1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.



An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

 The Police in Uganda have discovered a government plot to incite violence in the opposition political parties:

The government internal security organization have been found out as the organization very much involved in this sinister plot:

12 June, 2021


By Andrew Bagala
By Juliet Kigongo
 The car carrying former Jinja RDC Eric Sakwa after it was petrol-bombed at Nakulabye, Kampala, on May 10. PHOTO / COURTESY
By Juliet Kigongo

Thirty-two people were on Tuesday charged in the General Court Martial in Kampala with capital offences, including unlawful possession of ammunition and explosive devices. 

The chairperson of the court, Lt Gen Andrew Gutti, said the accused were in possession of articles that are ordinarily the monopoly of the defence forces. He remanded them to Kitalya Prison, a civil prison, until June 22.

The suspects had earlier been arrested in connection with petrol bombs that were hurled at vehicles and petrol stations since last year.

Two Internal Security Organisation (ISO) operatives were among the dozens arrested by the Police Criminal Intelligence personnel following investigations.

Police and ISO sources confirmed the arrest of the operatives. But ISO sources said they were embedded to collect information. The spies were released by police after their superiors pleaded for them although police sources said investigations against them were still ongoing.

Since last year, several government and private vehicles have been targeted with petrol bombs in the cities of Kampala, Mbale and Jinja, which prompted the Directorate of Crime Intelligence to investigate.


A government car carrying Mr Eric Sakwa, the former resident district commissioner of Jinja District, was recently targeted in Nakulabye, a Kampala suburb. Private cars at Kireka Town and Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) head office near Central Police Station in Kampala, were also targeted last month.

A source said since the arrest of the ISO operatives mid last month, they haven’t received any incident of petrol bombing anywhere in the country.

The Deputy Inspector General of Police, Maj Gen Paul Lokech, said that all the suspects behind the attacks were arrested. Maj Gen Lokech, however, declined to comment on the arrest of operatives of their sister security agency. A police source said they want ISO to prove that the operatives had been assigned to carry out undercover operations against petrol bomb attackers. Daily Monitor understands that the evidence hasn’t yet been shared with the police.

When contacted, the head of ISO, Col Charles Oluka, said: “I don’t have any recollection of my personnel being arrested in that incident. Maybe, call my deputy [Lt Col Emmanuel] Katabazi.”

The person who answered Lt Col Katabazi’s known mobile number said it was a wrong number after our reporter identified himself.

Last Wednesday, during our investigations, a person, who identified himself as an ISO operative, called back using a known ISO telephone landline with an explanation.

“You know that we gather information to secure this nation. We pass on that information to our sister security agencies. It is the other agencies, including the police, which carry out arrests,” he said,

“Our operatives had been embedded in the gangs to understand their operations with a motive of arresting all the gang members. We explained to the police and understood it well that is why our personnel were released,” he added.

The ISO officer described the leak of the information as a smear campaign against the domestic spy agency by some members of the police investigations and intelligence units.

Past claims

Last year, the police said they suspected that the supporters of the National Unity Platform led by Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, were behind the petrol bomb attacks. Members of the Opposition denied any involvement in the attacks, but allege that the incidents are staged to act as a pretext to arrest their supporters and justify military deployments.





Chaos as the National Resistance Movement law courts sentence M/s Nyanzi to 18 months in prison for abusing its Chairman:

Written by Alfred Ochwo














Grade One magistrate Gladys Kamasanyu sentenced Nyanzi to 9 months in prison


Six youths (mostly Forum for Democratic Change supporters) have been arrested as court turned chaotic during the sentencing of Makerere University researcher Dr Stella Nyanzi.

Nyanzi was today sentenced by Grade One magistrate Gladys Kamasanyu to 18 months in prison after being found guilty of cyber harassment when, in 2018, she posted on Facebook a vulgar birthday poem dedicated to President Yoweri Museveni and his late mother Esteri Kokundeka. However, Nyanzi will only serve 9 months after the magistrate considered the already nine months that she has spent on remand in Luzira following her arrest in November 2018. 

Nyanzi did not physically attend court but heard her sentencing via a video conferencing from Luzira prison. The volume and pictures of the live link at times had to be muted and blacked out after Nyanzi hurled obscenities, stripped and flapped her breasts before cameras in protest - sending her supporters attending the Buganda Road court into wild cheers.

The court session turned even more dramatic and chaotic with abuses and a water bottle hurled at the magistrate's head by Nyanzi's supporters - leading to the arrest of at least six youths. The arrested include Augustine Ojobile, Abudalla Waiswa, Joel Kabali, Simoni Wanyera, Fatuma Abenabyo and Moses Katumba. Police said the suspects are going to be charged with contempt of court, assault.








Six citizens of Uganda have been arrested in the court of law after passing an oppressive law against an African internet customer


Kamasanyu yesterday convicted Nyanzi of cyber harassment but acquitted her of offensive communication, saying there was not sufficient evidence to show that the president had been annoyed.

Today Kamasanyu said she opted to imprison Nyanzi over a cash fine (Shs 1.4 million) because Nyanzi has shown no remorse and is not resentful of her actions. She also said cases of cyber harassment are on the rise, and court was obliged to do something to curb the vice. For being a first-time offender and with no known criminal history, Kamasanyu said the sentence of 18 months was appropriate for Nyanzi and not the maximum 3 years that the law provides for.

Kamasanyu said Nyanzi being a senior member of Makerere University, ought to have behaved more respectfully especially towards the person of the president. Kamasanyu further said freedom of speech was not absolute and online users ought to respect others while exercising their constitutional rights.

During her conviction yesterday, Nyanzi said she did not want any leniency from the court as her intention was indeed to offend and annoy President Museveni, who, she said has offended Ugandans for the last 30 years through corruption, human rights abuses, economic exploitation among others.

Nyanzi said she did not expect the court to rule otherwise because hers was not a legal battle, but a political battle that she claimed to have won. She thanked the magistrate for granting her a national and international platform to fight what she called Museveni's dictatorship.

Yesterday, Nyanzi called on other Ugandans to "get serious" and cause the fall of Museveni's regime using whatever means and tools they have available, saying the longer the regime stays in power, the more it continues to cause suffering to Ugandans. She said it was now up to others to take over from her because she can't do much while in Luzira prison. Nyanzi becomes the country's first convict for cyber harassment.


The judge gets the empty bottle on her pretty head:










Rwanda bagiddiza omulambo gwa munnansi waayo eyakubiddwa amasasi nga ali munsi ya Uganda:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 27th May 2019


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UGANDA ekwasizza Rwanda omulambo gwa munnansi  wayo (ow’e Rwanda) eyattiddwa ku ttaka lya Uganda ku Lwokutaano.


Peter Nyengye yattiddwa amagye ga Rwanda agaamulumbe ku ttaka lya Uganda mu katawuni k’e Hamisavu mu ggombolola y’e Kamwezi mu disitulikiti y’e Rukiga nga gamulumirizza okuba nga yabadde yeenyigira mu kukusa ebyamaguzi.

Omugenzi yattiddwa ne Munnayuganda  Alex Nyesiga agambibwa nti yabadde agezaako okumutawulula ku magye.


Uganda yawandiikidde Rwanda nga yeemulugunya ku kikolwa kino kyokka ne Rwanda ne yeegaana nti omusuubuzi teyattiddwa ku ttaka lya Uganda yafiiridde waabwe Rwanda.

Omukolo gw’okuwaayo omulambo gwabaddeko bambasada  b’amawanga g’ebweru ababeera mu Uganda munaana.

