Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.



An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

Nsibambi nga tanafa yalaga ebisoomoozezza Buganda ne Gavumenti ya Presidenti Museveni mukufuga kwe okwensi Uganda:

By Kizito Musoke


Added 31st May 2019


EMYAKA 12 Polof. Apolo Robin Nsibambi gye yamala ku bwakatikkiro bwa Uganda yasanga okusoomoozebwa kwa mirundi munaana nga kuva ku nsonga za Buganda. Mu kitabo kye yawandiika n’akituuma ‘National Integration,’ Nsibambi agamba nti waliwo embeera gye yatuukamu ng’Omuganda ate Katikkiro w’eggwanga ng’Obwakabaka bukuubagana ne Gavumenti ya wakati era ne yeesanga ng’ali mu kusoomoozebwa.


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Polof. Apolo Nsibambi kati omugenzi



Gavumenti ya wakati yateesa okuteekawo Gavumenti z’ebitundu mu bitundu by’eggwanga byonna, kyokka obuzibu kiba tekinnaba kwanjulwa ne wabeerawo abaasomola ebyalimu ne bifulumira mu mawulire.

Hajji Hussein Kyanjo ne Betty Nambooze baakuma mu bantu omuliro nga babakunga okujeemera enfuga eyali ereetebwa naddala eky’okukuba akalulu ka Katikkiro wa Uganda.

Embeera yali ya bunkenke ekyaleetera Kabaka okutegeeza nga February 14, 2004 nti Obwakabaka obwali buddiziddwaawo buli mu bigambo, nga tewali kinene kye buyinza kuyamba bantu.

Wadde nga Pulezidenti yalaga nti yali mwetegefu okusisinkana Kabaka boogere ku nsonga eno, kyokka eyali Katikkiro wa Buganda, Joseph Mulwanyammuli Ssemwogerere yasajjula embeera bwe yategeeza Obuganda ebikujjuko by’okujjukira amatikkira ga Kabaka ebyali bigenda okubeera e Bugerere byali bisaziddwaamu kuba embeera yali yaakukungubaga.

Gavumenti bwe yalaba ng’embeera esajjuka yasalawo okuttukiza enteeseganya za Federo era Museveni n’alonda Amama Mbabazi okukuliramu enteeseganya ku lwa Gavumenti.

Pulezidenti yaleeta ekirowoozo eky’okuteekawo enkiiko ebbiri e Mmengo okuli olw’Abataka n’olwa bannabyabufuzi. Kino Mmengo yakiwakanya nga bagamba nti lulina kubeera lumu. Abakulembeze b’enzikiriza okwali; Kalidinaali Emmanuel Wamala, Sheikh Rajab Kakooza ne Ssaabalabirizi Nkoyooyo baawagira Mmengo olwo ne gujabagira.

Gye byaggweera nga Mmengo egobye enfuga ya Regional Tier, wadde nga ku lulwe alaba nga yafiirwa nnyo okufuna obuyinza kwe yali ey’okuzimbira.


Gavumenti yayagala okuleeta ennongoosereza mu tteeka ly’ettaka erya The Land (amendment) Act 2010 okusobola okulwanyisa okusengula abasenze okwali kuyitiridde.

Tewali musenze yali ajja kuddamu kusengulwa okuggyako ng’ekiragiro kiyisiddwa Kkooti Enkulu. Kyali kigenda kwetaagisa Gavumenti okutondawo ensawo egenda okuyamba abeebibanja okwegula.

Mmengo kino yakiwakanya nnyo ne batuuka n’okugamba nti ennongoosereza zaali zireeteddwa kubbirako ttaka lya Buganda.

Buganda yagaanira ddala ennongoosereza zonna era n’eteekawo akakiiko akakulirwa Betty Nambooze katalaage ebitundu bya Buganda nga basomesa abantu.

Eyali Ssaabawolereza wa Buganda, Apollo Makubuya yabaga ekiwandiiko omwali ensonga kkumi ng’awakanya ebbago ly’etteeka. Gavumenti mu kwetaasa nayo yalagira omumyuka wa Ssaabawolereza Fred Ruhindi okwanukula Makubuya mu bwangu.


Nga December 27, 2007, eyali akola nga Katikkiro wa Buganda Emmanuel Ssendaula yawandiikira Pulezidenti ebbaluwa ku lwa Kabaka.

Ebbaluwa yategeeza Pulezidenti ng’Obuganda bwe butali bumativu n’olulimi olwali lukozesebwa abakungu ba Gavumenti nga boogera ku Mmengo.

