African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014

. PHOTO | FILE | AFP

By ROBERT MBARAGA


Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?

By AFP

Added 28th September 2016


Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.


Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo


As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks






The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


FILE PHOTO BY CLIFFORD GIKUNDA

Posted: 12th August 2016


Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:




The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .


Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.

RAT

 (Resist African Tyranny)

 


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle


President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.


According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.


Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.

skamugisha@

observer.ug


An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.

 

PHOTO by Dan

Wandera. 

Article by:
By Dan Wandera


Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015

 

Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.

editorial@ug.

nationmedia.com



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

 
 
A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.

Nb

Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.


The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.


© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])


Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.


An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.


President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.


According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.


The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).

Nb

Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

EKITIBWA KYA BUGANDA

 

CHORUS:

 

TWESIIMYE NNYO, TWESIMYE NNYO

OLWA BUGANDA YAFFE

EKITIIBWA KYA BUGANDA KYAAVA DDA NAFFE TUKIKUUMENGA.

 

1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.

 

2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.

 

3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.

 

4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.

 

5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.

 


OBUKULEMBEZE BW'ENSI BUGANDA

 

Ekitabo kino: OBUKULEMBEZE BWA BUGANDA,

kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.


Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.



Posted: 05 August 2016

 

Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.

 

Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.

 

Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.

 

Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.

 

Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.

 

Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.

 

Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  

 

In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 


In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.


On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.

ymugerwa@

ug.nationmedia.com



Uganda

Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 

UPDF

A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


By JULIUS OCUNGI


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015

Gulu. UGANDA.


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.


The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


By FREDERIC MUSISI


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00

 

Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?

 
 

On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.


The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

ENTALO ZILABIKA TEZIJJA KUGGWA EZA BANA UGANDA BULI WEBALI

Posted on 26th September, 2014

In Uganda, Frank Gashumba has been arrested by the Uganda Army over impersonation:

October 31, 2017

Written by URN

Mr Frank Gashumba

Social media critic and controversial political commentator Frank Gashumba is in trouble over alleged impersonation. 

 

Gashumba was arrested from the city center on Monday night by operatives from the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) for allegedly impersonating a defense ministry official and conning some foreigners.

 

The operatives later went on to search Gashumba's residence in Bunga, a city suburb and his Industrial area based offices of Sisimuka Uganda. The defense ministry spokesman, Brigadier Richard Karemire has confirmed the Gashumba's arrest and the ongoing investigations.

 

"Yes we have arrested him and investigations are in process to determine our next course of action," Karemire said.

This is not the first time Gashumba is trouble over similar allegations.

In 2013, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations investigated Gashumba on similar allegations when he was accused of impersonating the defense ministry permanent secretary and defrauding Turkish investors of millions of shillings.

However, the findings from the investigations were never made public nor did the case make it to court. It is unclear whether this is the same case CMI is investigating. In March this year, NBS TV cut ties with Gashumba over allegations of impersonation and fraud.

Gashumba, a known critic of President, Yoweri Museveni has been arrests severally for defrauding unsuspecting members of the public.

Nb

It is very unfortunate indeed because these are some of the difficult citizens of Uganda or Rwanda who seem very genuine in opposing the corrupt NRM government. They use all the modern media like youtube and instagram or NBS broadcasting to incite the people of Uganda to follow them to the great Promised land of Paradise that is Uganda. 

 

 

The National Republican Police Constabulary of Uganda, East Africa, is planning to get Shs1 trillion housing units for its ever increasing Military Police.

                Many new officers are either sleeping in dormitories, tents or squeezing themselves in condemned buildings in barracks around the city of Kampala 

 

By Andrew Bagala

 

Posted  Wednesday, April 20   2016 

 

UGANDA, KAMPALA: The Finance ministry has resumed negotiations with private companies that seek to construct more than 7,300 housing units for the police after President Museveni assented to the Public-Private Partnership Act.

The plan for the housing project, which was started in 2010, stalled when successful bidders declined to finalise the transaction until the enabling laws that would guarantee their investment were in place.