Omukolo gwabaddewo ku ssaawa 9:00 ez’olweggulo era omulambo gwakwasiddwa meeya w’e Nyagatare mu Rwanda, David Mushabe Claudian.

Kigambibwa nti  Nyengye  yabadde avuga pikpiki eriko ebyamaguzi ng’agezaako okuyingira ne yekanga amagye g’ewabwe n’akomawo mu Uganda.

Wabula nti gaamugoberedde ku ttaka lya Uganda kwe yabadde ali ne gamukuba amasasi agaamutiddewo ne Munnayuganda eyabadde agezaako okuyingira mu nsonga naye teyalutonze.


Oba governmenti ye Rwanda ebadde kiki wano mu Africa? Wano ensi ya Bufaransa yabalumiriza dda nti Nammwe abanyarwanda abalwanyisa munnammwe Juvenal Habyarimana mu mwaka 1994 mwatta abantu bangi. Nokutuusa kakati Ensi ya Bufransa mugiyita mulabe wayo. Era ne mukkooti yensi yonna temwagala yo okugyako nga mutwalayo kuloopa bantu balala. Abanyarwanda banammwe abatandise okubadduka nga batandise okwekengera enfuga yammwe embi era eyentiisa eri abantu bammwe, mubasibide ensalo musobole okubasiba nokubatta nga bwemwegaana okutta omuntu yenna.

Kale no omulambo gwammwe ogwo mugutwaale naggwo mugutereke kumirambo gyammwe emingi gyemuterese mu Genocide Memorial Museum kubanga kirabika nga simwe mwasse omuntu oyo nga ali nemukwano gwe omutuuze we Uganda?

Olutalo lwa Uganda ne Rwanda ebiseera bino:

By Multi Media


11 March, 2019


Abazilwanako bombi bayombagana okukamala


Bana Uganda batandise okwekyusa mungeri gyebalabamu abafuzi babwe.






In Uganda tear gas, bullets, water cannons and Christian prayers have greeted the new year electioneering as 2021 national elections get near:

27 November, 2018

Written by URN

Live bullets and teargas rocked Rukungiri Municipality on Monday as Anti-riot police clashed with Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party supporters. 


It all started when police blocked the FDC supporters from accessing Rukungiri Municipal stadium for thanksgiving prayers and commemoration of the late Edison Nasasira alias Kakuru, a taxi tout at Nabugabo stage and a resident of Kafunjo cell in Eastern division in Rukungiri.

He was shot dead by Anti-riot police on October 18, 2017 during clashes between police and opposition supporters when police denied them access to Rukungiri Municipal stadium.

Six others including Junior Aijuka, Farouk Bangirana, Julius Turyomunsi, Christopher Muhwezi, Davidson Aryasingura  and Naris Muhumuza sustained gunshot wounds in the fracas.


On Sunday, Rukungiri district police commander Moses Nanoka and the Kigezi region police spokesperson, Ely Maate said they wouldn't allow the opposition gathering to take place, saying the organisers hadn't sought police clearance.

On Monday morning, security officials led by the Kigezi region police commander, Richard Ecega, Rukungiri district police commander, Moses Nanoka and Rukungiri resident district commissioner, Dan Kaguta held a closed door meeting with FDC leaders including the former president, Dr Kiiza Besigye, FDC party President, Patrick Oboi Amuriat, the Rujumbura County member of parliament, Fred Turyamuhweza and Woman member of parliament, Betty Bamukwawsa Muzaniira.


However, the parties failed to agree on a way forward. After the meeting, Besigye retreated to his home in Rwakabengo village in Southern Division to prepare for the function. He heavily armed Anti-riot police cordoned off the home and blocked him from leaving.

At around 2:30pm, a group of angry FDC supporters led by their national mobilization secretary, Ingrid Turinawe gathered in front of their party offices and started praying. 


Others lit fire in the middle of the roads expressing to protest police presence in the area prompting police to disperse them using tear gas and water cannons.


During the fracas, police picked up Turinawe, the deputy speaker Rukungiri Municipality, Innocent Tashobya and Nicholas Atuhairwe, an FDC youth activist among other party members.

Kaguta said as security, they cannot allow an unauthorized gathering to take place since it contravenes the Public Order management Act.


What sort of a modern democratic African country is this?

Interesting that these riot lorries were bought from the former troublesome Apartheid police force system of South Africa and they were built by Israel.






In Uganda, there is no more peace and sleep as another civil war breaks out:

November 2, 2018

Written by Harold Kaija

Mr Harold Kaija


The Uganda Army watching over a by-election in Western Province of Uganda


Gruesome pictures of security goons abducting Mr Yusuf Kawooya near Christ the King church in Kampala on 17th October 2018 shocked the country.

Unfortunately, that is not an isolated incident. Such scenes are much more frequent than is reported. Dr Ismail Kalule, whose only crime was to stand surety for a terrorism suspect was arrested and spent 8 years on remand. He was re-arrested inside the court premises by similar security goons on securing bail after to the State's failure to adduce evidence.

The same situation happened to a one Senfuka at Nakawa traffic junction, while Abdul Kateregga was shot and bled to death while security operatives took pictures of his body. Gen Museveni and his NRM outfit have been touting the "peace" they brought to Uganda since 1986 as their major achievement.

Wikipedia explains peace as "a lack of conflict (such as war) and FREEDOM from FEAR of VIOLENCE between individuals. Former US President Ronald Reagan is quoted to have said, "Peace is not the absence of conflict, it is the ability to handle conflict by peaceful means."

After violently capturing power in 1986, Mr Museveni and his occupational army assured Ugandans that they had brought peace and sleep. They promised, in their Ten-Point Program, to uphold human rights including freedom and the right to life and property.

In his 1996 election manifesto, Mr Museveni promised to consolidate peace. He followed up in his 2001 manifesto with the same promise, listing six achievements amongst which was "overthrowing dictatorships" and asked for one more term, to enable him "build pro-people institutions, professionalise the army and put in place a mechanism for an orderly succession."

What is the reality on the ground?

First, he did not retire. Instead, he removed all mechanisms for an orderly succession when he engineered the removal of the term limits and recently the age limit which was the last constitutional safeguard that would have ensured a peaceful transition of power in 2021.

For over 20 years, northern Uganda was in insurgency. Part of the reasons for the prolonged war was Mr Museveni's military adamancy; he insisted on a military solution as opposed to a peace process. In 1994, then minister Betty Bigombe engaged the rebels in peace talks but in the middle of confidence-building measures, Mr Museveni issued an ultimatum to the rebels to either abandon the bush or be flushed out by the army. The peace efforts collapsed and the war went on!

The cost of war in terms of human life, property and financial implications was colossal. While the north was being ravaged by the war, the south was grappling with bomb blasts that rocked the country in the 1990s with loss of life allegedly orchestrated by the ADF rebels.

Then came the 2001 elections and the "Movement" political system revealed it's true face when Dr Kizza Besigye decided to run for presidency. Violence, intimidation, voter bribery and vote rigging at levels never before witnessed in Uganda's history marked the election period.

Besigye's first rally in Rukungiri was attacked by soldiers commanded by (then) Capt Patrick Kankiriho, leading to death and grave injuries of innocent people. Then there was Major Kakooza Mutale's Kalangala Action Plan, which also rained terror on citizens.

So much was the violence that the Electoral Commission chairman, Hajji Aziz Kasujja wrote a letter to Mr Museveni appealing to him to reign in his army from interfering in the electoral process. The letter was tabled as evidence in the electoral petition of 2001 in the Supreme court.

Gen Kale Kayihura, was appointed police boss in 2005. He understood his job-description to be 'to protect the Museveni from political opposition at all costs' and steadily remodelled the police from a civilian force to a regime militia.

