power holder)?
Dear reader, we all know of Kabila, Kagame and Kaguta (the names are arranged in alphabetical order). For the latest arrivals from Planet Mars, the three men hold power over the people (and national assets) of the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Republic of Rwanda and the Republic of Uganda respectively.

Statesman Vs Power Holder. On Wednesday, December 20, 2017, Parliament of Uganda passed a Constitution Amendment Bill removing the 35 and 75 age limits for presidential candidates. They had the power to do it; and they did it.
With this amendment, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (hitherto barred on account of his age) will be allowed to run in the 2021 election. He has been president for more than 30 years.

Opposition leaders declared December 20 as the darkest day in the political history of Uganda. But I would like to share with them a Congolese proverb that goes like: ata butu eyindi makasi, ekosuka se tongo etana (however dark the night may get, dawn breaks it to the delight of the next).
In the DR Congo (where I picked this proverb), the people don’t even know whether they still have a constitution and a president. The government or the man holding power in that country just didn’t organise election when his term of office ended.

The Congolese, filling the vacuum created by the lack of a national leadership, are now fighting among themselves and killing each other. No one knows (I think even Joseph Kabila doesn’t) how the Congolese can get themselves out of this stalemate without a war and its attendant loss of human life.
In Rwanda, the population rallied and forced Paul Kagame to continue ruling the country. The spectacle of 99.99 per cent electoral victory, accompanied by what looked like Palm Sunday Triumphalism, was not lost on us.

Long story short, Kabila, Kagame and Kaguta still reign after the cunning mobilisation (manipulation?) of the institutions and instruments of the State. The trick is simple: The leader comes at the head of a salvation army. Because of the larger than life personality and saviour element, he conditions the State to recede and in its place the saviour leader manifests. The institutions of the State like Parliament, military and a public service start acting like they owe their existence to the saviour leader.

A quote from a pastoral letter: We have been witnesses to civil and political actions that are likely to render national institutions like the Parliament and the security agencies irrelevant, deficient, ineffective and disconnected to their constitutional mandates and legitimacy. So much for African statesmanship!

Christian Militia Destroys All Mosques In The Central African Republic:
April 2nd, 2015 | by Amando Flavio
Christian Militia Destroys All Mosques In The Central African Republic
Young African unemployed in Africa

It has emerged that a Christian militia in the Central African Republic (CAR) has destroyed almost all mosques in the country.

The militia known as anti-balaka has been engaged in the persecution of Muslims after a Muslim leader deposed the country’s previous Christian President in 2013.

Michel Djotodia (Muslim) overthrew Francis Bozize (Christian) in a bloody coup in December 2013, sparking religious sectarian violence across the country.

The United States ambassador to the United Nations- Samantha Power said 417 out of the 436 mosques in the CAR have been destroyed by the Christian militia.


CAR Rebels

Real blood letting in a civil war in Africa


The few remaining mosques are said to be under siege by the militia and independent observers say that all Muslims have been completely wiped out of the country.

More than 5,000 people have been killed in the country since the violence began. The African Union has been unable to deal with the problem.

Nearly one million of the country’s 4.5 million residents have been displaced. Many of those who have fled are Muslim.

Power said 417 of the country’s mosques have been destroyed, expressing serious concern about the upcoming possible security vacuum that will be created as the European Union and French forces withdraw from the country. European Union and French troops have been helping to restore law and order since last year.

She visited the one remaining Muslim neighborhood in the capital, Bangui, and described the residents as “a terrified population”.  It is said that some of the pregnant Muslim women are so afraid of leaving the community while wearing their veils, that they are choosing to give birth in their homes instead of going to hospitals.





car 2

African differences being solved by violence


The militia attacks anybody they see dressed in Muslim attire. The French and EU forces have tried very hard to disarm the militia, but these efforts have failed to yield any meaningful results.

There are about 750 EU and French troops left in the country and it is expected that these troops will soon be pulled out, leaving the country to its fate as the violence continues to spread.

The United Nations has said that it will deploy about 12,000 troops to take over from the departing troops; however these statements have yet to materialize since the Security Council made the proposal last year. The UN peacekeepers will assume their mandate in September this year, yet many observers say that it will be far too late to stop the violence.

The Central African Republic has been in turmoil since the Seleka rebels led by Micheal Djotodia ousted President Francois Bozize last year.

President Djotodia however resigned in January 2014 in a deal that was brokered by regional leaders; giving way for the first female president of the country, Catherine Samba-Panza, however violence continues to threaten the stability of the country.



Death Weapons in places of worship on the continent of Africa


The United Nations estimates that more than one million people have fled their homes in the crisis and human rights activists have confirmed that the country has seen religious cleansing between Christians and Muslims.

Muslim civilians are being targeted by the militia in revenge for the seizure of power by the mainly Muslim rebels in 2013. The militia has said that they are taking revenge for atrocities committed by the Seleka Muslim rebels, when Mr. Djotodia seized power in March 2013.

The CAR is a landlocked country in Central Africa, covering an area of 620,000 square kilometers. It has never had a Muslim President since the country gained independence from France in 1960. The attempt by the Seleka Muslim rebels who ousted the Christian leader in 2013 has been attributed to the domination of the Christians in the political affairs of the country, virtually sidelining the Muslims.


Museveni, Byanyima discuss regional peace in a rich man's conference in Davos, Switzerland.

Officiating. President Museveni addresses a breakfast meeting on shaping Africa’s Agenda during the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, on Wednesday as Winnie Byanyima looks on. PPU PHOTO 


25 January, 2019


By Misairi Thembo Kahungu


Kampala. President Museveni and the Executive Director of Oxfam International, Ms Winnie Byanyima, have held talks on the need for security and political integration in the East African region.

Ms Byanyima, a known critic of President Museveni’s regime, is wife to key Opposition leader, Dr Kizza Besigye, who has contested for presidency four times against the incumbent and is currently battling treason charges in court.

“Today (Wednesday) I met Uganda President Kaguta Museveni and discussed regional integration; promoting peace and security in East & Horn of Africa. We agreed that ordinary people need economic integration and will increasingly push their leaders to build a common market,” Ms Byanyima tweeted.

Ms Byanyima, a former Member of Parliament for Mbarara Municipality and strong critic of the NRM regime, is also a founding member of the Reform Agenda, the predecessor of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party.

The historic meeting between the two rival politicians was held in the snowy Swiss city of Davos during the World Economic Forum summit attended by leaders across the globe. 

Mr Museveni and Ms Byanyima discussed a range of issues mainly on regional integration, security and peace. 

However, Ms Byanyima did not indicate whether she met Mr Museveni at the session on Africa Economic Agenda, which she moderated, or thereafter.

The session discussed integration, human capital, infrastructure and financial matters in Africa. 

It was attended by President Museveni, Rwandan president Paul Kagame, South Africa’s president Cyril Ramaphosa, Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly and Tunisian Prime Minister Youssef Chahed.

President Museveni’s twitter handle informed Ugandans of his participation in the session, saying he cautioned other leaders to “avoid a uni-dimension approach in shaping Africa’s future”. He also cited a series of bilateral discussions he held in Davos but was completely silent about his meeting with Ms Byanyima and their discussion on regional peace and integration.

Bilateral talks

President Museveni has openly campaigned for the African Integration in order to have a common market and bargaining power for the continent. 

He is a key advocate for the Federation of East African Community.

Away from the Banyima interaction, Mr Museveni tweeted about his bilateral talks with other world leaders on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum 2019 in Davos. 

He met with the founder and executive chairman of the World Economic Forum, Prof Klaus Martin Schwab to whom he presented Uganda’s request to host the next forum. 

“We discussed a range of issues, including the global push for the 4th industrial revolution, though I insist that gaps of the 2nd and 3rd revolutions in places like Africa must be plugged for proper development to happen. I also told him Uganda is ready and willing to host the next World Economic Forum on Africa. 

The last forum was held in South Africa. It will be an honour to host a meeting of such significance,” Mr Museveni tweeted.

He also said he had held separate talks with Belgian Prime Minister, Mr Charles Michelthe, and the Executive Director of the World Food Programme, Mr David Beasley. The meeting with WFP boss focused on strengthening cooperation between Uganda and his agency. 

The deputy presidential press secretary, Ms Lindah Nabusayi, yesterday shared photos of Mr Museveni braving the snow to walk to his hotel alongside his daughter Natasha Karugire.






In Uganda, the President has introduced an African Robin Hood budget for 2018/19 so that he can go to heaven for helping the poor:

By Mary Karugaba


Added 7th June 2018


Despite the seriousness involved, the President’s speech was littered with humour and rib cracking local proverbs that left many people in the audience with teary eyes.

Museveni111 703x422

First Lady and Minister of Education and Sports, Janet Museveni, President Yoweri Museveni and the Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga walk to the Kampala Serena Hotel gardens for a reception shortly after the State of the Nation Address on Wednesday 6th June 2018. PPU PHOTO


Most of the government officials in the past have been caught on Cameras either dossing or chewing gum.

But now President Yoweri Museveni has learnt the art of keeping them awake especially during his long speeches. The state of the nation was not different.

Despite the seriousness involved, the President’s speech was littered with humour and rib cracking local proverbs that left many people in the audience with teary eyes.


After stepping on the podium, the President’s voice did not sound as usual due to flue. He immediately sent for tissue. Realizing that there was silence in the room as he cleaned the nose, he tried to break it and said, “I had a cold but I defeated it.”  Some members of the opposition shouted, “How? When you are still sneezing.” The president said he did not understand what they were saying.


The President informed the audience that because of electricity, he has discovered that some people have built factories in swamps.


“I see them. It’s better to have factories in the swamps than mayuni (yams). It should not have happened but God is there,” he said.


During the ceremony, he wondered why people drive so fast and end up causing accidents. The President caused murmurs in the room when he defended his convoy on speed.


“Why over drive? Where are you going?   People wonder why I don’t allow my vehicles to move very fast,” he said as murmurs filled the room. “If you see them over speeding, know am not there because I regard myself useful,” he said as murmurs increased.


To as if rest their doubts, he said, “Ok may be when I am late for the head of state that is arriving at Entebbe Airport.”


He complained that some Africans reach a point and get tired of life.


“Africans behave as if they are tired of life. Everything that comes kills them. Alcohol kills them, women kill them. Everything good kills them. Africans die from good and bad,” he said sending the audience into prolonged laughter.


He was also angry that some leaders seek popularity and fail to sensitize their voters on income generating activities.


“You sit with them, share straws at Malwa joints that you are a people’s person. You say mubewo (long live). God one day will ask you why your neighbours were poor when you were okay. Better listen to my message because I need my slot in heaven,” he said.


He applauded the people in Kiruhura district who have taken his message seriously and got involved in income generating activities.


“Because of the transformation, they are no grass thatched houses or Tadoba (hurricane lamps) unless you go to the museum,” he said as the audience laughed.


Speaking in the local language, the President said, in some areas, he meets people and greets them. “ Mulimuta (how are you) they say turyaho (we are there). I ask them what are you doing? They say Turyaho (we are there). I ask them where do you get money? They say, do we see it? So what do they do?” the President asked as he threw his arms in the air.


The President said they then go and spend time in church expecting miracle wealth. “Some priests then come and smear them with oil. Really? Some Africans.” He said as cameras zoomed on Pastor Joseph Sserwadda in the audience.


He informed the audience that some people were trying to rash the financing and building of the Standard Gauge Railways project yet he wants to first scrutinize the several offers.


“With such projects am very careful. I have got many offers. Some people are not happy with me because am delaying them. They want me dead but God is there, Lubangake,” he said.


On government’s investment in Sports, the President admitted but said the support has mainly been indirectly.


“Some people say we have not invested in Sports but these people like Joshua Cheptegei who recently won a gold medal, where would they be if cattle rustling were still there?” he asked.


Elaborating government’s challenges with some of the donors, the President cited the recent clash with World Bank for the Kamwenge- Fort portal road. The World Bank cut off funding after an investigation report revealed that the Chinese contractors had impregnated some underage girls.


“The Chinese impregnated the girls. World Bank said we are cutting off the funding. Really? You punish 3m people because of these Chinese people?  We decided to fund the road using government money and completed it,” he said.