Eky’okulumiriza Kabaka nga bwe yali yeenyigidde mu byobufuzi ebyawula olw’okuwakanya etteeka ly’ettaka kyalagibwa nti baali bamulanga bwereere kuba Obwabakaba buzimbirwa ku ttaka era kye kimuyisa Ssaabataka.

Etteeka Mmengo yalaga nti lyali ligendereddwaamu okuggyawo ettaka lya mayiro n’okwongera okusengula abantu era bangi baali baakufuuka mmomboze mu nsi yaabwe.

Buli Muganda yenna eyali alaga nti awagira etteeka baakimuteekako nti yali alidde mu Buganda olukwe.


Pulezidenti bwe yali asisinkanye olukiiko lw’akabondo ka babaka abava mu Buganda nga September 10, 2009 mu maka ag’Obwapulezidenti e Ntebe, yategeeza nti Kabaka okuvaayo n’awakanya etteeka ly’ettaka mu lujjudde yali amenye Konsitityusoni.

Yategeeza nti Kabaka yali agaanye okumusisinkana wadde okukwata amasimu g’amukubira.

Yalumiriza ne leediyo ya CBS nga bwe yali etandise okwawula mu bantu ng’eriko beerumiriza okubeera abennyindo empaanvu. Yawera nti Gavumenti ensonga eno yali tegenda kugikwata mu ngeri yaakusaaga.


Nga July 18, 2008, poliisi yakwata baminisita ba Kabaka okwali; Charles Peter Mayiga ne Medard Lubega Sseggona n’omukungu Betty Nambooze.

Eyali omubaka wa Butambala, Hajji Ibrahim Lubega Kaddunabbi yakunga ababaka ne babaga ekiwandiiko ekyasaba Palamenti n’etuula mu ngeri eyenjawulo okuteesa ku nsonga eno.

Kyokka ekyamumalako enviiri kwe kubuuza eyali omuwaabi wa Gavumenti, Richard Buteera n’amugamba nti abakwate baali bagenda kuggulwako omusango gwa ‘sedition’ ogw’okwogera ebigambo ebisobola okutabangula embeera. Kyokka Kkooti omusango yagugoba nti tegukyaliyo mu mateeka.


Ekiteeso ky’okulabirira abafuzi be nsikirano nga babasaasaanyizaako obukadde 600 okwali obukadde obutaano buli mwezi, okuweerera abaana baabwe basatu, eby’okwerinda byabwe n’okulabirira embiri kyayogeza abantu ebikankana.

Abataka abamu nga Gideon Kisitu owe Bulemeezi yatuuka n’okugamba nti Obote yakozesa mmundu okuggyawo Obwakabaka ne Gavumenti esazeewo kweyambisa kakodyo kalala.

Wadde ng’etteeka lyamala ne liyita, kyokka abaaliwagira baavumirirwa nnyo era Kabaka yagaanira ddala okufuna obukadde obutaano ne gye buli eno.


Nga October 6, 2008 Gavumenti yategeeza nga bwe yali egaanye Kabaka okugenda e Nakasongola ku mukolo gwa Bulungibwansi ng’egamba nti embeera y’ebyokwerinda yali tesobozesa mikolo kubeerawo.

Waayita mbale Mmengo n’erangirira nga Kabaka bwe yali agenda e Bugerere. Katikkiro J.B Walusimbi yali agenda e Bugerere okulaba entegeka ne bamugaanira ku lutindo lwa Sezibwa.

Ekyaddirira kwali kwekalakaasa mu bitundu bya Buganda ebyenjawulo okwali n’okwokya poliisi ye Nateete, abantu 27 battibwa, emmotoka 21 ne zoonoonebwa. Ekyataasa embeera ye Katikkiro okulangirira nti Kabaka yali takyagenze Bugerere.


Hajji Hussein Kyanjo eyali omubaka wa Makindye West yakunga Abaganda bawagire enteekateeka y’okwawula Buganda ku Uganda eyawamu.

Yali agamba nti obufumbo bwe baayingira tebulina makulu kuba baali baboolebwa mu bifo bya Gavumenti.

Wadde nga poliisi yayita Kyanjo ku kitebe kya poliisi abitebye, kyokka eyali omumyuka wa Katikkiro Yusuf Nsubuga Nsambu n’avaayo n’awagira ebigambo bya Kyanjo nga bw’agamba nti baayingira obufumbo mu mirembe, kyokka mu kiseera kino ng’okwagalana kuweddewo.