Everything else took a backseat. As a result, criminality soared as police was incompetent to prevent or in the least, conclusively investigate incidents. By 2016, police was sitting on over 4,000 unresolved murders. The situation became so embarrassing that they stopped compiling annual reports.

The only area police remained sharp was the capacity and efficiency to clamp down on opposition activities. I once challenged a district police commander (DPC) in Njeru to show me a part of the Public Order Management Act he was relying on to disperse our Forum for Democratic (FDC) party meeting inside a restaurant.

The man failed to cite the law but still dispersed the meeting!

Activist Frank Gashumba summarised the malaise in the police when he posted a video of himself calling police for help over fictitious "stolen car". The phone calls failed to go through to the police emergency line on the first attempts, and when he eventually got through, the officers failed to answer it.

When they finally answered, they simply directed him to "go to the nearest police station" without giving directions and then hang up. Every opposition politician worth his name is either in jail, out on bail or out on police bond. Working in cahoots with the police is the office of the Directorate of Public Prosecutions who sanction any charge however silly as long as the suspect is a regime opponent.

Dr Kizza Besigye probably holds the record for arrests and prosecution of an individual in Uganda. It doesn't bother them that the charges are never sustainable, it is the inconvenience, financial drain and psychological torture that they are after.

Dr Besigye took then CID chief Elizabeth Kuteesa for fabricating evidence against him in 2005, then again in 2008 when the Uganda Law Society charged the commanders of the infamous raid on the High court by the Black Mamba and most recently when private lawyers charged Gen Kayihura under the Anti-Torture Act in 2016.

The perpetrators of this abuse of office are rewarded with judicial appointments, one to the Supreme court and another to the High court and now Electoral Commission. How then do you expect a Supreme court judge with such a checkered past to rule in a case that potentially ends Mr Museveni's regime.

But if you thought police was bad, let me introduce you to the Special Forces Command, Gen Museveni's personal guard, whose loyalty to his person can only be matched by the SS Leibstandarte of the German dictator Adolf Hitler.

They are fiercely loyal to the point of fanaticism, ruthless, brutal, efficient, armed to the teeth, highly trained in all matters of war apart from professionalism, humaneness and patriotism. To them, Uganda is Museveni and Museveni is Uganda.

This outfit which is an army on it's own with questionable legality was heavily involved in beating MPs in parliament and in election violence in Jinja East, Rukingiri, Bugiri and Arua, where they beat and crippled regime opponents.

These days, the SFC has taken over police duties in dispersing demonstrations using crude brutal methods and violence with reckless abandon. The SFC is the modern day Praetorian Guard, and just like the ancient Roman specialised unit, it will one day seek to decide and determine who runs this country.

Therefore, we can not say we have peace when the State is absent when we need it to provide emergency services such as ambulances, drugs in hospitals, quality healthcare and quality education for all and yet always present in an overbearing manner to curtail civil rights and liberties in form of teargas and live bullets in every corner of the country.

You can not have peace as young Muslim men, when whenever a high profile murder occurs, the State is sending goons to arrest some of you, arrest those who attempt to stand surety for you and arrest journalists who pass on notes between you and your lawyers.

Those travelling to Uganda for the first time are stunned by the levels of deployed military grade hardware along the road from the airport to the city and all roundabouts surrounding the city. The regime is operating in a siege mentality. Mr Museveni's "peace" is in piece meal.

At no time has Uganda been peaceful in all regions, as Mr Museveni frequently claims. Perhaps, peace is too much to ask of someone whose university dissertation was on the use of violence as a means to a political end, and has previously bragged about his NRM party being the masters of violence.

Hon Betty Kamya, current minister in charge of Kampala city, while still in opposition, wrote an article in the Daily Monitor of 28th January 2008 titled "Where is Museveni's heart?" where she notes that Museveni "came holding peace and sleep while Ugandans held factories, banks, aircraft, railways cooperative unions, food silos, fuel reserves, schools, Kampala city (how ironic) and land. He convinced us to catch up on some long eluded sleep while he sorted things out. We slept for 20 years and when we woke up, we were holding peace while he held our assets".

It is of extreme irony that Hon Betty Kamya is now the one holding Kampala city hostage on behalf of Mr Museveni. In the FDC, we believe in and practice peace and peaceful methods in everything we do. We have conflicts, but resolve them peacefully, even if it means separation. The fact that we were able to peacefully resolve issues in charged election atmosphere is a small but telling example of our capacity to cultivate real peace.


The author is the deputy secretary general of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC)






The government of President Museveni of Uganda is trying to survive by using military violence instead of using African Diplomacy: 

Police and UPDF soldiers disperse demo

Uganda Police and the Army soldiers disperse demonstrators in Kampala and beat up journalists, on August 20 following the arrest of Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine and Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zaake over the Arua fracas. PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA 


8 September, 2018

By Misairi Thembo Kahung

At least five people have been killed and scores are recovering from severe injuries, some with gunshot wounds.

At least 33 people have been charged with treason and many are still held without charge, while about 150 people are on remand following the violence in last month’s by-election in Arua Municipality.

The violence erupted in Arua Town on August 13, following allegations of the President’s convoy being pelted with stones by supporters of then Independent candidate Kassiano Wadri, who would as a result be arrested and win the election while in jail.

It was the final day of campaigns for the by-election and President Museveni was in town to campaign for Ms Nusura Tiperu, his National Resistance Movement (NRM) party’s candidate.

Dr Kizza Besigye had also travelled to campaign for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party’s Bruce Musema and a group of politicians, including Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, were campaigning for Mr Wadri.

The deaths

President Museveni and the ruling party on the one hand, and the Opposition on the other, have given varying accounts of what exactly led to the violence that has dominated conversation in the country over three weeks later.

In recounting the human cost of the violence, Saturday Monitor sums up the stories of those killed, injured, tortured and those arrested as a result of, among other things, the skirmishes that followed.

Yasin Kawuma: The driver of Bobi Wine, was the first casualty of the violence shot in Arua just outside the hotel in which his boss was boarding. The circumstances of his shooting have not been clarified and the government now says it has launched an inquiry into the same, despite the various players and President Museveni coming out with definitive positions on what happened. It is difficult to say whether the investigations will make any progress.

Samuel Ssekiziyivu. Five days later on Sunday August 19, Ssekiziyivu died on the spot in Mityana Town when policemen opened fire on a taxi that was ferrying football fans heading for Buganda Kingdom Masaza (County) Cup tournament in Mukono District. The policemen were attempting to quell civil strife as the residents of the town protested the manner in which the area MP, Mr Francis Zaake, had been tortured by soldiers in Arua.

Mr Zaake spent more than two weeks in bad shape in Lubaga Hospital and after some incidents, was allowed to fly out to India to receive further treatment.

Bobi Wine had also been tortured during a drama-filled arrest in Arua that left hotel doors broken and many others beaten to pulp. He also flew out to the US to seek further treatment.

Lawrence Jjingo. He was the third casualty, who was also shot in the taxi in Mityana and eventually lost the battle to his wounds in hospital. Another five who were shot in the incident are recovering in hospital.

Racheal Ayebazibwe. The fourth victim of the violence related to Arua, Ayebazibwe succumbed to bullet wounds at Victoria Hospital, Bukoto, Kampala. She was admitted to the facility after she was hit by a bullet when police and the military were quelling riots in Kyebando, a Kampala suburb on Sunday, August 19.

The protesters were calling for the release of Bobi Wine, who had been incarcerated at Makindye Military Barracks where the army general court martial remanded him after charging him with illegal possession of fire arms. She had just completed studies for her degree at Kyambogo University.