The ruling political party (National Resisistance Movement) of Uganda:

The inside story about the recent Central Executive Committee meeting to dismiss the Secretary General.



        Museveni said he was in possession of files compiled by

                  Mbabazi and wife and secretly stored in the

                      North American Embassy( USA), Kampala.



To some witnesses, Amama Mbabazi’s ouster as secretary general on October 18 provoked the most intense exchange in the history of the NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC) probably since this committee was officially formed in 2005.

Sitting at Nakasero State Lodge, the day’s agenda was to break Mbabazi and possibly force him to resign immediately as NRM secretary general. Yet unknown to many, Mbabazi and his wife Jacqueline had assembled an arsenal of verbal artillery that would make the ouster harder.

The main actors in Saturday’s meeting, according to our sources, were President Museveni and Jacqueline Mbabazi (head, Women League) with Maj Gen Matayo Kyaligonza (Vice chairman Western) playing the key supporting role for the president and Mbabazi lawyering for his wife.


The setting in the conference room was perfect. Museveni sat at the tip of the long boardroom table next to Hajji Moses Kigongo, the NRM first national vice chairman. Mbabazi and Jacqueline sat on opposite sides of the table, almost directly facing each other.

Meeting starts

Museveni called the members to order at 11am and informed them that they wanted to resolve the Mbabazi question by close of the meeting, our sources said.

“We are not leaving this meeting until we find a solution to this issue of secretary general. We spent so much time on Thursday [October 16] going around in circles but today we have to end it here,” Museveni said, alluding to the earlier CEC meeting.

Museveni then motioned an aide who ferried in a number of voluminous files and placed them in front of him.

“I got these from my American friends and they contain all the evidence to show that Mbabazi and Jacqueline have been working against me and the party,” he said as he tapped the files with both hands, our sources said.

Museveni added that the documents before him had been compiled by Mbabazi and wife and kept at the American embassy. He reportedly said his “contacts” at the embassy helped him retrieve the files. He said each of the CEC members would receive a copy of the documents to learn the extent to which Mbabazi and Jacqueline had gone to undermine him.

But Moses Kigongo advised against the distribution of the documents. There were also fears, according to sources, that if the documents were distributed, some of them would end up in the media. Museveni bought into Kigongo’s suggestion and decided, instead, to talk about the contents of some of the documents.

He then brandished a document, reportedly written by Jacqueline and containing names of people the Mbabazis considered political adversaries. These names, our sources said, included Gen Kale Kayihura (police chief), Brig Moses Rwakitarate, and the First Son Muhoozi Kainerugaba. However, before he could reveal any more names, Jacqueline shot up.

“You say we are campaigning against you. Is that a crime? You started campaigning immediately after the 2011 elections. You have been going around the country meeting people. What crime have we committed by campaigning?” she said, as the room fell into deafening silence.

Museveni shot back saying his countrywide tours were part of his national duty, and not a campaign ploy At this point, our sources said, Museveni stopped referring to the files and the meeting took a trend similar to that of October 16.


Kyaligonza jumped into the fray and accused the Mbabazis of having the airs of self-importance. He said he had read with disgust an article in Daily Monitor in which Jacqueline’s father Reverend Geresomu Ruhindi, had accused Museveni of using and dumping Mbabazi.

“Did Ruhindi fight? Does he know what we went through in the bush? You people were busy in Nairobi eating sausages and stealing our money. Should we have sympathy for you? Can I remove my trouser and show you the bullet wounds?”a charged Kyaligonza asked.

Hassan Basajjabalaba (Entrepreneurs’ League) urged caution. He told Kyaligonza that he didn’t need to use harsh language to make his point.

“President Museveni and Mbabazi have known each other for 43 years. In fact Museveni has known Mbabazi longer than he has known you (Kyaligonza). In my view, I think both of these people should sit together and reconcile,” Basajjabalaba said, ticking off an already livid Kyaligonza. The two engaged in a verbal exchange that ended with mineral water bottles being thrown.

The meeting soon split into camps with five of the 24-members siding with the Mbabazis, while Mike Mukula (Eastern), Jim Muhwezi (Veterans), Francis Babu (Kampala), Amelia Kyambadde (Treasurer) and Kasule Lumumba (Chief Whip) joined Kyaligonza to lead the charge against the Mbabazis.

Kirunda Kivejinja (elders) had a neutralizing effect. He went as far as accusing Museveni of using the NRM Parliamentary caucus to usurp powers of all the party organs.

“The chairman should stop using his caucus to usurp the authority of all organs; I think the organs should be allowed to do their work,” Kivejinja reportedly said.

All the while Museveni was looking on, occasionally taking some notes, the sources said.

Later, Museveni invited Rebecca Garang, the widow of the founding president of South Sudan Dr (Col)  John Garang to address the members, briefly. Rebecca told the members that disunity in NRM especially amongst its top leadership could create chaos. She gave the example of her country, South Sudan, now gripped by war that erupted last year partly because of disagreements within the leadership of SPLA/M.

After her submission, Jacqueline retook the floor. She detailed how Museveni had orchestrated a campaign to fight her husband by proxy through other party members. She said Museveni always fights those with ambition in NRM, citing Dr Kizza Besigye as an example. She wondered whether the country would come to a standstill if Museveni was no longer president.

“Why do you fear competition?” she queried, according to our sources.

She said Museveni had now sent out some ministers to the countryside to meet NRM grassroots leaders, in an effort to demonize her husaband further.

“I know that you gave them Shs 2 billion to go around. But let me hope that what they report back is the truth. The truth is that people are tired. People want change,” she reportedly said as Museveni took down a few notes.

Jacqueline said the day presidential term limits were removed from the Constitution in 2005, was the day the country was buried, politically.

“I know my husband and sister [Hope Mwesigye] were involved in this but I always opposed them. Ask him. I remember the day Parliament voted; I was at home watching television. Then when my husband and sister came home to celebrate, I told them there is no food for you,” she said.

“I did not give him food,” she emphasized.


            Bold and daring: Jacqueline Mbabazi did not mince her words


At that juncture, one male member is reported to have sought clarification, asking: “Did you also deny him the other food?”

If the cheeky member had hoped to use humour to ease the tension, it did not work. One insider source said it was the first time he had heard and seen someone take on Museveni so feverishly and boldly.

“I thought that Jacqueline was going to be put under arrest,” said the source.

In a raised voice, Museveni responded that he had kept quiet for a long time as the Mbabazis abused his family. He singled out Nina Mbabazi for her articles in newspapers and posts on social media, which allegedly denigrated the party and his family (Nina used to write a column in Sunday Monitor).

“In fact one time, Natasha [president’s daughter] came to me and said, why do we keep quiet when this girl abuses us? She said she was going to write back. But I told her that unless I am not the son of Kaguta, she should not write back,” Museveni said.

Museveni also rubbished claims that he had stayed way too long in power, pointing to the Mbabazis longevity too in the struggle.

“You remember the first time I came to your house, in 1976. You served me tea. Were you not part of the struggle?” he asked.

Stale talk

Museveni then went into the history of NRM’s rise to power. He received support from Kyaligonza and Muhwezi, who reminded the meeting that for NRM to come to power, they had shed their blood. This prompted Denis Namara (Youths) to tell them to end the bush-war stories and instead focus on issues that concern the youths.

“The youths are tired of hearing the story of the bush [war] because it is not relevant to them,” Namara said.

He,  however, drew the ire of Kyambadde (treasurer) who said the bush-war heroes (including herself) could not allow to be disrespected by the youths. At 4pm, the members took a break and as they walked out of the conference room, Kyaligonza seized Jacqueline’s hand.

“Where are you taking my wife?” Mbabazi asked.

Mbabazi, Rugunda speak out

Mbabazi, who had been quiet but looked dejected, then spoke when the meeting resumed. He told the meeting that he hated injustice and unfairness. He said he studied law after witnessing someone attempt to steal his father’s land. He then questioned whether it was wrong for someone to express ambition within the NRM.

Museveni then quipped that “it is not wrong to have ambition but how one expresses it is the point.”

Dr Ruhakana Rugunda, the prime minister, is reported to have narrated how he had known Mbabazi almost since childhood. He said the two were close friends as well as business associates. What intrigued him, he said, was the fact that Mbabazi was not speaking his mind like “a real Mukiga.”

“I want my good friend [Mbabazi] to tell the meeting here and now, whether he intends to stand for the presidency.”

Mbabazi, with hand on his cheek, just stared at Rugunda without offering any response. At about 5:30pm, Museveni excused himself and rushed to Mulago hospital to officially flag off the reconstruction works there. He instructed the members not to leave.

He came back towards 7pm and the meeting resumed. Fred Mukisa (Elders) and Kasule Lumumba then told the meeting how Mbabazi had bought vehicles for his mobilisers in their respective areas. They each read out the registration number plates of the vehicles. As the meeting drew to a close towards midnight, Museveni reminded them that they had to conclude the Mbabazi matter.

At this point, some people were really exhausted and some had tight schedules the next day. Sam Engola (Vice-chairman, Northern Uganda), for instance, reminded the president that he had to travel to Apac that night to be able to welcome him to the district the next day (October 19) for the consecration of the bishop of West Lango diocese, the Rt Rev Canon Alfred Acur Okudi.

To resolve the Mbabazi impasse, Engola suggested that members vote by show of hands, whether or not Mbabazi should stay on as secretary general. Some members bought this idea but Mbabazi warned that he would sue the party if CEC endorsed an illegality. He said he was elected by the delegates’ conference, and not CEC. Museveni conceded and fished for an alternative solution.

Then the idea of Mbabazi writing a letter, taking administrative leave as secretary general for three months was floated. “Since you are a lawyer and the matter concerns you, I want you to draft the letter,” Museveni told Mbabazi as he handed him a piece of paper.

The first draft, according to our sources, was rejected, because it did not explicitly say that he would relinquish the duties of secretary general, while on leave. Sources said that Mbabazi had created a loophole that would allow him to have a say on some [party] matters while on leave. Museveni then told Muhwezi (Veterans) to airbrush it and effect changes.

After Muhwezi made the changes, it was debated briefly before members adopted it. Museveni then told the members that there would be an emergency delegates’ conference on December 15 where wholesome changes would be effected to the NRM constitution, including allowing the party chairman to appoint a secretary general. He told CEC that the conference would cost Shs 5 billion, which he would “look for.”

Later, Museveni proposed that all CEC members should take a group photo, to leave no room for anyone to disown what was discussed in the meeting.

“I am going to call [Robert] Kabushega and tell him to publish this photograph,” Museveni said insisting that Mbabazi should stand next to him.

By the end of the meeting, Museveni appeared as if he had scored one over Mbabazi. Indeed, on Monday, Mbabazi wrote to Museveni informing him that he had taken leave till December 31.

“As you are aware, I have been performing the duties of Secretary General of NRM without a break for the last nine years, I wish now to take leave of absence from duty from October 20 until December 31,” Mbabazi wrote.

Sacked as prime minister on September 18 and now hounded out as secretary general, some observers have opined that Mbabazi might be on his way out of NRM.

Yet the fact that he has so far given away little as regards his presidential ambitions means there could still be more intriguing twists and turns to this political tale.


Military Genero wa Kagame owe Ruanda mukwate mu Bungereza:
Kampala | Jun 24, 2015
                    General Karenzi at work in Ruanda

Bya Musasi Waffe


PULEZIDENTI wa Rwanda, Paul Kagame ali mu kasattiro oluvannyuma lwa Genero we abadde akulira eby’ekikessi, okumukwatira e Bungereza ku gy’okutta abantu.

Gen. Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, 54, nga y’akulira ekitongole ekikessi mu Rwanda ekya National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), abazungu baamuvumbagidde alinnya ennyonyi ku kisaawe ky’e Heathrow mu London ku Lwomukaaga empingu ne ziruma.

Baamubuuzizza kajjogijjogi w’ebibuuzo era bwe baakakasizza nti y’oyo gwe babadde beetaaga, ne bassaawo olutuula lwa kkooti olw’enjawulo ku Ssande ne bamusomera emisango egimukwasizza.