The President of Ruanda is getting nasty and abusive by arresting and putting handcuffs on the mother of the opposition leader in the country:


17 October, 2017

By Ivan R Mugisha


Adeline Rwigara (C), mother of Diane Rwigara, a prominent critic of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame, is escorted by Police officers to the court room at the Nyarugenge intermediate court in Kigali on October 9, 2017. PHOTO | CYRIL NDEGEYA | NATION

Adeline Rwigara (C), mother of Diane Rwigara, a prominent critic of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame, is escorted by Police officers to the court room at the Nyarugenge intermediate court in Kigali on October 9, 2017. PHOTO | CYRIL NDEGEYA | NATION

Rwandan government critic Diane Shima Rwigara’s mother has denied spreading a genocide ideology.

Mrs Adeline Rwigara said in court on Monday that she was a survivor of the 1994 massacre in which members of her family were also slaughtered.

She is charged with inciting insurrection together with her two daughters, Diane and Anne Rwigara.

The prosecutor, Mr Michele Nshimiyamana, played video and audio clips in which Mrs Rwigara was recorded accusing security officers of killing Rwandans when they raided her house in late August.

“In the video, you can clearly see that she dwelt on genocide ideology by referring to law enforcers as “Interahamwe,” Mr Nshimiyamana told the court.

The Interahamwe was a militia that spearheaded the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus.

“What I meant in the video is that we survived the genocide and should not suffer the way we are suffering now. Our house was destroyed and my private conversations with my sisters were leaked to the press,” she said in her defence.

The prosecution also told the court that it had evidence that Diane, who was barred from contesting in the August elections, had faked signatures during a presidential bid. She is also facing forgery charges.

Mr Nshimiyamana told the court that some of the signatures belonged to dead people.

But she denied the charges saying she was being prosecuted due to her political ambitions and that some of her supporters were being threatened with imprisonment and torture.

In an emotional defence, Diane's younger sister Anne Rwigara said she had been “angry and frustrated” when the Rwanda Revenue Authority official refused talks with the family over reopening of their tobacco firm.

That was after the prosecution played an audio clip in which she was recorded as referring to the country as a “mafia state”.

The trial will resume on Wednesday.

In Uganda, the Late SIM re-registration for the chance to own a modern communication mobile phone has overwhelmed the just elected government of Uganda:

By Vision Reporter


Added 18th April 2017


Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda chaired an emergency meeting to discuss the exercise

People lining up to register for the national Identifications at Kololo ceremorial ground.

With just a few days to the deadline for re-registration and verification of SIM cards in the country hundreds of Ugandans thronged telecom service centres and ID registration points in a bid to avoid disconnection.

Uganda Communications Commission UCC set a Thursday deadline for the exercise and long queues greeted those who set about beating the deadline.


Service centres in Kampala, Wakiso and Mukono among others had hundreds lining up while Kololo Ceremonial Grounds, the headquarters of National Identification and Registration Authority (NIRA) saw even more people queuing to start the ID registration process.

Meanwhile Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda chaired an emergency meeting to discuss the exercise.


People queueing to register for national identification cards at NIRA’s Wakiso offices on Tuesday. Photo by Job Nantakiika

The meeting was attended Minister for Information and National Guidance, Frank Tumwebaze, Security Minister, Gen Henry Tumukunde and Internal Affairs Minister, Gen Jeje Odong, UCC executive director, Godfrey Mutabazi, the NIRA executive director and the permanent secretary of the ICT ministry.

In another development a petition has been filed before the High Court seeking an interim order to halt the disconnection of unregistered SIM cards.

People queue for registration of SIM cards at MTN offices on Mukono House in Mukono.  
People gathered at the entrance of the Airtel Mukono Service Centre near Sombe Supermarket to register SIM cards. 

Through their lawyer Eron Kiiza, the petitioners, Norman Tumuhimbise and Rights Trumpet Ltd argue that the directive is unconstitutional and violates fundamental human rights.


This exercise confirms the amount of citizens of Uganda who did not vote in the just concluded National General Election where the National Indentification cards was a requisite for any aspiring voter in that Poor African country.

Poliisi ye Uganda etandise omuyiggo gwa bazigu abaatadde obubaka ku 'Twitter'(internet website) nga bawa ensonga eya battisizza omukulu wa Police Mr Andrew Felix Kaweesi:

By Eria Luyimbazi

Added 27th March 2017

Omwogezi wa Poliisi omuggya, AIGP Asan Kasingye. ekif: ERIA LUYIMBAZI



OMWOGEZI wa Polisi mu ggwanga, AIGP Asan Kasingye ategeezezza nti Poliisi etandise okwekenneenya obubaka obwateekeddwa ku mutimbagano gwa ‘Twitter’  nga ng'abaabutaddeko beewaana nga bwe bali emabega w’okutta AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi.