Vincent Sserungaya. The 38-year-old a boda-boda cyclist and a resident of Bukalagi, Gomba District, was the fifth known victim of the violence related to Arua. Gomba is the birthplace of Bobi Wine and upon his arrest, residents of Kanoni, the seat of the district, rose up in a demonstration. It was in the process of quelling it that Sserungaya was shot dead by a policeman.

The injured

Apart from the tortured suspects arrested in Arua, there were several other people who sustained injuries both in the West Nile town and others in Kampala and Mityana towns.

During the military raid on Mr Wadri’ supporters that have since been accused of smashing the rear screen of one of the presidential vehicle, five people were shot and injured during the fracas.

Two of them - Michael Abiriga and Gilbert Eyotre were treated at Rhema Hospital, a private facility in Arua Twon, where they underwent surgery. Three others - Innocent Asega, Isaac Egama and Philliam Anguyo, were treated at Arua Regional Referral Hospital.

At some stage, their lawyer, Mr George Williams Alenyo, wrote to President Museveni asking for financial support to fly the five victims to South Africa for further medication. However, this newspaper has learnt that these five victims were discharged from hospital last week and are recovering from home.

“Abiriga was discharged from hospital and is now at home. He still has a lot of pain in the chest where he was shot and yesterday [Wednesday], he went back to hospital (Rhema) for review. He can now walk, eat and talk,” said Mr Robert Apango, his brother.

From the Kampala chaos, teenager and student Aisha Nabulumba is undergoing treatment at the Mulago National Referral Hospital, after she was shot on August 20 on her way home from Al-Fahad Vocational Institute in Katwe, a city suburb.

“People who attempted to carry me were beaten... one man was caning me as I lay on ground,” Ms Nabalumba told this newspaper last week.

A bullet that lodged in her stomach after being shot in the buttocks has since been removed after a surgery.

The four survivors of the Mityana shootings have since been discharged from hospital. One was treated in Mityana and discharged after one night, whereas three were at Mulago hospital.

“They have all been discharged from hospital and are now in their homes,” said Mr Nobert Ochom, the Wamala regional police spokesperson.

The tortured

Apart from Mr Zaake, who was never arraigned in court and remanded, 33 suspects arrested in Arua were last week released on bail by the Gulu High Court.

Mr Zaake was reportedly dumped at the gate of Lubaga Hospital in the wee hours of Friday August 17. Later, President Museveni, in a statement, said the legislator had escaped from lawful custody in Arua.

Ms Night Asara, the FDC women league chairperson for Arua District is one other torture victim whose condition, when she first appeared before the Gulu Chief Magistrate court, worried Ugandans.

Lawyers said she was bleeding from her private parts after being severely tortured in detention. Two other women, Jane Abola and Sauda Madada were also allegedly tortured and injured during arrest.

Also badly injured was Shaban Atiku, who was reportedly the driver of Mr Wadri and Stephen Gamba, a resident of Arua were also reportedly tortured and injured.

Mr Wadri on Thursday briefed this newspaper about the conditions of these five people following their release on bail.

He said, apart from Ms Sauda Madada, who is still undergoing treatment at a facility in Kampala, which he did not want to reveal, the rest are back in their homes but on medication prescribed to them in hospital.

“Asara (Night) is in immense pain but at home. Atiku (Shaban) is not my driver but a villagemate and he is now in Arua resting at home on advice of doctors from Arua hospital. I also talked to Abola (Jane) who is also taking medicine from home (Kiryandongo),” Mr Wadri said.

He, however, said Ms Madada was still vomiting blood. He said, Ms Madada was hit by a cartridge of the bullet that killed Kawuma because they were sitting in the same vehicle, and she was then tortured in detention.

“She was admitted in hospital here in Kampala and I was with her yesterday (Wednesday). She still vomits blood and doctors are doing their best to ensure she gets out of this,” Mr Wadri said.

The legislator, who is banned from stepping foot in Arua for three months as part of his bail conditions, said Ms Asara has since suffered hearing impairments as a result of torture.

The arrests

Following the repeated protests in downtown Kampala and Kamwokya suburb, police arrested 103 suspects in the metropolitan area.

“We arrested 103 people from Kampala metropolitan area and they have all appeared in court, were charged and remanded to Luzira prison,” said Mr Luke Owoyesigyire, the Kampala Metropolitan police, spokesperson.

He said they were charged with several offences, including unlawful assembly and malicious damage to property.

In Mityana, 23 people were arrested but 18 of them were taken to court following a screening exercise by police in which five were found not to be connected to the protests.

Mr Norbert Ochom, the Wamala regional police spokesperson, said all the 18 have since been remanded on charges of inciting violence and malicious damage to property.

Also arrested and held incommunicado for several days is Mr Bobi Wine’s bodyguard, Eddy Sebuufu, aka Eddie Mutwe.

The High Court in Kampala was on Tuesday told that Mr Sebuufu was to be arraigned in the Gulu Magistrate Court to face treason charges in relation to stoning of the presidential motorcade.

Mr Ssebuufu will be the 35th suspect to join the charge sheet, which already includes his boss Bobi Wine and four other MPs.

High Court Judge Musa Sekaana was informed about the new development by State prosecutor Peter Tusubiira following a habeas corpus issued to the Chief of Defense Forces, Gen David Muhoozi, Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence and Attorney General to produce him on that day.






In Uganda, Member of Parliament Mr Zaake is on life support at Rubaga hospital after the Uganda military nearly killed him:

     Leader of Opposition Betty Aol Ochan looks at Mityana Municipality Member of Parliament Francis Zaake at Lubaga Hospital. PHOTO BY ALEX ESAGALA 

18 August, 2018

By Misairi Thembo Kahungu


The Leader of Opposition in Parliament, Ms Betty Aol and Kampala Mayor Erias Lukwago have this afternoon visited Mityana Municipality Member of Parliament, Francis Zaake who is bedridden in a coma-like condition at Rubaga hospital.

According to his lawyer Richard Lumu, the legislator whose detention centre was not known since his arrest in Arua on Monday, was “dumped” at Rubaga hospital at about 3am this morning.

On arrival from Makindye military barracks where Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine is being detained under similar conditions, Ms Aol accompanied by Mayor Lukwago, Kilak County MP Gilbert Oulanya and Buhweju County MP Francis Mwijukye, they were first taken to the hospital administration block.

READ:MP Zaake’s head is injured, says lawyer

After a wait of more than 15 minutes, one of the medics who did not identify herself, led the team jammed with dozens of journalists to the surgical ward where Zaake is being treated on life support.

Inside the treatment room, Zaake was found in the care of a male doctor who did not entertain any questions hence not explaining in medical terms what condition the legislator was.

Ms Aol who shed tears told journalists outside the surgical ward that, “Hon Zaake’s life is on the mercy of God and we pray that he keeps him alive”.

She said that Zaake was subjected to “severe” beatings and torture which has put his life in more danger as he was still recovering from the injuries he sustained when he was beaten up in parliament during the anti-age limit removal protests last year.

The Mp was treated in the United States of America.

“His condition is very bad,” she said. Adding that; “the people who tortured him did it with an intention of killing Hon Zaake. We hope that he gets better”.

She said the opposition MPs will soon sit and chat a way forward on what action to take in regard to the condition of the two MPs.

Lord Mayor Lukwago described Zaake’s state as “vegetative” adding that he was tortured to near death.

Lukwago said the situation of Mr Kyagulanyi in Makindye is not any better than that of Zaake.

“Hon Kyagulanyi is also in a bad condition. He can only be lifted and they (military) are the ones lifting him and he cannot speak,” Mr Lukwago said.