Police will give out chunks of its city barracks land to investors in exchange for construction of housing units for their officers in a project estimated to be worth more than Shs1 trillion.

Mr Jim Mugunga, the project manager, said the government has set up a public private partnership (PPP) committee that enables the formal set up of the PPP Unit that will adapt rules and regulations that operationalise the PPP Act.

“We have commenced negotiations on all police lots, including Kibuli and Naguru barracks. But as you know, PPP is private-led and investors are usually slow because they want to make sure they don’t lose their money,” Mr Mugunga said yesterday.

The law

In 2014, the PPP law was passed by Parliament and the President assented to it, paving way for further negotiations.

Ms Ahadi Consortium won the redevelopment of three lots covering Nsambya, Naguru-Ntinda, Kira, Wandegeya, Mabuwa and Acacia plots.

Naguru police land covers 58.9 hectares, and Nsambya barracks, which is of the same size, is the biggest police barracks in east and central Africa.

Although Mr Mugunga didn’t give the exact date when they expect to end the negotiations, he said in a month’s time, they will have cleared the major hurdles.

Police have increased their personnel by 15,000 officers yet no new housing units have been constructed.

Many new officers are either sleeping in dormitories, tents or squeezing themselves in condemned building in barracks.

abagala@ug.nationmedia.com

 

Nb

Why should the tax payer assist these ambitious fellow Africans with personal housing.

Why are Ugandan army exiles returning home? Does it explain the current Ugandan President's change in heart?

  General Sejusa with a political microphone in his arms other than a fire arm on his waist

 

By Risdel Kasasira

 

Posted  Sunday, March 22  2015  

Lt Col Anthony Kyakabale returned from exile two weeks ago, ending 12-year banishment in Sweden where some of his colleagues continue to live. 

His return, which seemed to be negotiated, is seen as a good political gesture by President Museveni to extend an olive branch to many political and military officers living in exile across Europe and North America.

In Sweden alone, there are about 12 exiles, including Col Samson Mande who fled Uganda to Rwanda in 2001 before relocating to Sweden in 2003. This followed accusations that they had started a rebellion against the government of President Museveni.

The army said at the time Lt Col Kyakabale and Col Mande were indisciplined and were to face disciplinary action, but the same institution now says they are free to come back. And indeed, Kyakabale has been forgiven unconditionally, according to the army spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda.

“Our policy is to have all exiles return as along as they are not violent,” Col Ankunda says.

Why flee to exile?

Former Forum for Democratic Change president, Dr Kizza Besigye, who was also in exile for almost five years between 2001 and 2005, says Ugandans fled to exile because of fear for their security.

Uganda being a country that has never witnessed a peaceful transition of power, many, mostly soldiers and politicians flee during violent regime changes.

A number of senior ministers in the NRM regime, including President Museveni, at one time lived in exile between 1971 and 1986. 

Below are army officers who fled Uganda, including those who have since returned.

 

 

Col Samson Mande

 

Col Samson Mande began his military career at the time a group of Ugandan exiles backed by Tanzanian forces were about to launch a final assault on Kampala to topple Idi Amin in 1979. 

He was under intelligence until 1980 during general elections when he joined President Museveni’s Uganda Patriotic Movement.

When NRA started the rebellion against the Obote government, he joined Mr Museveni and participated in the five-year guerrilla war that brought President Museveni to power in 1986.

Later, Col Mande was recalled from Tanzania where he was a military attaché and detained at Makindye Barracks before he fled to exile in 2001, first to Rwanda and later to Sweden where he still lives today.

Uganda’s security accused him of plotting to overthrow President Museveni’s government using the People’s Redemption Army (PRA) rebel group. 

The 63-year-old told Daily Monitor in 2013 that removing President Museveni by force will become inevitable if he stands in the way of democratic succession.

Capt Dan Byakutaaga

It’s not clear where the former army paymaster is living, but some reports suggest he lives in Canada. Others say he sometimes comes and visits his family in Uganda and goes back. He is said to have fled in 2001 with Shs1.6b. The money was said to be salaries for soldiers who were at that time in the DR Congo under Operation Safe Haven commanded by the late Maj Gen James Kazini.