Kasingye agambye nti akabinja k'abaakoze kino beeyise Patriotic Freedom Fighters, ebitongole by'okwerinda bitandise okwetegereza obubaka buno kuba mu kiseera kino poliisi eri mu kunoonya abaabadde emabega w’ettemu lino , omuli abaaluse olukwe, abaataddemu ssente n’abaakozeseddwa okutta.

Ategeezezza nti amangu ddal;a nga Kaweesi yaakatemulwa, omuduumuzi wa poliisi mu ggwanga, Gen. Kale Kayihura yayise abakulira ebitongole bya poliisi ebyenjawulo  nga March 19 2017 n'abawa ebiragiro okunyweza ebyokwerinda okuviira ddala ku bakulira ebitongole okusobola okutangira okukolebwako obulumbaganyi nga obwakoleddwa ku Kaweesi.

Kasingye asabye abantu abasobola okuwa obujulizi mu musango gw’okutta Kaweesi okuvaayo  batuukirire poliisi bagibuulire nga bajja kuweebwa obukuumi obwetagisa baleme kutuusibwako bulabe bwonna.



The Lubiri Military attack: "We did not expect Obote to react that way" The Kattikiro of Buganda, Mr Mayanja Nkangi recalls the history:

Nkangi arrives at Parliament when he was Finance minister. FILE PHOTO

Joash Mayanja Nkangi was the Katikkiro (Prime Minister) in the Mengo government during the 1966 crisis when the central government troops, commanded by then Maj. Gen. Idi Amin Dada, attacked the Lubiri (palace) forcing Kabaka Edward Muteesa II to flee to exile in UK where he would die three years later.

The attack on the Lubiri did not just send the Kabaka to exile, it also led to the abolition of Buganda Kingdom – which had enjoyed a quasi-federal relationship with the central government – as well as all the other kingdoms in the country.

Two days before the attack on the Lubiri on May 24, 1966, the Lukiko had passed a resolution asking President Milton Obote to take the central government’s capital city off Buganda’s land and I as the Katikkiro wrote the official letter to that effect.

Neither the Kabaka – and the Lukiiko for that matter – nor I expected President Obote to react the way he did.

This is why on the fateful day, I woke up very early at about 5:30am and prepared to go and see the Kabaka at his Twekobe residence in the palace. Not that there was something important to discuss; it was just a premonition I had; that I should check on him.

My official house called the Butikiro which presently houses the Joint Clinical Research Center was very near the palace so I just walked over, like I had done countless times.

At about 6am, I returned to my house and climbed back into bed. I was still in bed at around 7am when I heard bullets on the roof top of my house. I had a guest, a ssaza chief from Kyadondo called Kigozi. He wanted to put up a fight using his gun but the soldiers were too many outside; I told him not to fire back at them.

Panicking, I escaped through the back door of the Butikiro and ran down the valley between the Butikilo and Lubaga Road. When I reached the main road, I found a prince from Tooro, by sheer coincidence, who offered to drive me up to my office in Bulange Building. I stayed in the office up until 7pm as I watched the Lubiri being fired at.

At one moment while standing in the window looking over the palace, a bullet hit the side of the window where I was standing but by God’s grace it never hit me.

It was around 7:30pm when the phone in my office rang. It was Mrs Kamanyi, the wife of one of the ministers in the Kabaka’s government, who called and told me that the Kabaka had escaped alive. Shortly after her call, another call from Mr Chivers, a muzungu who was head of the Kabaka’s police. He advised that I leave the office very fast; that the army was looking for me.

It was now night and safer to sneak out.


Even then, I don’t recall how I left the Bulange Building to end up at Dr Lwanga’s house just below the palace near Bulange. Lwanga was a son of Omutaka Kabazi, one of the Mengo officials then.

I stayed with the Lwanga family for one night and the following night, his wife Mildred Lwanga brought a vehicle to take me to a home somewhere in Kagoma, along Bombo road. It is them who planned were they were taking me; I had no idea where we were going. There were several roadblocks along the way and as disguise, I was dressed in khaki shorts and a khaki short sleeved shirt.

I was taken to the residence of a one Kibuuka, who was known in the area to have a mental problem. He was staying alone with several bee hives within his compound; this is the place people least expected the Katikiro to be hiding. I stayed with the man for slightly more than two weeks.