At around midday, Mr Lumu, the lawyer for Zaake had told us that he was being transferred to Nakasero hospital for specialised medical check up on what might have happened to the internal body system.

He said that, the doctors however, called him that they delayed to transfer him because they were waiting for the visit of the Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga.

Daily Monitor later understood that Neither Ms Kadaga nor her deputy, Jacob Oulanyah was in Kampala.

By press time, it was not yet clear whether the hospital administration which refused to speak to the journalist will transfer him as earlier planned.






Mu Uganda, eby'omubaka wa Parliamenti Nambooze tebinnaggwa!

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 20th June 2018


Eby'omubaka Nambooze tebinnaggwa!

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Betty Nambooze


POLIISI etutte okusaba mu kkooti e Nakawa ng’eyagala kuweebwa lukusa ekebere amasimu ga Nambooze mu kwongera okukuhhaanya obujulizi ku musango gw’okukozesa obubi emikutu gy’ebyempuliziganya egimuvunaanibwa bwe yali ayogera ku kuttibwa kw’omubaka Ibrahim Abiriga.


Mu kiwandiiko poliisi ky’etutte mu kkooti nga kiriko omukono gw’omuserikale AIP Imam Were okuva mu kitebe ekinoonyereza ku misango e Kibuli, basabye kkooti ebakkirize bagende baaze amasimu ne kompyuta za Nambooze.

Okusaba kuno kutwaliddwa ew’omulamuzi Jameson Karemani akulira kkooti y’e Nakawa nga bagamba nti ssinga babakkiriza bajja kusobola okukuhhaanya obulungi obujulizi ku misango gy’okukozesa obubi emikutu gy’empuliziganya gye baamuggulako.


Okusaba kuno tekunawulirizibwa nga kukyali mu kkooti y’omulamuzi Karemani. Wabula okuva mu nsonda ezesigika mu kkooti eno, fayiro y’omusango gwa Nambooze, omuwaabi wa Gavumenti yagiyita wiiki ewedde kyokka tebaasobola kumuleeta mu kkooti kubanga akyali mulwadde.


Kubanga governmenti ya NRM etuuse okusiba buli muntu yenna alina ekirowoozo kyonna mu mutima gwe oba mubwongo bwe, newankubadde tayogedde, nti governmenti esanidde okuvaako.


Allan Mumpe, Kuno okwesimira entana e Luweero, nebakukuba akakumbi kumutwe nogwa muntana gyewesimidde byoyagala bikomewo dear? Ffe abatuuze abatambudeko tusaba governmenti eno etekewo ekifo abantu webagenda nebogera nemimwa gyabwe kyonna kyebagala. E Bulaya bakitekawo dda. Bwomala okwogera nga ogenda eka nga webaka awatali kuzza musango gwonna.


Let her pay for her mouth






How the citizens of Bunyoro are at each others necks in trying to grab land in the lost counties of the State of Buganda:

How a city lawyer, Mr Richard Buzibira 'conned' a village woman M/s Teddy Nansubuga, a farmer, out of Shs 1.2bn:

May 21, 2018

Written by URN

City lawyer Richard Buzibira is on the spot for fraudulently receiving over Shs 1.47 billion of his client from the Land Fund. Buzibira reportedly used the letters of attorney from his client, Teddy Nansubuga, a farmer from Kibaale district to process and receive her compensation money from the Uganda Land Commission (ULC).

Buzibira reportedly took advantage of Nansubuga's illiteracy to defraud over Shs 1.2 billion having paid her only Shs 270 million of the Shs 1.47 billion paid by the Land Fund.

City lawyer Richard Buzibira appearing before the Land Probe Commission earlier. Photo: NTV Uganda 

While appearing before the Justice Catherine Bamugemereire Commission on Friday last week, Nansubuga, explained that she and her late uncle, Raphael Kulumba approached Buzibira at his Kampala based office to help her to reclaim compensation from government for Block 223, Plot 1 Buyaga and Block 224, Plot 1 Buyaga - totalling to 254.2 hectares.

"I surrendered my two land titles and we made an agreement that I had given him the titles to help me process compensation from government." Nansubuga told the Commission in Lunyoro.

Nansubuga explained that she signed several documents drafted by Buzibira that were translated to her by Dennis Musinguzi, a surveyor from Kibaale district she found in the lawyer's office.


The Commission's deputy lead counsel John Bosco Suuza explained to Nansubuga that the document she signed was not an agreement but powers of attorney. Buzibira asked Nansubuga why she went to Buzibira instead of Uganda Land Commission where government compensations are processed.

Nansubuga explained that she used Buzibira as her lawyer because she didn't know how to go about the compensation process. According to Suuza, after signing off the powers of attorney, Buzibira made Nansubuga to sign an application form for compensation from the Land Fund on May 27, 2015.

Nansubuga says she waited for the compensation in vain and repeatedly called Buzibira without success. According to Nansubuga, after a long wait Buzibira met her and asked her whether she would accept to sell the land to an individual.


The Farmer, M/s Teddy Nansubuga 


Nansubuga said she accepted the offer since she was in desperate need of money and sold Block 223, Plot 1 Buyaga and Block 224, Plot 1 Buyaga to a one, Warren Mwesigye at Shs 80 million and Shs 190 million respectively. She explained to the Commission that prior to the transaction, she had never met Mwesigye and only met him when Buzibira called her to his office.


Nansubuga also explained that despite signing the sale agreement; she was not given any copies. Suuza asked Nansubuga whether Buzibira updated on the fate of her earlier application for compensation from government after the land was sold to Mwesigye.

In her response, Nansubuga said she didn't receive any information from Buzibira about the government compensation. She also denied received any compensation from government for the land in question.


Suuza explained that documents before the Commission show that before Nansubuga signed off the Powers of Attorney on October 27, 2015 authorizing Buzibira to pursue compensation from government, he received Shs 200 million from the Land Fund on July 24, 2015 in Nansubuga's name.


He explained that Buzibira continued picked money in seven instalments from the Land Fund ranging between Shs 50 million and 200 million on different dates in 2015, 2016 and 2017. Suuza told Nansubuga that Buzibira has so far received Shs 650 million compensation for Block 223 Plot 1 Buyaga and Shs 821 million for Block 224, Plot 1 Buyaga.

"For Block 223 Plot 1, Mr Buzibira on your behalf has been given Shs 650 million, if you subtract the Shs 80 million that Warren Mwesigye gave you, you have been conned of Shs 570 million so far. The land has been valued at Shs 650 million. For Block 224 Plot 1, the land was valued at Shs 821 million which has all been received by Buzibira on your behalf. If you subtract the Shs 190 million they paid, there’s a balance of Shs 631 million." said Suuza.


When asked by Suusa whether she was surprised at what the "white collar thieves have done" to her, Nansubuga said that she was shocked and surprised by the revelations but had nothing to do.

"Yes my lord am surprised and shocked but I have nothing to do." she said.

Suuza also read out a November 23, 2016 letter authored by the Lands minister Betty Amongi addressed to the chairperson Uganda Land Commission authorising the urgent payment of compensation to 8 people including Nansubuga who was third on the list.


Amongi's letter was reportedly based on a directive from the principal private secretary to the president, Molly Kamukama. Asked whether she ever approached the president or Kamukama for assistance, Nansubuga said she didn't.


Suuza pinned Buzibira for conspiring and taking advantage of Nansubuga and conning her millions of shillings.