Yakwatiddwa ku biwandiiko ‘bakuntumye’ ebyafulumizibwa Omulamuzi Fernando Andreu owa kkooti e Spain mu 2008 nti amulabako yenna amukwate aweerezebwe e Spain avunaanibwe okutta abantu mu Rwanda.

Omulamuzi wa Bungereza naye yayongedde okumubuuza ebibuuzo okukakasa nti y’oyo eyeetaagibwa kkooti, era bwe yakakasizza nti y’oyo ddala; kwe kusalawo azzibwe mu kaduukulu bamukomyewo ku Lwokuna (enkya), lw’agenda okuzzibwa mu kkooti ategeezebwe ku nteekateeka ez’okumukwasa gavumenti ya Spain abitebye.


Bannamagye ba Rwanda 40 abagambibwa okwenyigira mu kutta abantu wakati wa 1994 ne 2000 be bassibwa ku lukalala lw’abeetaagibwa kkooti ya Spain.

Ku lukalala luno kuliko ne Minisita wa Kagame ow’ebyokwerinda, James Kabarebe era naye asattira.

Emisango egikwasizza Gen. Karenzi gyawaabwa mu 2005 ekibiina ky’obwannakyewa ekirwanirizi ky’eddembe (African Human Rights Group) nga kimulumiriza ne banne 39 okwenyigira mu kutta abantu ekirindi nti era ne mu be batta baatwaliramu ne bannansi ba Spain 9 abaali basindikiddwa e Rwanda okuyambako mu kukuuma emirembe.

Mu mpaaba ey’emiko 182, Kagame naye bamwogerako nti alina ky’amanyi ku butemu obwakolebwa abajaasi be, wabula tebaamuteeka ku lukalala lw’abavunaanibwa kuba mu kiseera kino akyali Pulezidenti.

Oludda oluwaabi lulaga nti lulina enteekateeka ezizuukusa emisango ku Kagame amangu ddala ng’avudde mu buyinza. Kkooti y’ensi yonna (ICC) yokka y’erina obuyinza obuvunaana Pulezidenti ng’akyali mu buyinza nga bwe kiri ku wa Sudan Omar el Bashir.

Mu kiseera kino, abawagira Kagame e Rwanda bali mu nteekateeka eggyawo ekkomo ku bisanja kimusobozese okwesimbawo okwetangira ebizibu nga bino.

Mu mateeka g’ensi yonna, omuntu oba ekitongole kisobola okuggulawo emisango naddala egirimu okutta abantu ekirindi ku bakulembeze abatakwatibwako mu nsi zaabwe nga bagiggulirawo mu mawanga amalala era kkooti n’eyisa ebibaluwa ebimukwata.

Enkola eno gye bayita “Universal Jurisdiction” mwe baayita okukwata eyali Pulezidenti wa Chile, Augusto Pinochet. Ono naye baamukwatira London ng’ebiwandiiko ebimukwata byayisibwa kkooti y’e Spain mu 1998. Wadde ensi endala nazo zikozesa etteeka lino, Spain yeegulidde nnyo erinnya mu kulikozesa.

Gen. Karenzi ye munnamagye wa Kagame owookubiri okukwatibwa mu ngeri eno; eyasooka yali Col. Rose Kabuye gwe baakwatira e Germany mu 2008.

Col. Kabuye yali akola mu ofiisi ya Pulezidenti Kagame wabula oluvannyuma lw’enteeseganya wakati wa Rwanda ne Germany, omusibe yayimbulwa n’adda ku butaka.


Amangu ddala nga Kagame ategeezeddwa nti Genero we bamuggalidde mu kkomera e Bungereza, yatandikiddewo okusala amagezi agamutaasa.

Emikutu gy’amawulire egimu gyategeezezza nti Kagame yakubidde Katikkiro wa Bungereza, David Cameron, essimu ne boogerera akaseera ku bya Gen. Karenzi.

Wadde ebyavuddemu tebyafulumiziddwa mu butongole, ensonda mu gavumenti ya Rwanda zaalaze nti Cameron yasuubizza kwetegereza nsonga eno, ekitaawadde nnyo Kagame ssuubi.

Omukutu gwa ABC News gwategeezezza nti ekisinze okweraliikiriza Rwanda ye kkooti eteekateeka okutwala Karenzi mu maaso g’Omulamuzi ku Lwokuna, ate nga baabadde balowooza nti engeri abakulu bombi gye boogedde, wa kuyimbulwa adde e Kigali.

Minisita wa Rwanda ow’ebyamateeka, Johnston Busingye yagambye nti basazeewo okuyungula bannamateeka bonna abeetagisa okununula Karenzi aleme na kutwalibwa Spain gye baamuggulirako emisango.

Ate minisita w’ensonga ez’Ebweru, Louise Mushikiwabo yatabukidde Abazungu n’agamba nti bino babikola kuyisa lugaayu mu mawanga ga Afrika nti era kino tekyawukana ku kye baakola ku Pulezidenti wa Kenya, Uhuru Kenyatta, n’agattako nti amawanga ga Afrika galina okulwanira awamu kino kikome kati!

Bamulumiriza ne ku by’e Congo

Ng’oggyeeko omusango ogw’okutta Bannansi ba Spain, lipoota y’ekibiina ekirwanirizi ky’eddembe ly’obuntu ekya Human Rights Watch (HRW) eya 2007 ewa ku Gen. Karenzi obujulizi nti yeenyigira mu kutta abantu baabulijjo mu DR Congo mu kibuga Kishangani mu lutalo olwaliyo mu 2000, Rwanda ne Uganda bwe zaakubaganira mu kibuga kino.

Gen. Karenzi amanyiddwa ennyo nga K.K mu Rwanda, era ayogerwako ng’ow’embazuulu. Mu 2010, Kagame yalagira n’akwatibwa olw’okusiiwuuka empisa n’aggalirwa mu maka ge okumala akaseera okutuusa lwe yasonyiyibwa n’azzibwa ku mulimu.

Busingye yagambye nti bagenda kukozesa amakubo abiri (2) okununula Karenzi okuli erya kkooti wamu n’enteeseganya z’abakulembeze b’amawanga gombi era basuubira nti amakubo ago ga kuyamba omuntu waabwe aleme kuweerezebwa Spain.



No forceful president of self-styled state republics is going to escape the ICC trials, says Bensouda

On December 6, the International Criminal Court (ICC) commenced the long-awaited trial of Dominic Ongwen, one of the five Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebel commanders the court indicted in 2005. This is one of the LRA African diehards that wanted to create a Religious state of Uganda alongside the Christian 10 Commandments of the Jewish Bible manuscripts.



ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda. PHOTO BY

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda. PHOTO BY TABU BUTAGIRA 

There are 70 confirmed charges against Dominic Ongwen. Do you feel confident to expedite their prosecutions and how much time would you require?

What we are trying to do is to be able to capture as much as possible the criminality that took place during this time when Mr Ongwen has been charged. It is important to say that bringing 70 charges instead of seven charges don’t mean that the proceedings will multiply 10 times.

We try to spread [the charges] to ensure that every victim who has suffered during this period [2002-2005] from the actions allegedly taken by Dominic Ongwen are also covered. [The many charges] do not mean that it is going to slow down the process, [but] show the level of criminality that took place and for which Mr Ongwen stands charge.

How do you feel a day after the start of this important trial?

It’s an important day for the victims who have been waiting for more than a decade. The charges are very serious and the number of victims subjected to these crimes is a lot ... the process of bringing justice for them has begun. We had to make sure that we prepared the case as carefully as possible. This is, therefore, an important day for justice for the victims of [the almost two-decade war in] northern Uganda.

Who will be your first witness when the trial resumes January 16, 2017?

I am not particular [about it], but we will show the crime base. This was a hideous crime that was taking place. [We will] show the context within which those crimes have been committed. In the evidence we shall also bring experts who will give us information not just the on context but also [radio call] intercept evidence.

Our plan is to present to the judges as clear and comprehensive [as possible] the picture [of what transpired during the war]. Our main aim is to bring out the truth of what actually happened and who actually suffered crimes and who should be held accountable for those crimes.

Let’s talk about ICC generally; the African governments have been alleging that the ICC has been prosecuting selectively. What do you have to say about that?

I have always said that this is a wrong accusation because [the allegation is like] talking in the abstract, which unfortunately is being done, and not in the proper context.

If we are making allegations, at least this should be objectively done and based on the evidence on ground. Why are these allegations not backed by facts? I will even go ahead to say that those allegations are just erroneous. Point blank. We are investigating in African countries because African governments have [referred cases to the] court.

They have requested for the court’s intervention and they have the right to do so because they are members of [the] ICC. They are state parties and if these crimes happen on your territory and you are not willing to [prosecute] it, whether because of lack of willingness or lack of capacity, being a member of ICC, you can request ICC to intervene.

Uganda is a member of ICC, a state party, ratified the Rome treaty, and when the crimes we are now prosecuting were taking place, Uganda referred the situation to the ICC.

This dates back to 2003 when they requested that the ICC should step in and investigate the crimes that are happening in northern Uganda after the (then ICC Chief Prosecutor Morino Ocampo) clarified that our interventions are going to cover all the parties to the conflict, not just the LRA.

This was agreeable at the time [to Uganda government] and today’s prosecution of Ongwen is one of the results of those investigations.

The ICC is investigating about 10 cases, including in Georgia, Afghanistan and Palestine. But since 2002 when the Rome Statute came into force, there have been wars in Iraq and Libya led by the Americans, French and British. War crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed in these wars and the ICC hasn’t prosecuted the perpetrators. Does this give you the sense that the ICC is being even-handed in administering justice?

Absolutely even handed. You have to look at this as a matter of jurisdiction. ICC is only able to intervene in places where it has jurisdiction whether by territorial jurisdiction because the party concerned is a state party or where there is [a referral] by the UN Security Council.

In all cases in which the ICC intervenes, the court must have jurisdiction. Iraq is not a party to the Rome treaty. That means we don’t have territorial jurisdiction in Iraq. However, the ICC has jurisdiction over individuals who are nationals of state parties.

I in 2014 opened preliminary investigations into the UK forces for their conduct in Iraq during that conflict. This is not well known but this is something ongoing. Why the UK? This is because the UK is a party to the Rome Statute and, therefore, the ICC has jurisdiction over its nationals.

We respect UK forces. We did receive allegations in 2009 about their conduct, mainly focused on detainees’ abuse and torture in Iraq. [We] did not have enough evidence for my predecessor to go on with that examination and (he) decided to close it. However, two years ago I received additional information which even raises the gravity threshold.

We are only able to limit ourselves to the UK forces in this case because we don’t have territorial jurisdiction over other personnel. That’s why the ICC’s action in Iraq is limited. You mentioned Syria. Syria is not a party to the Rome Statute ...and we don’t have jurisdiction in that territory.

However, we were able to learn that there were many [nationals from countries that are parties to the Rome Statute]. The ICC potentially has limited jurisdiction in this case.

Having said that, ICC is not a court of first instance; it’s a court of last resort. It complements a national jurisdiction which means in this particular case, the primary responsibility to investigate the nationals remains with the states themselves whose nationals are involved.

So, unless they would not do it, it’s when the ICC as a court of last resort could come in over those particular nationals. This needs to be clear. Also, we go after the persons bearing the greatest responsibility. I request those countries whose nationals are alleged to be among the ranks of the Islamic State (ISIS) to share information to see how my office will be able to handle this particular situation.

Kenya, Burundi and South Africa have begun a formal withdrawal from the ICC. Other African countries are mulling the same. Won’t this undermine ICC’s work and what should be the new safeguards against likely autocracy and impunity?

Joining the ICC is a sovereign, voluntary act and no state has been forced to join it. Today, the ICC enjoys the membership of 126 states. Talking about the withdrawals, this is a sovereign action that can be taken if the states want to do. This is a treaty.

However, if states withdraw from the ICC, according to the Rome treaty, that withdrawal will take effect one year after the deposit of the instrument of withdrawal with the secretary-general.

Burundi is [still] a state party until October 27, 2017, and this means any process that was taken while still a member will continue and Burundi will still have the obligation to cooperate with the ICC. I opened preliminary investigations in Burundi in April 2016 and this continues.