One evening as I was taking an evening walk to stretch my legs, I by passed two men asking themselves where the Katikiro was hiding. During that time Obote went on air and warned that “wherever we will get Mayanja Nkangi, there will be fire”. With that broadcast, friends advised me to flee the country. I could not go through Entebbe Airport as I could easily get caught so the only route for me was through Busia to Nairobi. Friends organised for my transport.

Mohamed Ssensonga, a driver with Ministry of Works, was assigned to transport me up to Busia. I was made to lie down on the back of a government lorry that was taking construction material to Tororo.

I was sandwiched between iron bars and cement covered with a tarpaulin. We passed all the road blocks without incident until we reached the one at the Owen Falls Dam bridge at Jinja. Here, a soldier moved to the driver’s side asking what he was carrying and before he [driver] could answer, he moved to where I was and lifted off the tarpaulin but luckily he didn’t see me, only noticing the iron bars and cement. He waved us on.

Ssensonga first dropped me at Busia border before proceeding with the journey to Tororo. Here, Lameka Ntambi was waiting for me to take me up to Kisumu. Hiding in his car, I was taken to a farm in Kisumu owned by an Indian called Kahral Sadirilm but two days later, his brother who was operating a shop on Kampala Road dealing in TV sets and radios, came saying I should leave as Obote soldiers had been to his shop asking about me.

The next morning Kahral drove to Nairobi, taking me to a hotel owned by Visrum a.k.a. Namubiru. She was the only woman in the Buganda Lukiko; that’s how she go the name Namubiru. She was the wife of Aldina Visrum, a prominent businessman in Kampala then. I stayed at the hotel for two weeks as I was planning my next move. But I had no money and I had not moved with a passport so I had no way of going out of Nairobi. It was Grace Lumala who managed to bring me my passport to enable me move to London.

Once the passport puzzle was solved, the next issue was how to raise the air ticket fare to London. Peter Mpagi Bakaluba was by then working with the East Africa Airways. He and other Baganda organised for the ticket and the money for the airport tax and soon I was airborne.

Landing in UK

I landed at the UK’s Heathrow Airport like a rascal! I had an overgrown and unkempt beard, with no single luggage. The man at the immigration desk looked at my passport indicating I was a minister in the Uganda government but the way I looked, he could not believe it. He told me to stand aside until he finished all the other passengers then he went and made some calls. Afterwards he came and cleared me.

When I got to London life was not easy for me. The first two weeks I was housed by Leonard Joy, my former lecturer at Makerere University. As he was leaving, another former lecturer of mine at Oxford University Michael Foot paid 200 British pounds for my hotel where I moved next after Joy’s departure. Even this money was used up and I resorted to living on the goodwill of people all the time. At one point I went to some Greeks in London and borrowed up to 400 pounds!

During that time, I sent several applications to potential employers but a friend advised me that no one is ready to employee a former minister.

In late 1967, I saw an advertisement by Lancaster University for a lecturer. I applied and this became my first and only job during my exile in London. I was an economics lecturer at Lancaster University from 1967 until early 1971 when Amin overthrew the Obote government.

One morning as I was going to lecture, a friend (a white man) told me the Obote government had been overthrown. That was good news for me. Within three weeks I was back in Uganda. At Entebbe Airport, Amin’s men wanted to arrest me but their commander stopped them.

After three days I went back to London to officially resign from my job at Lancaster University to come back home permanently. Since then I have never gone back to exile.

As a lawyer, I set up my own chambers called Mayaja Nkangi and Co Advocates operating from Nkurumah Road. For the entire eight years of Amin’s rule, I was never disturbed and I spent my time at my chambers. One time he called me for a meeting with the then Prince Mutebi (Now Kabaka) and other Baganda elders at the conference centre.

In 1980, when multi-party politics opened, I started the Conservative Party (CP) and contested in the general election. I never won but that I knew I would not win. After the elections I went back to my chambers until 1985 after the Tito Okello Lutwa’s coup. However, I was so surprised when I heard my name being read on the radio as the new minister of labour because I had never been consulted. I was invited to Parliament the next day to be sworn in. Others did but I refused. The then Chief Justice Peter Allen told me “I admire your courage”.

One week after turning down the post, a policeman came to my chambers and told me they were waiting for me at Parliament. My CP friends advised me to go and be sworn in as a minister, fearing that I would be looked at as an enemy.

A few months after taking the labour ministry office, the Lutwa government was overthrown by Museveni’s NRA guerilla fighters. I was then appointed a minister of education where I served until 1989. I would move to other ministries until 2002, after which I was appointed the chairman of the Uganda Land Commission to-date.