"These thugs, these thieves they took advantage of you - a poor lady with limited education and exposure. They lied to you and they conned you out of all those millions that I have told you. Not only that, they used your name and went to the highest office in the land and claimed to be acting on your behalf. Somewhere along the way a minister [Betty Amongi] got involved. More money was paid in your name and you know nothing about it, which is tragic." he said.

While appearing before the Land Commission last month, the Commission quizzed Buzibira over his involvement in the questionable land deal, failure to act professionally, conspiracy to defraud and other criminal acts.

It came after lawyers under Frank Tumusiime and Company Advocates were implicated for fraudulently acquiring more than Shs 16 billion meant to compensate 20 claimants from the Land Fund under Uganda Land Commission (ULC).


Buzibira then admitted that some of the clients instructed him through his law firm while others contacted him personally to handle all the processes on their behalf.


"We began receiving instructions for the Land Fund in 2013 and I acted as an agent and advocate. The clients came on referral basing on the number of cases I had handled. The money was paid quarterly in installments and the vouchers show that Shs 13.3 billion has since been paid and balances in the range of Shs 5 billion is still pending," Buzibira told the Commission.


The Land Fund was established under Section 41 of the Land Act. The fund is a multi-purpose resource envelope meant to serve targeted beneficiaries, including tenants seeking to buy or own land, government seeking to buy land for redistribution to bonafide occupants or resettlement of the landless among others.


It is now obviously clear to all that the vast lands of Buyaga and Bugangayizi must stay within the ownership of the so called absent land owners of the International 1900 Buganda and British agreement. There is no good that can come out of grabbing our African ancestral lands by fraud.






Mu Uganda, Abemmundu Flying Squad be yalese ekutte batolose mukadukulu ka Police e Miti Ana:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 11th May 2018


ABABBI ab’omutawaana ekitongole kya Fyling Squad be kyasembyeyo okukwata e Mityana, batolose mu kaduukulu ekireeseewo okutya mu batuuze.


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Omuserikale Muhangi lwe yakwasa Omwami no Mukyala Lutaaya mmotoka yaabwe eyali enunuddwa okuva mu babbi


Aba Flying Squad ekimu ku bikwekweto bye baasembyeyo okukola nga tebannaba kusattululwa ku Mmande kwabadde kukwata agabbi g’emmundu agaateega omusuubuzi we Mityana, Matia Luyima 29, ne gamussa ku mudumu gw’emmundu ne gamubbako mmotoka, ssente n’essimu ze.


Julius Senyange ne Jimmy Ganda, aba Flying Squad baabakukunudde Pakwach nga basomosa emmotoka ya Luyima ey’ekika kya Premio okugikuba ebbeeyi e Congo.

Oluvannyuma baakomezeddwaawo e Mityana gye baagibbye ne baggalirwa ku poliisi.


Oluvannyuma lw’okukwatibwa abantu emitima gyabazze mu nteeko kubanga abasajja bano bagambibwa okubeera abamu ku b’omutawaana ababbisa emmundu nga basinga kwettanira kubba mmotoka mu bitundu by’eggwanga ebyenjawulo.

Ensonda mu b’ebyokwerinda zaategeezezza nti abasajja bano baalaze nga bakolagana n’abantu abanene bangi era nga be babayamba okuteebwa buli lwe baba bafunye obuzibu.

Mu kiro ekyakeesezza Mmande, abazigu bano baamenye akaduukulu ka poliisi ne badduka, era abaserikale baagenze okutuuka mu kaduukulu nga baabombye dda.

Kino kyaggye abaserikale mu mbeera ne bakuba omusibe James Kaboggoza eyasangiddwa mu kkomera nga bagamba nti yabadde yeenyigidde mu lukwe lw’okutolosa abasibe.

Yatwaliddwa mu ddwaaliro e Mityana abasawo ne bazuula nga yalumiziddwa nnyo.

Fred Wotonnava, ssentebe wa Mityana Central yagambye nti obumenyi bw’amateeka buyitiridde kuba abatuuze bangi bazze babbibwako emmotoka ne zitaddamu kulabika.

Okukwatibwa kw’abazigu ababbye eya Luyima kyabadde kibawadde essuubi ly’okuzuula n’emmotoka endala ezizze zibbibwa.

Abasibe bwe baba nga kituufu baatolose yagambye nti kyongera okubeewanisa emitima.

Yategeezezza nti waliwo emmotoka y’omusuubuzi ayitibwa Jamil ow’e Kikonge ku lw’e Mityana eyabbibwa, kyokka ne bagikwatira mu galagi e Kampala.

Kyokka wadde ababbi baakwatibwa naye baatoloka mu kaduukulu mu ngeri etaategeerekeka.

Yagambye nti n’emmotoka endala nnyingi ezizze zibbibwa ne zitaddamu kulabika okuli eya Godfrey Mbalire eyali Mukwenda wa Ssingo n’endala nnyingi.


Baateega Matia Luyima 29, omusubuuzi w’e Mityana ng’ayingira mu maka ge ku Lwokuna lwa wiiki ewedde. Luyima yagambye nti yali ne mukyala we Afua Namubiru.

Aba ayingira ekikomera kye ku kyalo Buswabulongo, ne yeekanga abasajja bana ababagalidde emmundu ne bagimusongamu.

Abasajja baamulagidde okutuula ku mutto gw’emabega ne mukyala we olwo bo ne babavuga.

Baamusibye emiguwa ne mukyala we ku mikono n’okubasiba ebiwero ku maaso. Abasajja ababiri baatudde mu maaso n’abalala ababiri ne batuula ku mutto gwe mabega erudda n’erudda.

Abasajja baabadde beekapise ebikooti nga ne mu maaso beebisse enkoofiira okwewala okubeetegereza.

Abazigu baamwetoolozza nga bamuvuga okutuusa we baamutuusizza mu kifo ekyekusifu kye yategedde oluvannyuma nti kibira kye Businziggo.

Olwatuuse abazigu baabafulumizza ne babakkiriza mu kibira gye baabakuumidde okutuusa ku makya.

Baabalese babasibye emiguwa ku mikono n’amagulu. Baabalagidde okuzibiriza okumala eddakiika 10, era baagenze okuddamu okutunula ng’abazigu.


Ensonda zaategeezezza nti ababbi baasangiddwa n’essimu nga ziraga nti baabadde boogeraganya n’abaserikale ba poliisi okuli n’omuduumizi wa Poliisi mu disitulikiti emu.

Bano be babadde bakolagana nabo obutakwatibwa era kigambibwa nti bamanyi n’okubawa emmundu ze bakozesa.

Kyokka Norman Ochom, omwogezi wa poliisi mu kitundu kya Wamala Region ekitwala disitulikiti ye Mityana yawakanyizza eby’okutolaka kw’abasibe abaakwatiddwa n’agamba nti abakwate babalina.

Bwe yabuuziddwa olunaku lwe babatwala mu kkooti, yagambye nti bakyanoonyereza kuba waliwo n’abalala bangi be bakyayiggibwa.

Ochom yakkirizza nti kituufu mu bantu be banoonyerezaako era be bagenda okukwata mulimu n’abaserikale ba poliisi b’ataayatuukirizza mannya be yayogeddeko nti bandiba nga babadde bakolagana n’ababbi abaakwatiddwa.

“Ekituufu waliwo abaserikale abagambibwa okuba nga beenyigira mu bubbi, naye tebannaba kukwatibwa. Bali mu bifo byanjawulo era tujja kubakwata,” Ochom bwe yagambye.