When you indict or prosecute heads of state such as in the case of Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy, it undermines citizens’ confidence in them and could potentially cause anarchy

The international community and the treaty show us that nobody is above or below the law. The issue here is that there can no longer be impunity for atrocities whoever you may be and this goes all the way to the top. It could be a sitting president; it could be others.

The issue is that if there are allegations that you have committed these crimes, the international community is saying that you must be held accountable for these crimes and this is what we are doing. The important thing is the person we are investigating is the one responsible for the alleged crimes and this is why we come before these judges.

So, it’s not a question of being a president or not a president. That is not how my office operates. Given the example of Kenya, Mr Kenyatta and William Ruto were not president and deputy, respectively, (when they were indicted).

Of course we have seen that they have taken advantage of the charges and have been able to draw more support resulting in having to withdraw the charges or the judges declaring a mistrial but it was never any intention or plan or wish by the Office of the Prosecutor that because they are now president and deputy president, we should drop the charges. The charges existed and were confirmed before.

Let’s bring the conversation back to Ongwen’s trial. Uganda was enthusiastic about the ICC when it in 2003 referred the LRA cases. Uganda in 2010 hosted the Rome Statute review conference. Suddenly, President Museveni is displeased with the ICC he says is “useless”. What level of cooperation are you receiving from Uganda?

I must admit that we are receiving very good cooperation from Uganda until now. Even at the time of the surrender of Mr Ongwen (in January 2015) and until when we realised that we need to pick up the file again and look at the evidence to see whether this can stand trial given the lapse of the time (since the 2005 indictments), we had to engage the Ugandan government.

Despite the rhetoric that we were hearing, there was cooperation. And there continues to be cooperation. I must be honest and say that we continue to receive very good cooperation from Uganda.

Under the principle of complementarity, have you received evidence from the government of Uganda about any domestic prosecution of government forces for atrocities against civilians during the LRA war? If so, what are the details?

Under the principle of complementarity if the national governments are taking the efforts to investigate, the ICC takes a back seat. But this does not mean that we don’t continue to cooperate and collaborate and see what level of assistance we can give so that they can genuinely investigate and prosecute.

We have done that with Uganda. We have been working with the government. We have been working with the prosecuting agency and have had in this office, members of (Uganda’s Directorate of Public Prosecutions). They spent time and exchanged ideas.

When Uganda referred the LRA situation, it meant it either didn’t have the will or the means to prosecute it. Why at the time didn’t the ICC investigate UPDF so we would this time be seeing suspects from both the Uganda military and the rebel ranks in this court?

When the Uganda government referred the case to ICC, they talked about the crimes that were committed by the LRA rebels. However, my predecessor made it very clear that the investigations or interventions of the court would require that we look at every party in the conflict and this we actually made it a condition of the referral and this was accepted.

So I am telling you this that from the very beginning that the (ICC) prosecutor’s office was not intending to go for one party, and not the other, because it made it very clear from the very beginning that everybody in the conflict would be looked at.

However, you should remember that this court and my office moves on evidence and the evidence that we can collect, evaluate analyse, and present before the judges.

When these arrest warrants were issued in 2005, we were able to collect evidence of the most serious cases against the LRA and its top commanders. This is the reason why this case was brought first before the judges and does not necessarily mean that we did not look at other evidence that concerns other parties, in this case the UPDF, but we have really been able to proceed based on the massive evidence [against the rebel commanders].

When I went to northern Uganda recently, it [occurred to] me that the people were mainly concerned that government did not protect them when they were in the IDP camps and that exposed them to being attacked by the LRA and the crimes committed against them.

What are the prospects for the arrest of Joseph Kony now that his deputy Vincent Otti, one of the five indicted LRA commanders, is reported dead?

Joseph Kony should be arrested. The allegations against him are there in our warrants. We know [he has committed crimes] in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan.

So in order to stop these crimes from being committed, one crucial thing we need to tell the international community is to ensure that Joseph Kony is arrested and surrendered to the ICC. This is the only option we have that he can be stopped and enough [damage] has been done already.

In respect to the other arrest warrant, we know [other indictees] Raska Lukwiya and Okot Odhiambo are dead. With respect to Vincent Otti, we also have information that he has passed away, but until now we have not been able to get evidence such as the autopsy report or other documents proving that Vincent Otti actually died. In the absence of that, the judges will not vacate the warrant until they are absolutely sure that it’s Vincent Otti that actually died.

One key concern is that the ICC does not have its own police to arrest suspects. This delays delivery of justice. Does this frustrate you?

Indeed ICC directly does not have a police force, does not have an army and directly an executing arm that would go around and arrest people. But this is how the court was meant to be. This is what the state parties agreed to in creating the court; they did not find it necessary to provide this court with a police force or any form of executing arm that would go around arresting people.

You know why? It’s because every police force, every army or arresting body of every state party is the executing arm of the ICC. ICC was set up as a judicial institution with mandate to investigate and prosecute these serious crimes and the states know that by joining it, they are holding themselves to execute these warrants.

That’s why I continuously keep on calling upon state parties to rise up to that challenge that they have upon themselves by arresting individuals that are wanted by the ICC. It is not our responsibility. Our responsibility is to investigate and prosecute and the responsibility of the states is to arrest and surrender people who are wanted by the court.

Sometimes this takes so long thereby preventing justice to be done or the process of justice and of accountability to be started. I know people are blaming the ICC but it’s not the ICC. It’s the state parties that have that responsibility but they do not always do it for various reasons, including political reasons.

It’s unfortunate because when arrest don’t take place, there is no body in ICC for the case to start. So this is of course frustrating. You have to understand the ICC as a system you should not understand it just as a court.

It’s a system that has been created. A system where by this institution created by all the states is given the mandate to investigate and prosecute and all those who create the institution are undertaking on behalf of the institution to arrest and assist the decisions that it takes for it to work perfectly.

But if we continue to do our work and states hesitate or do not do their part, which is arrest and surrender the suspects, then the system itself has a problem.

Which other people are on your wanted list?

Well, right now we do not have a wanted list as such. As I told you, most referrals are by African governments requesting [the ICC] to investigate and prosecute. That is not to say that we do not have other cases outside Africa.

Early this year, I was asked by the pre-trial chamber to open investigations in Georgia. So that is outside Africa. At the moment we are doing preliminary investigations in Palestine. We are doing it in Afghanistan; we are doing it in Colombia; we are also doing it in Ukraine. These are states that are all outside Africa which those who criticise the court conveniently forget to mention it.

If you are looking into the eye of the victims of the LRA atrocities and are right now in Gulu, watching the opening of Ongwen’s trial, what would be your word to them?

Our word to them is that we will continue to work very hard to bring justice to the victims of LRA crimes. That effort is not only for investigating the crimes, but even during the trial.

We will make our best efforts to put the evidence before the judges for them at the end of this trial to come to a decision [to convict the accused]. And as we pledged at the very beginning, I myself have been to northern Uganda, I have met with victims, I have listened to them and the fact that we have to unravel the truth to bring justice is what is informing this [prosecution] process right now.

Transcribed by Lilian Namagembe




Ente ya Museveni muzzukulu wa Baseveni abalwana Ssematalo eyasooka nowokubiri munsi nyingi.

Wano e Buganda

Jjo jjuuzi Omusevi kakati wa myaka 70 nayamba wano e Luwero okuzza Kabaka wa Buganda mukufa kw' Abaganda abangi ddala.

Kibi nyo nti kakati emyaka 30 nga Museveni aganidde mu buyinza okujjako nga entalo munsi ya Uganda ne Buganda zimujjako nga era ffe Abaganda bwe tufa nga tuggwawo.

E number 7 etuganidde ko.


The M7 cow of Uganda
African Deaths continue as South Sudan fights on. This unfortunate civil war is causing human catastrophe on the continent of Africa:

Publish Date: Jul 10, 2015


A dozen patients have died and dozens more wounded are without care in a South Sudanese hospital after fighting forced medics to flee, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said Friday.


At least 12 patients have died, while at least 40 wounded or sick are in need of help in the hospital at Kodok in the war-torn northern state of Upper Nile, the ICRC said.


The ICRC team of five medics -- who normally provide up to 700 consultations a week -- left after the fighting on July 5 and are now in the capital Juba until security improves.


"The hospital is virtually empty of any qualified personnel to provide quality care at a time when it is most needed," said ICRC aid worker Konrad Bark, who was forced to leave. "The situation has gone from bad to worse."


The hospital was also damaged in the fighting between rebel and government troops.

 The deaths are the latest in a long list of atrocities that include girls being gang raped by soldiers then burned alive, boys castrated, and the recruitment of armies of child fighters. Hospitals have been deliberately targeted in the war.


The world's newest nation was thrust into turmoil 18 months ago when President Salva Kiir accused former vice president Riek Machar of planning a coup, setting off a cycle of retaliatory killings that has split the poverty-stricken country along ethnic and tribal lines.


On Thursday, as the country celebrated its fourth year of independence from Sudan, the United States said that  "Kiir and Riek Machar and their cronies are personally responsible for this new war and self-inflicted disaster."


National Security Advisor Susan Rice warned the US and international community would "punish those determined to drive South Sudan into the abyss."


No official death toll has been kept in the conflict.


In November 2014, the International Crisis Group think tank estimated that as many as 50,000 had died, but killing has continued unabated in the meantime, while hunger and disease have added even more to the toll.


In Uganda, Frank Gashumba has been arrested by the Uganda Army over impersonation:

October 31, 2017

Written by URN

Mr Frank Gashumba

Social media critic and controversial political commentator Frank Gashumba is in trouble over alleged impersonation. 


Gashumba was arrested from the city center on Monday night by operatives from the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) for allegedly impersonating a defense ministry official and conning some foreigners.


The operatives later went on to search Gashumba's residence in Bunga, a city suburb and his Industrial area based offices of Sisimuka Uganda. The defense ministry spokesman, Brigadier Richard Karemire has confirmed the Gashumba's arrest and the ongoing investigations.


"Yes we have arrested him and investigations are in process to determine our next course of action," Karemire said.

This is not the first time Gashumba is trouble over similar allegations.

In 2013, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations investigated Gashumba on similar allegations when he was accused of impersonating the defense ministry permanent secretary and defrauding Turkish investors of millions of shillings.

However, the findings from the investigations were never made public nor did the case make it to court. It is unclear whether this is the same case CMI is investigating. In March this year, NBS TV cut ties with Gashumba over allegations of impersonation and fraud.

Gashumba, a known critic of President, Yoweri Museveni has been arrests severally for defrauding unsuspecting members of the public.


It is very unfortunate indeed because these are some of the difficult citizens of Uganda or Rwanda who seem very genuine in opposing the corrupt NRM government. They use all the modern media like youtube and instagram or NBS broadcasting to incite the people of Uganda to follow them to the great Promised land of Paradise that is Uganda. 



The National Republican Police Constabulary of Uganda, East Africa, is planning to get Shs1 trillion housing units for its ever increasing Military Police.

                Many new officers are either sleeping in dormitories, tents or squeezing themselves in condemned buildings in barracks around the city of Kampala 


By Andrew Bagala


Posted  Wednesday, April 20   2016 


UGANDA, KAMPALA: The Finance ministry has resumed negotiations with private companies that seek to construct more than 7,300 housing units for the police after President Museveni assented to the Public-Private Partnership Act.

The plan for the housing project, which was started in 2010, stalled when successful bidders declined to finalise the transaction until the enabling laws that would guarantee their investment were in place.

Police will give out chunks of its city barracks land to investors in exchange for construction of housing units for their officers in a project estimated to be worth more than Shs1 trillion.

Mr Jim Mugunga, the project manager, said the government has set up a public private partnership (PPP) committee that enables the formal set up of the PPP Unit that will adapt rules and regulations that operationalise the PPP Act.

“We have commenced negotiations on all police lots, including Kibuli and Naguru barracks. But as you know, PPP is private-led and investors are usually slow because they want to make sure they don’t lose their money,” Mr Mugunga said yesterday.

The law

In 2014, the PPP law was passed by Parliament and the President assented to it, paving way for further negotiations.