Lt Alfred Ntare

He fled the country in 2013 and is said to be living in Europe. The commander under artillery unit of Special Forces fled the country under unclear circumstances.

Maj Sabiti Mutengesa

He is the former UPDF director of records, now living in exile in London. He joined the army in 1985 months after leaving Makerere University where he had been retained as teaching assistant at the Faculty of Veterinary medicine.

 

He did basic training in Mubende and later joined the British Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and did a cadet course where he emerged among the best students.

He also did Infantry Company Commander’s course at Monduli in Tanzania and emerged the best. He held different portfolios in the UPDF, including director of records, a position held until he fled to exile in 2003 after he was accused of creating ghosts on the army nominal roll. 

However, reports say it was intrigue within UPDF that led to his fleeing to exile.

Gen David Sejusa

Gen David Sejusa returned from exile in December last year after two years in exile in London. He had authored a letter calling for investigations into reports that there was a plan to assassinate senior government and military officials perceived to be against the alleged scheme to have President Museveni’s son, Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba, succeed his father as President.

After his return, the four-star General said he had come to continue with the “struggle for freedom” within the country.

He has also applied to retire from the army and at the end of this month, the army is expected to decide whether he will be retired or not.

Gen Sejusa, who has previously been barred from retirement, says his request to retire is a legal matter and should not be subjected to political expedience and conjectures.

Lt Col Ahmed Kashillingi

He went to exile in 1989 after military police surrounded his house in Kololo on the orders of his bosses. There were allegations that he had connections with the scandalous burning of army records at Lubiri barracks.

He fled to DR Congo until he was arrested and brought back to Uganda. He was incarcerated at Makindye Military Barracks and later sent to Luzira prisons. He was released in 1996.

He now works under President’s Office. Kashillingi was one of the commanders that fought fierce battles in the bush and later captured Kampala in 1986.

Lt Col Kyakabale

Lt Col Anthony Kyakabale was in the first group of NRA fighters who attacked Kabamba barracks on February 6, 1981. President Museveni said in his memoirs, Sowing the Mustard Seed, that Kyakabale was chosen to fire the only Rocket Propelled Grenade they had captured on the day of the attack.

“Kyakabale fired the rocket and hit the vehicle which overturned and caught fire, killing several soldiers,” Museveni says.

Those who have died

Col Edison Muzoora: He died in 2011 under mysterious circumstances. A mysterious car dropped his body at his home in Bushenyi. He was an exile in Rwanda and later South Africa. It’s not clear which country he was before he died.

Col John Ogole: The former UNLA commander died in London last year. He fled to exile after the NRA defeated UNLA of Obote in 1986. In 1984, Col John Ogole commanded the UNLA special mobile brigade that fought the NRA rebels during the Bush War. In his last days, he was seen in a picture with Gen Seujsa.

Maj Herbert Itongwa: The former commander of the National Democratic Alliance, a rebel group against the government of President Museveni, died in exile in German. Itongwa led a rebel movement that operated in central Uganda comprising army deserters mostly from Buganda.

What leaders say

David Pulkol, former director general External Security Organisation: “Given the interconnectivity of wars in the region, President Museveni could be doing this to forestall a conflict that is likely to breakout. 

He has been keen to forgive Gen Sejusa. He has been trying to win back the UPDF veterans. This is uncharacteristic of Museveni,”

Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, Ubongi MP and shadow minister for defence: “I’m not sure whether the conditions that took those people to exile have changed.

It’s not a matter of returning home. It’s also about improving governance, fight corruption and defend human rights.”

Col Felix Kulayigye, UPDF Chief Political Commissar. “Those in exile are there on their own volition. Our policy is that all those in exile should return home.”

Dr Kizza Besigye, former FDC president: “It’s not self-imposed exile like some people say. People go to exile because of fear for their lives. What the Ugandan junta should do is to end this fear whether it’s perceived or real. President Museveni has no powers to stop Ugandans from coming back home. He only has powers to arrest them.”