The country of Uganda in East Africa tops all the countries in the region, in military hardware expenditures:

18 March, 2018


By Allan Olingo


Uganda People's Defence Force soldiers man Juba International Airport in 2014. DPU

Uganda People's Defence Force soldiers man Juba International Airport in 2014. Uganda spent $18 million in 2017 against the previous year’s arms purchases that were below $1 million. PHOTO | DPU

East Africa’s military expenditure dropped by more than 60 per cent in the past three years, reaching $32 million in 2017, from a high of $92 million in 2015.

South Sudan, which has been the region’s biggest military spender, did not make any purchases last year, largely because of an ailing economy and threats of an arms embargo.

The latest report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sipri) shows that Uganda spent $18 million in 2017, against the previous year’s purchases that were below $1 million.

Kenya slashed its spending by half to $13 million from $28 million a year earlier, while Tanzania did not make purchases last year, after spending $20 million in 2016.

Uganda expects five helicopters from the United States later this year as part of a $87.6 million contract with Bell Helicopters signed in September 2016.

Bell Helicopters is to supply Kenya and Uganda with 13 helicopters and spares, which these two countries plan to use to boost their operations in neighbouring Somalia, where they are fighting al-Shabaab militants under the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom) command.


Uganda’s expenditure is curious as it fights allegations, alongside Kenya, of secretly arming Juba.

“Weapons continue to flow into South Sudan from diverse sources, often with the co-ordination of neighbouring countries. It is true that large quantities of weapons and ammunition are flowing into South Sudan through Kenya and Uganda,” Adama Dieng, UN special adviser for prevention of genocide told Voice of America.

But, both governments have denied the allegations.

“Kenya remains impartial in regard to the South Sudanese parties, including the political parties as well as the various armed and non-armed opposition groups, as it rallies the regional governments and the international community to sustain pressure on the parties to recommit to the peace process,” said Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Monica Juma.

Arms embargo

On Thursday, the UN renewed the South Sudan peacekeeping mission mandate and threatened Juba with an arms embargo, barely a month after the US drafted a resolution pushing for an arms embargo against South Sudan to pile more pressure on President Salva Kiir.

“I urge my fellow Council members to support an arms embargo. This isn’t punishment. Nor is it a meaningless gesture. It is something we can do to actually help the people of South Sudan — to slow the violence, slow the flow of arms and ammunition, and protect innocent lives,” US ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley told the UN Security Council.

In 2016, a confidential UN report also accused Egypt of selling military equipment, small arms, ammunition and armoured vehicles to Juba, a claim that the UN panel of experts say was corroborated by high-ranking South Sudanese military and intelligence officers. That same year, Juba acquired two fighter jets and truckloads of small arms ammunition.

“Two truckloads of ammunition were transferred to the capital Juba from Uganda in June 2016. Later that year, South Sudanese ex-army chief Paul Malong asked a Lebanese company to begin developing a small arms ammunition manufacturing facility in Juba,” the UN monitors said in their report, adding that they were investigating how the two L39 jets from Ukraine that were sold to Uganda ended up with the South Sudanese army.

Last year, confidential reports suggested that Kampala had purchased weapons from Russia, landing in early August at the Entebbe airport en route to Juba, a claim the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF) denied. The 40-tonne consignment consisted of 31 tonnes of AK-47 rifles, bayonets, extra magazines and assorted weapons.

Head of the Sipri project on military expenditure in the arms transfers and military expenditure programme Sam Perlo-Freeman said that some of these purchases in the region had a direct relation to the conflict in Somalia, where Burundi, Uganda and Kenya are participating in the African Union mission against al-Shabaab.

Uganda has in the past two years lost military hardware in the Somalia conflict and is believed to have used part of the $18 million for armament.

According to UPDF records, since the 2011 incursion into Somalia, Uganda has lost two MI-24 helicopters worth around $10 million, tanks, armoured personnel carriers, earth moving equipment and ammunition.

In September 2017, Uganda’s contingent in Amisom got 19 Acmat Bastion armoured vehicles from the United States and in February this year, the same contingent received an unspecified number of unmanned aerial vehicles to be used for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance.

The Sipri report shows that last year, Kenya bought a second-hand naval gun, AK-630 30mm, from Montenegro for the modernisation of Jasiri OPV (offshore patrol vessel).

In February 2017, the Kenya Navy received the last six metal shark patrol boats. Another four were handed over last year bringing their total cost to $4.9 million.

Military partnership

Last year, Kenya also received an unknown number of AH-1 cobra attack helicopters as part of its military partnership with Jordan.

In July 2017, the country also received its last two Huey II helicopters. The aircraft is powered by a new Honeywell T53-L-703 engine, enabling it to have an improved hover performance in hot conditions, mirroring KDF’s needs in Somalia.

Kenya’s military expenditure in 2018 is expected to rise as it is awaiting a dozen MD 530F armed light helicopters from US-based MD Helicopters at a cost of $253 million, whose orders were placed in May 2017.

The order from Nairobi included the provision of MD 530F “cayuse warrior” light attack helicopters, 24 HMP 400 machine gun pod systems, 24 M260 rocket launcher systems and assorted ammunition.

In the past three years, Tanzania has acquired 14 new J-7Gs fighter jets, Type 63A amphibious tanks, A100 multiple rocket launchers and Type 07PA self-propelled mortars from China.

The Sipri report shows that arms imports by African states decreased by 22 per cent in the past five years. Russian arms exports to Africa fell by 32 per cent although the country still accounted for 39 per cent of total imports to the continent.

On the other hand, China’s arms exports to Africa rose by 55 per cent, and its share of total African arms imports increased from 8.4 per cent to 17 per cent.

In the past three years, 22 sub-Saharan African countries procured major arms from China which saw Beijing accounting for 27 per cent of sub-Saharan African arms imports.

The US accounted for 11 per cent of arms exports to Africa over the same period with its transfers mainly in small batches of weapons and included eight helicopters for Kenya and five for Uganda, which were supplied as US military aid.






It seems the country of Uganda needs another national dialogue to heal an ailing 1995 Military Constitution:


Until Mr Arsene Wenger leaves no changes bring change

Asuman Bisiika

By Asuman Bisiika

Uganda has been an independent country since Tuesday, October 9, 1962. However, 56 years after independence, all the political efforts aimed at nation building have not yielded tangible and sustainable value systems to build a national political culture and consensus.

The political history of Uganda reads like a case study in a crisis of confidence; with brutal armed conflict as a sub text. And with such a crisis of confidence, building a national consensus to rally the population has eluded the country.

The view that electoral processes would bring the much needed national consensus has fallen flat. For good measure, Uganda has now held five consecutive national elections since 1996.

If one added the election that brought the first post-independence government in 1962 and the famous 1980 elections, Uganda is likely to be one of the very few African countries that have held more than five multi-party elections.

Yet all of those numbers of elections add up to nothing; because they have always attracted the tag of ‘disputed elections’.

Most Ugandans now seem to have come to the conclusion that elections alone are unlikely to produce the much-needed and elusive national consensus. That’s why Ugandans now have minimal confidence in electoral processes as a source of a national consensus behind which to rally the population and national vision.

With this state of affairs, most Ugandans would espouse the idea of a national dialogue as a basis or platform from which a national consensus would be generated to rally the population.

After the 2011 and 2016 elections, it became apparent to most Ugandans that elections would not be the main instrument to build a national consensus. And the idea of seeking alternative tools was born.

The idea of holding a national dialogue was mooted by The Elders Forum of Uganda (TEFU) immediately after the 2016 elections.

It has gained so much currency that it now represents one of (or the only?) hope for Uganda to generate a national consensus.

For some historical background, it should be noted that Uganda has had three clear opportunities to build national consensus namely: 1) The political and administrative processes that led Uganda to independence; 2) The 1978-9 war effort against military ruler Gen Idi Amin; and 3) The process of making the 1995 Constitution.