Ms Ahadi Consortium won the redevelopment of three lots covering Nsambya, Naguru-Ntinda, Kira, Wandegeya, Mabuwa and Acacia plots.

Naguru police land covers 58.9 hectares, and Nsambya barracks, which is of the same size, is the biggest police barracks in east and central Africa.

Although Mr Mugunga didn’t give the exact date when they expect to end the negotiations, he said in a month’s time, they will have cleared the major hurdles.

Police have increased their personnel by 15,000 officers yet no new housing units have been constructed.

Many new officers are either sleeping in dormitories, tents or squeezing themselves in condemned building in barracks.



Why should the tax payer assist these ambitious fellow Africans with personal housing.

Why are Ugandan army exiles returning home? Does it explain the current Ugandan President's change in heart?

  General Sejusa with a political microphone in his arms other than a fire arm on his waist


By Risdel Kasasira


Posted  Sunday, March 22  2015  

Lt Col Anthony Kyakabale returned from exile two weeks ago, ending 12-year banishment in Sweden where some of his colleagues continue to live. 

His return, which seemed to be negotiated, is seen as a good political gesture by President Museveni to extend an olive branch to many political and military officers living in exile across Europe and North America.

In Sweden alone, there are about 12 exiles, including Col Samson Mande who fled Uganda to Rwanda in 2001 before relocating to Sweden in 2003. This followed accusations that they had started a rebellion against the government of President Museveni.

The army said at the time Lt Col Kyakabale and Col Mande were indisciplined and were to face disciplinary action, but the same institution now says they are free to come back. And indeed, Kyakabale has been forgiven unconditionally, according to the army spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda.

“Our policy is to have all exiles return as along as they are not violent,” Col Ankunda says.

Why flee to exile?

Former Forum for Democratic Change president, Dr Kizza Besigye, who was also in exile for almost five years between 2001 and 2005, says Ugandans fled to exile because of fear for their security.

Uganda being a country that has never witnessed a peaceful transition of power, many, mostly soldiers and politicians flee during violent regime changes.

A number of senior ministers in the NRM regime, including President Museveni, at one time lived in exile between 1971 and 1986. 

Below are army officers who fled Uganda, including those who have since returned.



Col Samson Mande


Col Samson Mande began his military career at the time a group of Ugandan exiles backed by Tanzanian forces were about to launch a final assault on Kampala to topple Idi Amin in 1979. 

He was under intelligence until 1980 during general elections when he joined President Museveni’s Uganda Patriotic Movement.

When NRA started the rebellion against the Obote government, he joined Mr Museveni and participated in the five-year guerrilla war that brought President Museveni to power in 1986.

Later, Col Mande was recalled from Tanzania where he was a military attaché and detained at Makindye Barracks before he fled to exile in 2001, first to Rwanda and later to Sweden where he still lives today.

Uganda’s security accused him of plotting to overthrow President Museveni’s government using the People’s Redemption Army (PRA) rebel group. 

The 63-year-old told Daily Monitor in 2013 that removing President Museveni by force will become inevitable if he stands in the way of democratic succession.

Capt Dan Byakutaaga

It’s not clear where the former army paymaster is living, but some reports suggest he lives in Canada. Others say he sometimes comes and visits his family in Uganda and goes back. He is said to have fled in 2001 with Shs1.6b. The money was said to be salaries for soldiers who were at that time in the DR Congo under Operation Safe Haven commanded by the late Maj Gen James Kazini.

Lt Alfred Ntare

He fled the country in 2013 and is said to be living in Europe. The commander under artillery unit of Special Forces fled the country under unclear circumstances.\

Maj Sabiti Mutengesa

He is the former UPDF director of records, now living in exile in London. He joined the army in 1985 months after leaving Makerere University where he had been retained as teaching assistant at the Faculty of Veterinary medicine.


He did basic training in Mubende and later joined the British Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and did a cadet course where he emerged among the best students.

He also did Infantry Company Commander’s course at Monduli in Tanzania and emerged the best. He held different portfolios in the UPDF, including director of records, a position held until he fled to exile in 2003 after he was accused of creating ghosts on the army nominal roll. 

However, reports say it was intrigue within UPDF that led to his fleeing to exile.

Gen David Sejusa

Gen David Sejusa returned from exile in December last year after two years in exile in London. He had authored a letter calling for investigations into reports that there was a plan to assassinate senior government and military officials perceived to be against the alleged scheme to have President Museveni’s son, Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba, succeed his father as President.

After his return, the four-star General said he had come to continue with the “struggle for freedom” within the country.

He has also applied to retire from the army and at the end of this month, the army is expected to decide whether he will be retired or not.

Gen Sejusa, who has previously been barred from retirement, says his request to retire is a legal matter and should not be subjected to political expedience and conjectures.

Lt Col Ahmed Kashillingi

He went to exile in 1989 after military police surrounded his house in Kololo on the orders of his bosses. There were allegations that he had connections with the scandalous burning of army records at Lubiri barracks.

He fled to DR Congo until he was arrested and brought back to Uganda. He was incarcerated at Makindye Military Barracks and later sent to Luzira prisons. He was released in 1996.

He now works under President’s Office. Kashillingi was one of the commanders that fought fierce battles in the bush and later captured Kampala in 1986.

Lt Col Kyakabale

Lt Col Anthony Kyakabale was in the first group of NRA fighters who attacked Kabamba barracks on February 6, 1981. President Museveni said in his memoirs, Sowing the Mustard Seed, that Kyakabale was chosen to fire the only Rocket Propelled Grenade they had captured on the day of the attack.

“Kyakabale fired the rocket and hit the vehicle which overturned and caught fire, killing several soldiers,” Museveni says.

Those who have died

Col Edison Muzoora: He died in 2011 under mysterious circumstances. A mysterious car dropped his body at his home in Bushenyi. He was an exile in Rwanda and later South Africa. It’s not clear which country he was before he died.

Col John Ogole: The former UNLA commander died in London last year. He fled to exile after the NRA defeated UNLA of Obote in 1986. In 1984, Col John Ogole commanded the UNLA special mobile brigade that fought the NRA rebels during the Bush War. In his last days, he was seen in a picture with Gen Seujsa.

Maj Herbert Itongwa: The former commander of the National Democratic Alliance, a rebel group against the government of President Museveni, died in exile in German. Itongwa led a rebel movement that operated in central Uganda comprising army deserters mostly from Buganda.

What leaders say

David Pulkol, former director general External Security Organisation: “Given the interconnectivity of wars in the region, President Museveni could be doing this to forestall a conflict that is likely to breakout. 

He has been keen to forgive Gen Sejusa. He has been trying to win back the UPDF veterans. This is uncharacteristic of Museveni,”

Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, Ubongi MP and shadow minister for defence: “I’m not sure whether the conditions that took those people to exile have changed.

It’s not a matter of returning home. It’s also about improving governance, fight corruption and defend human rights.”

Col Felix Kulayigye, UPDF Chief Political Commissar. “Those in exile are there on their own volition. Our policy is that all those in exile should return home.”

Dr Kizza Besigye, former FDC president: “It’s not self-imposed exile like some people say. People go to exile because of fear for their lives. What the Ugandan junta should do is to end this fear whether it’s perceived or real. President Museveni has no powers to stop Ugandans from coming back home. He only has powers to arrest them.”

 Divided Ugandans living in exile in the United States of America hold parallel meetings:

Friday, 26 September, 2014


After more than a year of wrangling, the Ugandan North American Association (UNAA) has finally split into two rival camps.


The 26-year-old UNAA is the oldest and largest association that unites all Ugandans living and working in North America. The bitter falling out started last year after the then 26-year-old Brian Kwesiga was elected UNAA president.

After his election, he was accused of mismanagement, creating cliques, disrespecting the association’s institutions like the executive committee and board of trustees and breach of the UNAA constitution.

Kwesiga was also accused of sacking the UNAA treasurer and closing the association bank accounts, charges he roundly denied. The association leadership failed to resolve the problem, prompting some aggrieved members to form a rival faction called UNAA Causes. The mainstream is new called “UNAA Proper’.

Some members of the UNAA board of trustees such as Dr Muniini Mulera crossed to UNAA Causes. UNAA Proper is led by Brian Kwesiga, whose tenure ends next year, while the leaders of the breakaway faction include Benon Kyeyune Mukasa, Daniel Kawuma, Edris Kironde, Francis Ssennoga, and Awichu Akwanya, among others.

Recently Dr Muniini Mulera wrote in his column in The Daily Monitor, that the falling out was triggered by a coup d’état led by the current UNAA president. He accused ‘UNAA Proper’ president and his supporters of mismanagement and utter lack of respect for the association’s constitution.

Mulera noted that the split may well become permanent. Reconciliation efforts have so far proved futile. For instance, on August 31, Ugandan US based elders tried to reconcile the rival groups without much success. The split became clear during the recently-concluded UNAA convention. Instead of the usual one mega convention, two parallel conventions were convened in San Diego, California. UNAA Proper held its convention at Hyatt hotel while UNAA Causes held its parallel event at the elegant Marriot La Jolla. The two even had separate boat rides on the Pacific Ocean.

Frank Musisi, a former UNAA president, recently wrote an email to Ugandans at Heart (UAH), an online discussion group of Ugandans in the diaspora, after attending both conventions. He said UNAA’s dysfunctional leadership, greed, nepotism, corruption, lack of transparency, accountability and hunger for money destroyed an organization that many respected.

“The UNAA convention used to be a time when people met and consulted, networked, enjoyed themselves, socialized in harmony, but these conventions were full of commotion and hatred. It is indeed a sad story in the affairs of UNAA, two conventions (UNAA Proper and UNAA Causes) with each claiming to be the right and no willingness for compromise,” he wrote.

He estimated that UNAA Proper had about 650-700 attendees while UNAA Causes] had about 350-400 attendees. He said due to the falling out, some American corporations that traditionally sponsored UNAA conventions like Money Gram withdrew their cash.

Enter Mbabazi

He noted a huge contrast in the two conventions. “The event at the Hyatt hotel [UNAA Proper] seemed like a Ugandan government-organized event; on the other hand, the one at the Marriott [UNAA Causes] seemed like it was run and organized by Ugandans. One felt very easy and very relaxed at the Marriott. At UNAA Proper, one felt like you have to be very careful like Big Brother is watching. At least that was my observation,” he wrote.

At UNAA Proper Convention, the then prime minister, Amama Mbabazi, was the chief guest. Other attendees included ministers, MPs, and Uganda’s ambassador to the USA, Oliver Wonekha. Mbabazi’s speech hinted at the conflicts. First, he said UNAA members coming back to Uganda should not pay visa fees. “I heard that when you come to Uganda with your children, each child is charged United States dollars 50.

This is not good for the patriotism we preach, no Ugandan should be taxed for coming home,” he said. He also promised to nudge President Museveni to increase government’s annual contribution to UNAA from the $20,000 which it has contributed for the last seven years.

“At this time one lady next to me wondered why the Uganda government would give us money when we are better off. Why not give it [money] to the hospitals in Uganda, the lady asked,” he wrote.

Aware of the split, Mbabazi called on the leadership of UNAA Causes and UNAA Proper to address their differences.

“I believe that the differences that are experienced within the association will be handled in a mature way. Listen to each other and be ready to tolerate and compromise,” Mbabazi advised. Quoting a wise saying, he said “tolerance is anger suppressed by reason and compromise is conviction forfeited for convenience,” adding that in all they do, they should place Uganda before their personal interests. Mbabazi, on behalf of his family, contributed $5,000 towards the UNAA education fund.

Way forward

Both Muniini Mulera and Musisi believe that dialogue is important to revive UNAA. Musisi said the two groups should start a healing process that can revive UNAA. He predicts that failure to do so might lead to a totally different group emerging to fill the gap.

UNAA, in his opinion, has two problems; one is structural, and two is leadership. He argues that UNAA president inherited a constitution that is very problematic and very hard to implement in case of disagreements. It created three branches with nothing to do. “Take for example a large UNAA council without anything to do. Approve a budget with no income and that is why people fight for conventions. Therefore, it [constitution] needs to be amended.” he noted. 