 Divided Ugandans living in exile in the United States of America hold parallel meetings:

Friday, 26 September, 2014

 

After more than a year of wrangling, the Ugandan North American Association (UNAA) has finally split into two rival camps.

 

The 26-year-old UNAA is the oldest and largest association that unites all Ugandans living and working in North America. The bitter falling out started last year after the then 26-year-old Brian Kwesiga was elected UNAA president.

After his election, he was accused of mismanagement, creating cliques, disrespecting the association’s institutions like the executive committee and board of trustees and breach of the UNAA constitution.

Kwesiga was also accused of sacking the UNAA treasurer and closing the association bank accounts, charges he roundly denied. The association leadership failed to resolve the problem, prompting some aggrieved members to form a rival faction called UNAA Causes. The mainstream is new called “UNAA Proper’.

Some members of the UNAA board of trustees such as Dr Muniini Mulera crossed to UNAA Causes. UNAA Proper is led by Brian Kwesiga, whose tenure ends next year, while the leaders of the breakaway faction include Benon Kyeyune Mukasa, Daniel Kawuma, Edris Kironde, Francis Ssennoga, and Awichu Akwanya, among others.

Recently Dr Muniini Mulera wrote in his column in The Daily Monitor, that the falling out was triggered by a coup d’état led by the current UNAA president. He accused ‘UNAA Proper’ president and his supporters of mismanagement and utter lack of respect for the association’s constitution.

Mulera noted that the split may well become permanent. Reconciliation efforts have so far proved futile. For instance, on August 31, Ugandan US based elders tried to reconcile the rival groups without much success. The split became clear during the recently-concluded UNAA convention. Instead of the usual one mega convention, two parallel conventions were convened in San Diego, California. UNAA Proper held its convention at Hyatt hotel while UNAA Causes held its parallel event at the elegant Marriot La Jolla. The two even had separate boat rides on the Pacific Ocean.

Frank Musisi, a former UNAA president, recently wrote an email to Ugandans at Heart (UAH), an online discussion group of Ugandans in the diaspora, after attending both conventions. He said UNAA’s dysfunctional leadership, greed, nepotism, corruption, lack of transparency, accountability and hunger for money destroyed an organization that many respected.

“The UNAA convention used to be a time when people met and consulted, networked, enjoyed themselves, socialized in harmony, but these conventions were full of commotion and hatred. It is indeed a sad story in the affairs of UNAA, two conventions (UNAA Proper and UNAA Causes) with each claiming to be the right and no willingness for compromise,” he wrote.

He estimated that UNAA Proper had about 650-700 attendees while UNAA Causes] had about 350-400 attendees. He said due to the falling out, some American corporations that traditionally sponsored UNAA conventions like Money Gram withdrew their cash.

Enter Mbabazi

He noted a huge contrast in the two conventions. “The event at the Hyatt hotel [UNAA Proper] seemed like a Ugandan government-organized event; on the other hand, the one at the Marriott [UNAA Causes] seemed like it was run and organized by Ugandans. One felt very easy and very relaxed at the Marriott. At UNAA Proper, one felt like you have to be very careful like Big Brother is watching. At least that was my observation,” he wrote.

At UNAA Proper Convention, the then prime minister, Amama Mbabazi, was the chief guest. Other attendees included ministers, MPs, and Uganda’s ambassador to the USA, Oliver Wonekha. Mbabazi’s speech hinted at the conflicts. First, he said UNAA members coming back to Uganda should not pay visa fees. “I heard that when you come to Uganda with your children, each child is charged United States dollars 50.

This is not good for the patriotism we preach, no Ugandan should be taxed for coming home,” he said. He also promised to nudge President Museveni to increase government’s annual contribution to UNAA from the $20,000 which it has contributed for the last seven years.

“At this time one lady next to me wondered why the Uganda government would give us money when we are better off. Why not give it [money] to the hospitals in Uganda, the lady asked,” he wrote.

Aware of the split, Mbabazi called on the leadership of UNAA Causes and UNAA Proper to address their differences.