Eyaddidde Gen. Sejusa mu bigere bamuwawaabidde:
Jan 22, 2014 


By Alice Namutebi


MUNNMAGYE eyaakalondebwa okudda mu kifo ky'abadde omubaka w'amagye wa Palamenti, Gen. David Sejusa atwaliddwa mu kkooti. Abamuvunaana baagala kkooti eyimirize okulayira kwe ng'omubaka.

Col. Innocent Oula yatwaliddwa mu kkooti wamu ne ssaabawolereza wa Gavumenti saako n'akakiiko k'eby'okulonda nga bakavunaana okutegeka okulonda okwali e Bombo nga 17 January 2014 okwo kujjuzza ekifo kya Sejusa nga kkooti tennakirangirira mu butongole nti kyereere.

Church Ambrose Bukenya , John Baptist Bukenya ne Moses Bigirwa abaatutte omusango guno mu kkooti etaputa amateeka bagamba nti akawaayiro 101[10] akawa obuyinza akakiiko akanoonyereza ku mubaka okutwala bye kazudde eri ababaka ne bateesa kubizuuliddwa oluvannyuma ne kisalwawo nti omuntu oyo takyali mubaka wa Palamenti nga bwe kyali ku Sejusa , kikontana ne ssemateeka naddala akawaayiro 86 akawa omulamuzi yekka owa kkooti enkulu obuyinza okulangirira ekifo ky'omubaka nti kyereere.

Bano bagamba nti n'ekikolwa ky'akakiiko k'ebyokulonda okutandiika okutegeka okulonda kw'okujjuza ekifo kya Sejusa oluvannyuma lwa sipiika wa Palamenti, Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga okulangirira nti ekifo kya Sejusa kyereere nga talina buyinza bumukkiriza kukikola, kikontana ne ssemateeka wa Uganda.

Bukenya ne banne era bagamba nti ekikolwa kya Palamenti kino kirimu eby'obufuzi bingi ebiruubirira okukijjanya ababaka saako n'okubaggya mu bifo byabwe nga beeyambisa obumenyi bw'amateeka ekintu ekiyinza okutandikawo enkola enkyamu ey'okumala gaggya omubaka mu Palamenti.

Bano era basaba kkooti eragire Palamenti obuteeyambisa nkola y'emu ku nsonga z'omubaka wa Bubulo West, Tonny Kipoi agambibwa obutalabikako mu ntuula za Palamenti enfunda eziwera awatali nsonga nnambulukufu gye yawa sipiika.

Kati Bukenya ne banne bagaala kkooti esazeemu akawaayiro 101[10] aka 'Parliamentary Rules and Procedures' kubanga kakontana ne ssemateeka.

Gye buvuddeko Kadaga yalangirira ekifo kya Sejusa nti kyereere oluvannyuma lw'obutalabikako mu ntuula za Palamenti awatali nsonga nnambulukufu okumala ebbanga.








The United Nation for human rights and a Minister of Defence in the Government of Uganda have exchanged notes over the extradition of a military rebel, Mr Mukulu:

This military rebel has been arrested in Tanzania. Tanzania has been involved(interfered) in many internal affairs of Uganda for many years.

By  Risdel Kasasira

Posted  Wednesday, June 3  2015 


Kampala, UGANDA.

Defence minister Crispus Kiyonga and a United Nations sanctions team have discussed the planned extradition of Jamil Mukulu, the rebel leader of the Allied Democratic Forces, from Tanzania to Uganda.

Sources in Foreign Affairs ministry say the UN team chaired by Ms Dina Kawar from Jordan, which met Mr Kiyonga in Kampala last Saturday, is also “interested” in Mr Mukulu for alleged massacre of civilians in DR Congo.

“Dr Kiyonga informed Ms Kawar that Uganda had applied to Tanzania for the extradition of Mr Mukulu and once he is extradited, he will be handled in the context of the laws of Uganda,” the army spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda, said in a statement. “The government will cooperate with other parties in the managing of Mr Mukulu’s case.”

But Mr Mukulu is fighting his planned extradition to Uganda where he is wanted for allegedly ordering deadly attacks on civilians in the 1990s, including the attack on Kichwamba Technical Institute in Rwenzori and on Kasese Town.

Uganda and Tanzania have concluded diplomatic extradition negotiations but are yet to finish the legal procedures. 

Ms Kawar, who is also the UN permanent representative of Jordan was accompanied her assistant, Mr Samar Naber and Mr David Biggs the committee secretary.

The DR Congo issue

The UN team also discussed the allegations that UPDF soldiers were involved in illegal gold trade in DR Congo. In April, civil society organisations in DR Congo alleged that Ugandan army officers were involved in the illicit of gold trade. But the deputy army spokesperson, Maj Henry Obbo, dismissed these allegations are baseless. “UPDF is not a business entity. We do not deal in gold trade,” he said.







Tanzania delays Jamil Mukulu extradition


  Congo-based Ugandan Islamist rebel group Allied Democratic
Forces (ADF), Jamil Mukulu.
Photo/File Newvision news paper.
12 June, 2015  

By Vision Correspondent 


THE Tanzania court had deferred its ruling on the extradition of the leader of Congo-based Ugandan Islamist rebel group Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), Jamil Mukulu.


The court has instead asked Uganda government to submit additional information in support of the extradition application to satisfy that the respondent on his return to Uganda will only face murder charges. 


Principal Resident Magistrate, Cyprian Mkeha of the Kisutu Resident Magistrates’ Court in Dar es Salaam said Friday that after going through submissions from both parties he discovered that there was uncertainty on what Mukulu was being sought for.


“Section 7 (1) of the London Scheme within the Commonwealth countries provides that if the court considers the material provided in support of a request for extradition is insufficient, the competent authority in the requested country may seek such additional information as it considers necessary from the requesting country, to be provided within such reasonable period of time as it may specify,” said Magistrate Mkeha.


He said that after carefully scrutinizing the documents that were filed along with the application, he established that Mukulu was being sought for 16 charges, but only 8 related to murder.


“The applicant informed the court that the respondent will face a trial on only murder charges, but the charge sheet stated otherwise for it contained other offences of aggravated robbery, crimes against humanity, murder and attempted murder that Mukulu had also been involved in,” he pointed out.   


The Magistrate told the court that the aim was to ensure that the respondent was guaranteed a fair trial as the Extradition Act required and not otherwise.


“It is to my knowledge that the Magistrate can inquire for additional information if there was any form of uncertainty before issuing a ruling,” he explained.


He granted a seven days’ adjournment for the material to be furnished so that he can deliver his ruling.


The prosecution led by Principal State Attorney, Edwin Kakolaki agreed to file the documents before June 19, this year when the case will again come up in court.






I’m ready to be arrested if the 2016 National Democratic Elections go ahead in Uganda - Gen Sejusa has declared. 

Mr Sejusa at his home


By Ivan Okuda


Posted  Saturday, June 13  2015

Kampala. Uganda:

Gen David Sejusa has said it is useless to participate in the 2016 elections unless the NRM state and the current electoral system under it are dismantled, warning that the new Opposition alliance will not succeed in dislodging President Museveni.

“It is not that the Opposition cannot win. They can win but they cannot get power from Museveni. After all, Dr Besigye won in 2006 but never took power. We stand for resolutely resisting Museveni until he is defeated,” Gen Sejusa told Saturday Monitor.

His organisation, The Free Uganda (TFU), also issued a statement on Thursday reiterating the same position. The statement said the plan by the Opposition alliance to resist after the rigging has already taken place “is wrong for three main reasons; it is dishonest; it confuses the population; it removes the emphasis from building capacity to resist the dictatorship to electioneering; and it divides the Opposition forces because the government in power shall allow some to win and rig at the very top and enough NRM seats to ensure Museveni’s dominance. The rest he shall allow Opposition to take.”

Gen Sejusa dismissed the Opposition clamour for electoral reforms, saying they would yield nothing. “These so-called reforms, even if they were electoral, how can you reform an oppressive system? Even if Mr Museveni was to appoint the entire Electoral Commission to be managed by the Opposition, they would not win the election.

The issue is about the entire infrastructure of the election, because an election is not won at the time of counting ballots, it is won much earlier. We cannot go into an election where those who want to take part can win but cannot have it just like Dr Besigye won but did not get it. That is the dilemma they must confront and resolve,” Gen Sejusa said in an interview with Saturday Monitor this week.

Gen Sejusa, who is still a serving army officer, said he was ready to go to jail over his political remarks challenging the democratic credentials of the NRM and the integrity of the Electoral Commission to organise free and fair elections because going to prison was not one of his worries. 


“So what is wrong with arresting Sejusa? I was arrested by Idi Amin three times, I have scars. I commanded battles with wounds through my stomach, a bullet missed my heart by a millimetre. My leg dropped off, Dr Kizza Besigye just reconnected it. I never went to hospital but survived in the bush with no treatment.”

“I fell in an enemy ambush at Kachinga, we were running away from Oyite Ojok at a place called Kansiri, my leg broke again, soldiers abandoned me, he [Dr Besigye] came later, picked me and we went and I healed. I was never arrested, I hear some people claim I was kept in an underground cell, that I opposed Museveni over women.

I saved the training and women wing of that Nalweyiso. They were going to capture them, I commanded a battle on Kawumu. I have been fighting these wars even when injured, so how do you say I am afraid of jail? Sejusa, who fought with one leg and one arm; that I am afraid of Ankunda’s jail? Afraid of our new jailers, these children and grandchildren jailers?” Gen Sejusa said in reference to UPDF spokesperson Lt Col Ankunda’s previous warning of arrest.

Gen Sejusa fled the country in April 2013 and later the army said he would face treason for his actions. While in exile, Gen Sejusa formed a political organisation and declared a struggle to remove President Museveni.

Six soldiers, including his former aide, were arrested and are still in military detention pending trial on treason charges in the Court Martial. They were accused of working with him to topple the government. 


In a wide ranging interview at his home in Naguru, a Kampala suburb, Gen Sejusa sauntered to his lush green compound, clad in civilian attire and exuding the demeanour of a man at peace, saying he was ready to speak out his heart and mind.

Gen Sejusa also spoke candidly about his role in the counterinsurgency operations in Teso and northern Uganda, where he has been variously accused of committing atrocities.

Asked whether he was not afraid of being prosecuted for the alleged atrocities, Gen Sejusa said: “Personal accountability does not scare me. Saul is supposed to account for his sins if there are any. Unless he was a failure, he is supposed to do effective work of Saul and when he becomes Paul, he is supposed to do effective work of Paul.”


On NRM achievements

He also took a swipe at the acclaimed achievements of the NRM government, saying they are cosmetic and do not reflect what was envisaged under the fundamental change which the NRM and President Museveni promised upon capturing power in 1986.


Posted on 25th September, 2014


The current military government of NRM after closing the Constitutional Square with its beautiful tropical vegatation for many years has leisurely re-opened it:

By The New Vision


Added 3rd March 2017


Political demonstrations led to lasting political police occupation

It is indeed a very long story since independence when the British left this park intact and beautiful with tropical vegetation all over the place. One wonders how Africans stop fellow Africans from enjoyment of this tropical beauty and let alone improve on it right in the centre of the Equatorial International City of Kampala.



The only natural leisure park in the whole city of Kampala, Uganda.

How a Central Government bureaucracy helped the illitrate and dictatorial Amin sign a book at the swearing-in, after capturing power by military arms in Uganda 1971:

  Edward Ochwo (Left) shows Idi Amin where to sign in the book after the latter swore in as African president                                                                         Inllitrate in 1971.


Inset is Mr Ochwo, today.  

By  Henry Lubega


Posted  Saturday, May 21   2016 
At the time of Amin’s take over, I was the clerk to the National Assembly or Parliament, and also in charge of Kampala Club.

Thus, I was in charge of the VIP lounge at Entebbe airport on the day Milton Obote left for Singapore.

Normally, all heads of security agencies and ministers see off the president at the airport when he is going on a foreign trip. I had noticed that Amin and other senior army officers were missing.

As soon as Obote’s plane was airborne, Amin arrived at the head of a convoy of four military jeeps with an APC at the end. I was standing at the VIP lounge entrance seeing the ministers off.

Amin takes charge

He parked at a short distance from the entrance and sent for me. He knew me personally; from 1963 when I was the assistant District Commissioner of Jinja. When I got to his jeep he instructed me to tell the ministers to go back to the VIP lounge, 20 minutes later, he sent for me again, and asked whether the ministers had assembled in the lounge.

I waited for him at the door, and as he entered he asked where the president had been sitting. I pointed where Obote’s seat was and told him once the president leaves we take away the chair.

He ordered for the chair to be brought back, and sat in it as he addressed the ministers. He asked all of them to give account of their ministry’s activities.

The meeting which started soon after 7pm went on past 11pm in the night.

As I went to work the next day, I noticed there were soldiers at every corner though not armed. Around 6am the next day, one of our drivers Sebi Kelili, a Nubian in the speaker’s office rang me to say: “My Lord, Amin has taken over government, but for you, you don’t have to fear anything. Stay in your house don’t move.”

The night was quiet until around 5am when gunfire was heard almost all over the city. This went on up to around 3pm when a big blast went off and the guns went silent. Soon after, the coup was announced on Radio Uganda and all civil servants were ordered to report to work the next day.

Following the orders, I left my home in Nakasero where the present day UNRA offices are which was the official residence of the clerk to the National Assembly. I could not drive, I walked to Parliament. At Parliament there were soldiers almost in every space. As I settled in my office some soldiers came and asked me to show them around.

I took them around all the offices except the one above the Sergeant at Arms’. This was Obote’s private office and it was his bodyguards who kept the keys. In there he kept his private things such as spare clothes, books and a radio set. He also followed parliamentary proceedings from there. I told the soldiers it was the president’s bodyguard with the key.

Saved by the bell

They said “we onacheza tutapiga we lisasi tu (you are playing we shall shoot you) bring the key now”.

The situation was saved with the arrival of Lt Ocima who I had gone to college with. He told the soldiers around me to behave “this is our man” with that I breathed a sigh of relief.

They broke into the office and ransacked it, taking whatever was there. There were two suits, a pair of cufflinks, a radio set, and other personal effects. That evening, the permanent secretary in the office of the president and head of civil service Justus Byagagaire rung me to say that I should prepare Kololo Airstrip for the swearing in ceremony, the following day.

Amin arrived at Kololo in style; he was standing alone in an open roof Cadillac. After taking the oath, he had trouble locating where he had to sign in a book. He didn’t know how to read or where to put his signature. I had to show him and explain what to write on the dotted line.

Two days after the swearing in, Lt Ocima called me and said the military head of state (he was not being referred to as president at that time) wanted me to hand over Kampala Club to the army.

A day after handing over the club to the army, Amin personally called me to his office at Parliament and told me to take charge of the Nile Conference Centre and the Nile Hotel. By then, they were being called the OAU (Organisation of African Unity) centre. I was to report direct to him.

Taking a new role

With that appointment, I became the officer in charge of the centre at the same time retaining my title of clerk to the National Assembly because the decree dissolving the National Assembly did not abolish my office.

The vote for running the centre came to the office of the clerk to the National Assembly.

I was the clerk to the nonexistence National Assembly and director of the conference centre. As a result, it was me to usher Amin into the conference centre whenever there was a function. To the extent that in 1974 when King Faisal of Saudi Arabia was coming, while I was in France to publicise our conference facilities at the annual conference of an association called International Congress and Conventions Association in Paris, message came that I was needed home immediately.

The status quo remained that way until 1978 when the Tanzanian war started. Two days after Tanzanian shells fell in Kampala Amin left the city. That was about five days before Kampala fell to the Tanzanians. Amin left five days before Kampala fell. It’s not true that he left on April 10 from Luzira. Those areas had already been infiltrated by that time.

Amin parting moments

The day Amin left Kampala, he drove into the Nile Mansions complex from the direction of Kololo. I was there to receive him.

He arrived at around 10am in a convoy of about six jeeps with him in the lead car. He was dressed in his full Field Marshal uniform.

We shook hands and he said he was “going on safari to Karamoja for one week” he directed me and the manager of the hotel, Mbuga Kaggwa to keep the place in top form because upon his return from the safari, there was going to be an international conference, “nobody should be allowed to use the facility,” he directed us as he got back into his jeep.

He drove off towards the direction of Jinja Road.

That very afternoon, he made a statement on Radio Uganda castigating Tanzania president Julius Nyerere and assuring all Ugandans that all Tanzanian soldiers who had invaded Uganda were going to be destroyed. He said he was not running away he was coming back to finish off the Tanzanians. Unfortunately, he never returned.

The National Resistance Army(a rebel force 1980/86)(Currently UPDF), its war ammunition is being dug out in Luweero these days


              The G-3 guns recovered by a farmer in Makulubita

                         Sub-county on Monday, 22/09/2014.




By Dan Wandera


Posted  Wednesday, September 24  2014 at  01:00


Discoveries. Several weapons have been discovered by farmers tilling their land in the area most pouplar for the NRA war.


One of the former false civil Wars of Buganda in the Luweero Triangular towns.

The three triangular towns in the country of Buganda include: Kampala, Luweero, and Mityana.


An assortment of ammunition, believed to have been used during the National Resistance Army (NRA) liberation war has been dug out in Luweero District.

The ammunition include; two bombs, an anti-tank rifle and six G-3 guns. Luweero District CIID chief, Mr Topher Gimei, says the police on Monday received six G-3 rifles which were recovered by a farmer, Mr Jamil Ssenkubuge, who was clearing a bush at Namakata village in Makulubita Sub-county.

The rifles had been piled together and buried several feet deep in the ground. “We have been receiving information about abandoned war material. We have responded by contacting the UPDF while some of the material recovered has been handed over to the police,” Mr Gimei said.

Mr Ssenkubuge says the area where he recovered the six guns had not been used for a long time. The guns, he said, were rusty. “I contacted my area LC1 chairman who informed the police about the guns in my garden,” Mr Ssenkubuge said.

Kamira Sub-county chairman, Livingstone Kategaya, told the Daily Monitor that one anti-tank rifle had been recovered at Kabunyata village on Sunday by a farmer who was clearing a bush. He said materials including empty shells are now common in many areas of Kamira Sub-county because the area was a battle ground between the then UPC government forces and the NRA guerrillas in the early 1980s.

“We only appeal to our residents to be careful when they come across any suspicious material which could turn out to be dangerous,” Mr Kategaya said. 

The chairman noted that in the past two years, several weapons have been recovered and handed over to security agencies. 

Mr Patrick Kissekwa Sonko, the District councillor representing Makulubita Sub-county said a Uzi-gun and three magazines were recently recovered in a bush at Kitemamasanga village and handed over to the UPDF.

“This area hosted the high command for the guerrilla forces at Mondlane camp in Makulubita Sub-county where we suspect that some of the military materials we are recovering could have been abandoned by either the government forces or the NRA rebels. Our people should not play with these suspicious objects,” Mr Kissekwa said yesterday.

In the past

In May 2013, an abandoned bomb exploded and killed one person while five others were admitted at Nakaseke Hospital nursing serious injuries. The explosive was picked from a farm at Bulamba village as a scrap metal. The men who were clearing a farm carried the suspicious metal to their rented home where it later exploded as they tried to remove the rust.


Poliisi ekutte abaana 24 ababadde batendekebwa obuyeekera:

Mar 18, 2015






POLIISI enunudde abaana ababadde batendekebwa eyaliko omuyekera wa ADF nga yefuude abasomesa eddiini n'ebagiraga obukodyo bw’abadde akozesa okubatendeka.


Abaana abaanunuddwa bali 24 era nga ku bano, kuliko abawala 13 n’abalenzi 11 nga bali wakati w’emyaka 2 (ebiri) ne 15.


Abaana 10 ku 24 abadde batendekebwa mu maka ga Hajati Mariam Huthman Nalumaga omutuuze w’e Mpoma mu ggombolola y’e Nama mu disitulikiti y’e Mukono n’abalala 14 ababadde batendekerwa mu maka ga Sheikh Abdul Rashid Mbaziira, omutuuze w’oku kyalo Bwefulumya e Namawojjolo ku luguudo lw’e Jinja ng'ono yali muyeekera wa ADF kyokka n'asaba ekisonyiwo.


Omwogezi wa poliisi mu ggwanga, Fred Enanga yategeezezza nti abaana baabanunudde oluvannyuma lw’okufuna amawulire nga March 13 nti waliwo Hajati abasomesa eddiini kyokka ng'embeera gy'abasomesezaamu mbi nnyo, basula ku mikeeka wansi, kabuyonjo tebalina nga n’emmere tebalya emala.


Enanga agamba nti, baasitukiddemu ne bagenda mu maka ga Hajati Mariam e Mpoma gye baggye abaana 10 ne babatwala mu nkambi ya poliisi e Nalufeenya kyokka baabadde tebannabatuusa, ne bafuna amawulire amalala ku Sheikh Mbaziira nti naye alina abaana. Baatuuseeyo nga waliyo abaana 14, bonna ne babatwala e Nalufeenya okubaggyako sitaatimenti.


Yagasseeko nti abaana baabalaze obumu ku bukodyo bwe babadde babayigiriza obw'okutoloka singa baba bakwatiddwa,  ekintu ekyennyamiza kubanga emyaka gy’abaana gikyali mito nnyo okusomsebwa obukodyo bw’ekijaasi.


Abaana abaanunuddwa kuliko; Halima Shadia Namatovu 5, Habiba Waruba 5, Rahma Nabukeera 5, Fatuma Nakitende 7, Anisha Naiga 7, Janat Nakigozi 7, Halia Nazziwa 8, Rahma Nakigudde 13, Aisha Kasuubo 10, Huda Mirembe 3, Zubayiha Nambaziira 2, Fatuma Muteesi 13, Rabia Nambaziira 15.


Abalala kuliko;  Humairi Mbaziira 5, Imran ssekenyi 2, Suman Twakiru 6, Zaidi Mugisha 7, Ukhasha Kabaale 4, Saidi Mbaziira 8, Abdu Yusuf 5, Sudir Abubakar Lukayamuzi 4, Dirisa Ssenyonga 12, Hamza Ssekyanzi 11 ne Mohammed Sserwadda 5.


Enanga yayongeddeko nti ababadde babasomesa okuli Sheikh Mbaziira, Hajati Mariam n’abantu abalala babiri baakwatiddwa era bakyakuumirwa ku poliisi y’e Nalufeenya.



Over 8,000 Burundians flee as this African country of Burundi goes for National Democratic Elections.

Publish Date: Apr 17, 2015


Over 8,000 Burundians flee  as poll tensions mount
               Burundian president Pierre Nkurunziza

More than 8,000 Burundians have fled in the past two weeks to Rwanda and DR Congo following mounting tensions in the central African country ahead of a key vote, the UN said Friday.


The UN refugee agency said the main reasons according to reports from the ground were the disappearance of people associated with the opposition and alleged forced recruitment by the pro-government militia Imbonerakure, the youth wing of the ruling CNDD-FDD party.


"In all, more than 8,000 Burundians have sought refuge in these two countries in the past two weeks, 7,099 in Rwanda and a smaller number in the Democratic Republic of Congo," UNHCR spokesman Adrian Edwards told reporters in Geneva.


Edwards said more than 60 percent of the arrivals in Rwanda were children. The refugees came from the northern Burundian province of Kirundo.


Burundi, which emerged in 2006 from a brutal 13-year civil war, holds general elections in May to elect lawmakers before a presidential poll in June.


Tensions have risen over incumbent President Pierre Nkurunziza's bid to seek a third term in office, despite the constitution stating a president can only be elected twice.


The UN High Commissioner for Refugees expressed concern that the numbers of refugees could swell "with more political tension rising and more acts of violence being reported."


It said in Rwanda the refugees were housed in two centres in the southern districts of Nyanza and Bugesera adding that 1,060 Burundian asylum seekers had arrived this month in DR Congo's South Kivu province in the east of the vast country.


Uganda Peoples Defence Forces explains a scaring military office search done on the daughter of Mr Mbabazi:
























The UPDF spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda 



Posted  Monday, June 8   2015 


The army has said a joint security operation with police and intelligence agencies last Friday was not targeting Supreme Security Limited, a company owned by Ms Nina Mbabazi, the daughter of the former premier Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi.