“I believe that the differences that are experienced within the association will be handled in a mature way. Listen to each other and be ready to tolerate and compromise,” Mbabazi advised. Quoting a wise saying, he said “tolerance is anger suppressed by reason and compromise is conviction forfeited for convenience,” adding that in all they do, they should place Uganda before their personal interests. Mbabazi, on behalf of his family, contributed $5,000 towards the UNAA education fund.

Way forward

Both Muniini Mulera and Musisi believe that dialogue is important to revive UNAA. Musisi said the two groups should start a healing process that can revive UNAA. He predicts that failure to do so might lead to a totally different group emerging to fill the gap.

UNAA, in his opinion, has two problems; one is structural, and two is leadership. He argues that UNAA president inherited a constitution that is very problematic and very hard to implement in case of disagreements. It created three branches with nothing to do. “Take for example a large UNAA council without anything to do. Approve a budget with no income and that is why people fight for conventions. Therefore, it [constitution] needs to be amended.” he noted. 

 

ssekika@observer.

 

 

 

 

 

Eyaddidde Gen. Sejusa mu bigere bamuwawaabidde:
Jan 22, 2014 

 

By Alice Namutebi

 

MUNNMAGYE eyaakalondebwa okudda mu kifo ky'abadde omubaka w'amagye wa Palamenti, Gen. David Sejusa atwaliddwa mu kkooti. Abamuvunaana baagala kkooti eyimirize okulayira kwe ng'omubaka.

Col. Innocent Oula yatwaliddwa mu kkooti wamu ne ssaabawolereza wa Gavumenti saako n'akakiiko k'eby'okulonda nga bakavunaana okutegeka okulonda okwali e Bombo nga 17 January 2014 okwo kujjuzza ekifo kya Sejusa nga kkooti tennakirangirira mu butongole nti kyereere.

Church Ambrose Bukenya , John Baptist Bukenya ne Moses Bigirwa abaatutte omusango guno mu kkooti etaputa amateeka bagamba nti akawaayiro 101[10] akawa obuyinza akakiiko akanoonyereza ku mubaka okutwala bye kazudde eri ababaka ne bateesa kubizuuliddwa oluvannyuma ne kisalwawo nti omuntu oyo takyali mubaka wa Palamenti nga bwe kyali ku Sejusa , kikontana ne ssemateeka naddala akawaayiro 86 akawa omulamuzi yekka owa kkooti enkulu obuyinza okulangirira ekifo ky'omubaka nti kyereere.

Bano bagamba nti n'ekikolwa ky'akakiiko k'ebyokulonda okutandiika okutegeka okulonda kw'okujjuza ekifo kya Sejusa oluvannyuma lwa sipiika wa Palamenti, Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga okulangirira nti ekifo kya Sejusa kyereere nga talina buyinza bumukkiriza kukikola, kikontana ne ssemateeka wa Uganda.

Bukenya ne banne era bagamba nti ekikolwa kya Palamenti kino kirimu eby'obufuzi bingi ebiruubirira okukijjanya ababaka saako n'okubaggya mu bifo byabwe nga beeyambisa obumenyi bw'amateeka ekintu ekiyinza okutandikawo enkola enkyamu ey'okumala gaggya omubaka mu Palamenti.

Bano era basaba kkooti eragire Palamenti obuteeyambisa nkola y'emu ku nsonga z'omubaka wa Bubulo West, Tonny Kipoi agambibwa obutalabikako mu ntuula za Palamenti enfunda eziwera awatali nsonga nnambulukufu gye yawa sipiika.

Kati Bukenya ne banne bagaala kkooti esazeemu akawaayiro 101[10] aka 'Parliamentary Rules and Procedures' kubanga kakontana ne ssemateeka.

Gye buvuddeko Kadaga yalangirira ekifo kya Sejusa nti kyereere oluvannyuma lw'obutalabikako mu ntuula za Palamenti awatali nsonga nnambulukufu okumala ebbanga.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The United Nation for human rights and a Minister of Defence in the Government of Uganda have exchanged notes over the extradition of a military rebel, Mr Mukulu:

This military rebel has been arrested in Tanzania. Tanzania has been involved(interfered) in many internal affairs of Uganda for many years.