The UPDF spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda told Daily Monitor it was an “on-spot assessment” of all private security firms in Kampala. 

Lt Col Ankunda said the operation ordered by the Joint Operations Command had by last Friday covered 15 private security companies and the operation would continue as a result of increased “security concern”. 

“The Joint Operations Command passed a resolution to do assessment of all security companies and if one of them belongs to her, it was a coincidence,” Lt Col Ankunda said. 

Joint Operations Command is a national security structure that combines UPDF, Police, Internal Security Organisation, External Security Organisation and Prisons. 

Pictures of military police at the gate of Supreme Security Limited circulated on social media over the weekend with several commentators, claiming the raid was a siege.

Lt Col Ankunda said the operation looks at how the private security firms store their guns, their armoury and serviceability of the guns. 

However, Nina’s sister, Ms Rachel Mbabazi, said the manner in which the operation was conducted on her sister’s office in Kamwokya, a city suburb, was “scary.” 

“They were asking workers how and where they keep guns. How they recruit guards. Everybody in office was panicking. It felt a bit uneasy. I think they should have done it better,” Rachel Mbabazi said. It is not clear which other offices of private security firms were searched in Kampala. At the time of the search, Nina was out of the country.


Minister Kahinda Otafiire

Government has responded angrily to the European Union’s harsh criticism of its electoral reforms bill tabled in Parliament in May.

Speaking on June 5 during a closed-door meeting with Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, the delegation of EU officials to Uganda led by Ambassador Kristian Schmidt, cast doubt at the credibility of the 2016 general elections and said the government-pushed Constitutional Amendment Bill (2015) does not address substantive electoral reform issues.

In a defiant response on Monday, Maj Gen Kahinda Otafiire, the Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister, said government was “sorry” for the European Union if “their own expectations” were not reflected in the bill. He reminded the EU officials that government, like ambassadors, has its own expectations of running the affairs of Uganda.

“We [government] have our own expectations, our own opinion and our own ability,” he said, adding, “If their [European Union] expectations were like that and they did not see them [in the bill], we [government] are sorry.” 

In the meeting, the EU delegation reportedly told Kadaga: “The constitution [amendment] bill did not meet our expectations, but we are outsiders. The civil society, clergy and public made very good suggestions, which were ignored…the reforms presented are cosmetic.” 

“We see this as a missed opportunity. The issue is becoming divisive with some sections of the public saying they are not being taken seriously,” Schmidt reportedly added.

The delegation also included the British High Commissioner Alison Blackburne, Irish Ambassador Donal Cronin, Italian Ambassador Domenico Fornara and German Ambassador Peter Blomeyer. It seemed to speak in tune with Uganda’s opposition party chiefs,  who told the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee that the government bill was “empty and devoid of substance” because it  ignored all the “views” contained in the citizens’ compact on free and fair election. 

Last month, the opposition chiefs tabled proposals in parliament, which included a demand for EC commissioners to be appointed by the Judicial Service Commission, the removal of army representatives from Parliament, and the introduction of a running mate to become deputy president upon election. All these were ignored in the government bill.

Asked whether he was convinced that his bill was all-embracing and able to deliver free and fair elections in 2016, Otafiire said: “It’s not my opinion as Otafiire, but that is what the government [of Uganda] decided to do.”

The diplomats are worried that the electoral reforms bill still gave the president powers to appoint and dismiss commissioners of the electoral commission, meaning he maintained a tight leash on the commission.

“What we believe was the objective criteria in the selection of commissioners. They should be screened by the Judicial Service Commission or another independent body,” said Schmidt.

He also said that they were considering the president’s request for an EU election observer mission because of Uganda’s strategic location in a politically-turbulent region. The delegation asked that enough time be allocated to the consideration of both the Constitution amendment bill and the civil society proposals in order to include a wide variety of views.

On this, Schmidt reportedly urged the speaker to steer the House with an impartial hand.

“You have the powers to steer the House; we entrust this to you, you have our full support and pray for you,” said Schmidt.

In response, Kadaga didn’t hide her disappointment with the executive for tabling the Constitution amendment bill towards the end of the 4th Session of the House, depriving parliament of enough time to consider it. She said parliament needs at least six months to properly study the bill and a lack of quorum would affect its consideration.

“The bill should have been presented at the start of the 4th session or during the 2nd or 3rd session. 2015 is a political year, I do not see serious work done this year,” Kadaga said.

Kadaga, however, said that all wasn’t lost because civil society and political groups still have the opportunity to present their views to the committee on Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, which is now considering the bill.



This sort of political dithering is like children playing a bit of football. President Amin was a man of very few words. He got hold of his Military Council to announce on Radio Uganda by decree his life Presidency so that the Ugandan Politicians and those international countries that put him into power could understand better his Political Road Map.


This is not Museveni I knew – A grown-up Luweero Bush War reporter recalls:

Dr Nelson Okuku was chief political reporter with The Star

newspaper at the peak of the NRA war that brought the current

regime to power.


By Eriasa Mukiibi Sserunjogi and Ivan Okuda


Posted  Sunday, July 19  2015 


Dr Okuku, we have read about this man who was a reporter and linked up with the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels. Please take us through this journey briefly.

I worked for a daily newspaper called Star/Ngabo. Drake Ssekeba was the editor-in-chief; the news editor was Henry Gombya who went to London and Victoria Okoth Nalongo Namusisi. After my Senior Six, I was taken on as a trainee reporter. The Baganda were associated with Democratic Party which was anti-Obote. Okuku coming in was very good for the newspaper so wherever Obote had an event, I was assigned and the soldiers associated with me.

We had chaos all the time. So I was on the frontline all the time, doing the stories till I infiltrated NRA. To go from Kampala to Wobulenzi wasn’t easy but I went deep to Nakaseke and the first person I met was Ahmed Kashilingi, he took me to meet Salim Saleh, James Kazini and Benon Biraro. That was 1984 when I came face to face with the rebels. Kazini convinced me to remain but I was more interested in the stories.

What was your impression when you met the rebels for the first time?

Obote used to call them bandits, a description associated with thieves, but to my surprise these were well informed people and some were graduates. They engaged me in deep conversation and I concluded Obote was misusing the word bandits. 

From that time we were recruited by the rebels to be spies; that is why journalists are dangerous at times. We used to meet around the Independence monument near Grand Imperial Hotel and deliver information to the rebels from there. I did this so secretly that not even my bosses got wind of it.

Was there financial reward for it?

We were fed up because as a journalist I was severally intimidated and beaten. We had to change the system. By 1984 it was that bad. You write news, leave office late and by 6pm, the old park was empty with soldiers roaming and if they saw you 100 metres away they would shout at you and even cane you. So whether there was a reward or not, it was out of conviction, we couldn’t continue that way.

Before we lose your first meeting with the rebels, what was your impression of Salim Saleh?

I had heard about him when I was taken to cover one of the MPs in Mubende and an Obote intelligence officer who didn’t know of my presence came around explaining to the people how they had shot and killed Saleh. 

I pictured Saleh to be an Arab coming from the coast till I met him. There is a picture of Saleh in the bush that I took, I was the first to show the world what he looked like; slim, tall with military fatigue. We talked and I interviewed him.

How did you leave Star newspaper offices and get to Nakaseke where you caught up with the rebels?

Drake had trained me so well from a trainee to chief political reporter. The byline ‘By Okuku’ was selling like hot cake. So around 2pm, I was at the office. A Chinese diplomat driving a Mercedes Benz with diplomatic plates came around and interested me in accompanying him. We drove to Nakaseke but what shocked me was that the rebels had pathways for cars in the rough roads. 

As we entered their territory we could see rag-tag boys with guns peeping from the thickets. We saw Kashilingi, he talked to us briefly, went back, consulted and returned to accompany us to where Saleh was, he was driving a small Suzuki car and looked suspicious, possibly fearful that we were covering things they didn’t want us to report about. We met Kazini who assured us, “you are now safe” and then Saleh.

From journalist to rebel: how did this come about? 

After getting to know them, I was attached to their press man, a Captain Songolo who was their photographer. He persuaded me so much as they needed a reporter. Always as I crossed the road going to the bush, this name Okuku helped me so much because Obote’s soldiers associated with me though they knew the newspaper I worked with wasn’t friendly to them. I played the role in linking media with the rebels.

Whenever you wrote, did government get to know that you met the rebels for instance and how was the reaction?

Drake Ssekeba was arrested once and detained in Luzira over some story. What happened is that we could come with the story but the government didn’t want us to call the rebels thus, they preferred the word bandits. 

I made sure the rebels understood our dilemma. One time they called complaining to Namusisi our editor. At a personal level I didn’t care because we had seen enough of the government, I kept churning copy. At the press conferences the negative attitude from the government was evident against Star newspaper but they needed publicity too.

Did you get any problem with the rebels, may be at one time thinking you are crossing them?

No, they needed publicity and not only that because they could also assign me and ask me about Kampala and Obote. I reached a point where I recognised the rebels more than Obote’s regime. In them I saw a future for the country if they got an opportunity to rule. I was only sceptical and kept asking, ‘will these people reach Kampala?’ until the chance came with the overthrow of Obote by Tito Okello.

There is this talk that perhaps Museveni and his forces had no capacity to overthrow Obote, in fact they were retreating to Rwenzori region. 

To be frank with you, Museveni couldn’t have made it, he wasn’t strong enough to overpower those guys, let’s not lie about that. If he was opening bases in Rwenzori they were mere rebel cells. He didn’t have the strength to overpower Obote.

Okay, you were still telling us about your choice to become a rebel.

Yes, when they overthrew Obote, because by that time chaos was at its peak, Okello brought “Anyanyas” and even those I knew in Obote’s regime had vanished. It was more of a survival decision for me to officially join NRA. It was anarchy in Kampala my dear.

When did you first meet Museveni and what stood out in your interaction with him?

One thing: fundamental change. These guys were determined, they were no joke. You felt once they get chance to rule, Uganda will be new. I supported them and wrote; I boosted their efforts and became the mouthpiece of the NRA.

Tell us about the NRA fight from Lukaya to Busega, how did it go for you?

I was in the frontline under Matayo Kyaligonza; we had Patrick Lumumba, Herbert Itongwa and Pecos Kutesa. The battles were fierce. It reached a point when I thought UNLA were going to push the NRA back. People died. Someone asked Kyaligonza, “Are we making it to Kampala?”

That was the point I dropped the notebook and handled the gun. I was trained. I had to handle it. By the time we reached Busega, as we were advancing, we encountered a helicopter attack and it harassed us. On January 24, Museveni came closer to the military. The previous day on January 23, we had had a strategy meeting at night of commanders at 2am chaired by Museveni. We discussed how to take over Kampala. 

There was a feeling that if we encircle Kampala, we might blow up the city so we left Jinja road open for the government soldiers to flee. After the meeting, Museveni slept at a place near the gate of Trinity College, Nabbingo.

At night I went to the frontline to check what was happening. Lubiri barracks was creating strong resistance; to cross from Nateete to Ndeeba was like the mother of war. Around 4pm, ‘Kyaligonza became Kyaligonza,’ he was very tough. We came near Lubiri and as we were crossing from building to building, the group in front of me crossed.

As I was running, a man was levelling to shoot me. A peer called Mwesigye saved me, he shouted, “Okuku go down.” One of the bullets struck my hand. To my surprise Makindye was quiet and we thought they had fled. 

On January 25, I was in the frontline, as we crossed to the roundabout of Katwe and Kibuye, there was heavy gunfire. You couldn’t stand at that roundabout, we lost boys. Our medical team was at a fuel station around there and it received all sorts of casualties. At 10am Museveni came, Kampala hadn’t fallen yet. He came on foot. We went on foot to Bulange, (Republic House) but at the gate there is a building on the right side, that is where Museveni first stayed as we entered Kampala. 

A report came that a group had taken over Radio Uganda; there was an APC under UNLA whose mode of identification for one another was removing one arm. I can’t recall the commander but the soldiers of high command were taken from there to take over Radio Uganda. That is where I played the best role. I knew Radio Uganda well.