By  Risdel Kasasira

Posted  Wednesday, June 3  2015 

  

Kampala, UGANDA.

Defence minister Crispus Kiyonga and a United Nations sanctions team have discussed the planned extradition of Jamil Mukulu, the rebel leader of the Allied Democratic Forces, from Tanzania to Uganda.

Sources in Foreign Affairs ministry say the UN team chaired by Ms Dina Kawar from Jordan, which met Mr Kiyonga in Kampala last Saturday, is also “interested” in Mr Mukulu for alleged massacre of civilians in DR Congo.

“Dr Kiyonga informed Ms Kawar that Uganda had applied to Tanzania for the extradition of Mr Mukulu and once he is extradited, he will be handled in the context of the laws of Uganda,” the army spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda, said in a statement. “The government will cooperate with other parties in the managing of Mr Mukulu’s case.”

But Mr Mukulu is fighting his planned extradition to Uganda where he is wanted for allegedly ordering deadly attacks on civilians in the 1990s, including the attack on Kichwamba Technical Institute in Rwenzori and on Kasese Town.

Uganda and Tanzania have concluded diplomatic extradition negotiations but are yet to finish the legal procedures. 

Ms Kawar, who is also the UN permanent representative of Jordan was accompanied her assistant, Mr Samar Naber and Mr David Biggs the committee secretary.

The DR Congo issue

The UN team also discussed the allegations that UPDF soldiers were involved in illegal gold trade in DR Congo. In April, civil society organisations in DR Congo alleged that Ugandan army officers were involved in the illicit of gold trade. But the deputy army spokesperson, Maj Henry Obbo, dismissed these allegations are baseless. “UPDF is not a business entity. We do not deal in gold trade,” he said.

rkasasira@ug.nationmedia.com

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tanzania delays Jamil Mukulu extradition

 

  Congo-based Ugandan Islamist rebel group Allied Democratic
Forces (ADF), Jamil Mukulu.
Photo/File Newvision news paper.
12 June, 2015  

By Vision Correspondent 

 

THE Tanzania court had deferred its ruling on the extradition of the leader of Congo-based Ugandan Islamist rebel group Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), Jamil Mukulu.

 

The court has instead asked Uganda government to submit additional information in support of the extradition application to satisfy that the respondent on his return to Uganda will only face murder charges. 

 

Principal Resident Magistrate, Cyprian Mkeha of the Kisutu Resident Magistrates’ Court in Dar es Salaam said Friday that after going through submissions from both parties he discovered that there was uncertainty on what Mukulu was being sought for.

 

“Section 7 (1) of the London Scheme within the Commonwealth countries provides that if the court considers the material provided in support of a request for extradition is insufficient, the competent authority in the requested country may seek such additional information as it considers necessary from the requesting country, to be provided within such reasonable period of time as it may specify,” said Magistrate Mkeha.

 

He said that after carefully scrutinizing the documents that were filed along with the application, he established that Mukulu was being sought for 16 charges, but only 8 related to murder.

 

“The applicant informed the court that the respondent will face a trial on only murder charges, but the charge sheet stated otherwise for it contained other offences of aggravated robbery, crimes against humanity, murder and attempted murder that Mukulu had also been involved in,” he pointed out.   

 

The Magistrate told the court that the aim was to ensure that the respondent was guaranteed a fair trial as the Extradition Act required and not otherwise.

 

“It is to my knowledge that the Magistrate can inquire for additional information if there was any form of uncertainty before issuing a ruling,” he explained.

 

He granted a seven days’ adjournment for the material to be furnished so that he can deliver his ruling.

 

The prosecution led by Principal State Attorney, Edwin Kakolaki agreed to file the documents before June 19, this year when the case will again come up in court.

 

 

 

 

 

I’m ready to be arrested if the 2016 National Democratic Elections go ahead in Uganda - Gen Sejusa has declared. 

Mr Sejusa at his home

 

By Ivan Okuda

 

Posted  Saturday, June 13  2015
 

Kampala. Uganda:

Gen David Sejusa has said it is useless to participate in the 2016 elections unless the NRM state and the current electoral system under it are dismantled, warning that the new Opposition alliance will not succeed in dislodging President Museveni.

“It is not that the Opposition cannot win. They can win but they cannot get power from Museveni. After all, Dr Besigye won in 2006 but never took power. We stand for resolutely resisting Museveni until he is defeated,” Gen Sejusa told Saturday Monitor.

His organisation, The Free Uganda (TFU), also issued a statement on Thursday reiterating the same position. The statement said the plan by the Opposition alliance to resist after the rigging has already taken place “is wrong for three main reasons; it is dishonest; it confuses the population; it removes the emphasis from building capacity to resist the dictatorship to electioneering; and it divides the Opposition forces because the government in power shall allow some to win and rig at the very top and enough NRM seats to ensure Museveni’s dominance. The rest he shall allow Opposition to take.”

Gen Sejusa dismissed the Opposition clamour for electoral reforms, saying they would yield nothing. “These so-called reforms, even if they were electoral, how can you reform an oppressive system? Even if Mr Museveni was to appoint the entire Electoral Commission to be managed by the Opposition, they would not win the election.

The issue is about the entire infrastructure of the election, because an election is not won at the time of counting ballots, it is won much earlier. We cannot go into an election where those who want to take part can win but cannot have it just like Dr Besigye won but did not get it. That is the dilemma they must confront and resolve,” Gen Sejusa said in an interview with Saturday Monitor this week.

Gen Sejusa, who is still a serving army officer, said he was ready to go to jail over his political remarks challenging the democratic credentials of the NRM and the integrity of the Electoral Commission to organise free and fair elections because going to prison was not one of his worries. 

 

“So what is wrong with arresting Sejusa? I was arrested by Idi Amin three times, I have scars. I commanded battles with wounds through my stomach, a bullet missed my heart by a millimetre. My leg dropped off, Dr Kizza Besigye just reconnected it. I never went to hospital but survived in the bush with no treatment.”

“I fell in an enemy ambush at Kachinga, we were running away from Oyite Ojok at a place called Kansiri, my leg broke again, soldiers abandoned me, he [Dr Besigye] came later, picked me and we went and I healed. I was never arrested, I hear some people claim I was kept in an underground cell, that I opposed Museveni over women.

I saved the training and women wing of that Nalweyiso. They were going to capture them, I commanded a battle on Kawumu. I have been fighting these wars even when injured, so how do you say I am afraid of jail? Sejusa, who fought with one leg and one arm; that I am afraid of Ankunda’s jail? Afraid of our new jailers, these children and grandchildren jailers?” Gen Sejusa said in reference to UPDF spokesperson Lt Col Ankunda’s previous warning of arrest.

Gen Sejusa fled the country in April 2013 and later the army said he would face treason for his actions. While in exile, Gen Sejusa formed a political organisation and declared a struggle to remove President Museveni.

Six soldiers, including his former aide, were arrested and are still in military detention pending trial on treason charges in the Court Martial. They were accused of working with him to topple the government. 

 

In a wide ranging interview at his home in Naguru, a Kampala suburb, Gen Sejusa sauntered to his lush green compound, clad in civilian attire and exuding the demeanour of a man at peace, saying he was ready to speak out his heart and mind.

Gen Sejusa also spoke candidly about his role in the counterinsurgency operations in Teso and northern Uganda, where he has been variously accused of committing atrocities.

Asked whether he was not afraid of being prosecuted for the alleged atrocities, Gen Sejusa said: “Personal accountability does not scare me. Saul is supposed to account for his sins if there are any. Unless he was a failure, he is supposed to do effective work of Saul and when he becomes Paul, he is supposed to do effective work of Paul.”

 

On NRM achievements

He also took a swipe at the acclaimed achievements of the NRM government, saying they are cosmetic and do not reflect what was envisaged under the fundamental change which the NRM and President Museveni promised upon capturing power in 1986.

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