However, all these opportunities seem to have only offered the political and military elite an opportunity to pursue their own political interests than to forge a national political value system on which a national consensus would be built.

Whereas the lead-up to the 1962 consensus was about who would own which part of Uganda after the departure of the British colonialists, the 1995 Constitution was more concerned with the holding and exercising of state power.

Clearly both the 1962 (pre-independence) consensus and the 1995 consensus fell short of addressing some historical, current and future challenges. And momentous opportunities of 1962 and 1995 were clouded by immediacy and currency of the time.

The currency in 1962 was the urge or the drive to (quickly) gain independence from the British colonialists and in 1995, it was about the legitimacy of the political and military elite who had grabbed power by force of arms in 1986.

Today, the call for a national dialogue represents another attempt by Ugandans to forge a national consensus. This time Ugandans seek sustainable solutions to their historical, current and future challenges.






In Uganda, the Preferential Trade Area loan that was acquired by mistake is becoming an NRM political problem: MPs tell Muhakanizi to back off parliament:

February 21, 2018


MPs have warned ministry of Finance permanent secretary Keith Muhakanizi to back off parliament and wait for auditor general's report on the controversial $200m (Shs 715 billion) Preferential Trade Area (PTA) loan.

The MPs accuse ministry of Finance of obtaining the loan by 'by false pretense', but in an interview with Daily Monitor, Muhakanizi branded the MPs as ignorant and biased with a conspiracy.

PAC chairperson Angelina Osege (R) and her deputy Gerald Karuhanga address the media over the PTA loan

Parliament's Public Accounts Committee (PAC) last year investigated the utilisation and disbursement of the PTA loan, in which Finance is accused of failing to disburse the money to the intended beneficiaries even after the PTA bank released the money.


The loan proposal had originally been rejected by parliament on January 7, 2016, but ministry of Finance reportedly changed the objective of the loan, emphasizing medical supplies to get the required parliamentary approval on April 26, 2016.

Despite the loan approval and acquisition, National Medical Stores (NMS) to date is yet to get the Shs 156 billion from the loan to purchase drugs.

The loan was among other issues to ease finance expenditure pressure, resulting from the exchange rate depreciation in financial year 2015/2016.

In its report to the House recently, PAC recommended that Muhakanizi be relieved of his duties and Finance minister Matia Kasaija be censored following their involvement in processing the said loan.

However speaker Rebecca Kadaga resolved that the auditor general first audits the PTA loan before debate takes place in the House.

At a press conference addressed by PAC members led by Angeline Ossegge at parliament, legislators warned Muhakanizi against what they believe is contempt of the House.

“We are surprised at the ignorance, behaviour and largely arrogance that even before we see what’s in auditor general’s report, we see them abusing parliament,” PAC vice chairperson Gerald Karuhanga said.

“It’s sad but Mr Muhakanizi must realize that no amount of abuse or disregard of parliament is going to deter us [MPs] from interrogating the ministry of Finance just like all other agencies of government that report to PAC,” he added.

The MPs argue that if Kasaija and Muhakanizi had listened to Bank of Uganda governor Emmanuel Mutebile’s advice not to go for an interest loan, Uganda would be saved of interest to a tune of Shs 81 billion.

Uganda will be required to pay an extra Shs 81 billion because of the responsible officers’ (Kasaija and Muhakaniza) insistence on borrowing non-interest free money.

The auditor general is expected to investigate the issue and deliver a report to the house this month before parliament can decide on the fate of Muhakanizi and that of minister Kasaija.






In Uganda, the Inspector General Mr Kahiyura seems to be chasing his own tail as crime intensifies:

February 14, 2018

Written by Pius Muteekani Katunzi


Ida Rolf once wrote: “The where you think it is, it ain’t circle. Everything inside the circle impacts the circle. That’s your body as a whole. Everything outside the circle impacts the circle. That’s your environment.”

The inspector general of police (IGP), General Kale Kayihura, believes the public has been unfair in its criticism of police’s work.  He believes Uganda has the best police force ever under his command.

But this belief does not tally with the rot exposed recently by the intervention of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) agents. Most of his trusted officers who were arrested were involved in acts ranging from blackmail to kidnap to corruption to murder.

General Kayihura is like the legendary irritated dog that was heavily infested with fleas; instead of seeking the help of the master, it chose to involve itself in the game of chasing its own tail. The more it attempted to catch the tail, the more confusion it caused for itself.

Kayihura is one of the longest-serving IGPs, having assumed that office in 2005. Therefore, the shape and character of the current police force is directly his work.

While presiding over the passing out of 58 police officers at the Police Command and Staff College at Bwebajja, Kayihura declared that he had ordered for the overhaul of 4,000 criminal investigations officers.

He wants to rid the directorate of criminal investigations of bad apples. The clean-up, according to Kayihura, is to be followed up by further training by former USA Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents and British police officers (Scotland Yard).

Perhaps before the good general embarks on training, he needs to establish one thing in the forces: legitimacy. There is no amount of training that will turn police into a reliable and legitimate force if people do not trust it.

Our police force is so militarized that at times it appears like an occupation army.  The officers are armed to the teeth and sometimes the power of being armed takes away the people skills that police officers need to solve social issues.

The police have driven a wedge between themselves and the people. Some are like vultures, turning cases to be investigated into carcasses to be devoured. Certain cases can never attract the attention and expertise of a police officer because it is regarded as ‘dry’.

Kayihura’s reign at police has more faith in firepower than establishing legitimate relations with the community. But the firepower has failed to rid the city of criminals who attack residents everywhere and steal their property. At times they have killed those who try to resist them.

The firepower has failed to solve various mysterious murder cases of women in Entebbe and other areas.

It is under his reign that all manner of paramilitary outfits are taking over the work of police. We have had the Boda Boda 2010 who are not recognized by the law but they were armed. They had power to arrest, maim and kill in the name of police. Some police officers could not even touch the Boda Boda 2010 agents.  Then we had the crime preventers. This outfit was misconceived and ended up producing more crime harbingers than preventers.

The Constitution and other laws such as the Police Act empower all citizens to be crime preventers.  Police didn’t have to create another force to augment its work. What would have worked better is to improve their social relations with various communities and perhaps recruit more police officers than engage in this failed project.

Community leaders are more suited to prevent crime than the armed preventers. These leaders know who is or not employed, they know school dropouts in the area, they know those involved in drug abuse, or the strangers in the community. They should have borrowed the idea of ten cells (Mayumba Kkumi) and improved on it. In the past, it did a wonderful job of gathering intelligence and dismantling crime cells.

What the general needs to do is to reestablish legitimacy of police with citizens. Ugandan women need to feel that when they are in the hands of police officers, their breasts do not risk being fondled. The men, too, should feel that they won’t be thrown under the seats of pickup trucks like sacks of charcoal!

Crime preventers should be dismantled and more resources invested in police officers. The welfare of police needs improvement. Otherwise, Kayihura will keep chasing his tail with no result.

The author is the business development director at The Observer Media Limited.




Tracing Uganda’s ‘rebel’ politicians since 1962 that end up as criminal or liberation:


Moved. The government is looking to an East

These politicians represent a small part of the rebels that have made the country of Uganda.

It was decided this week that the ruling NRM party will write to its Members of Parliament who voted against the removal of age limit for presidential candidates to explain their decision.

It emerged during the Tuesday NRM Parliamentary Caucus that the 27 MPs who sided with the Opposition to reject the amendment of the Constitution would know whether they will appear before the party disciplinary committee or not.

But this is not the first time we see seemingly independent-minded politicians go against their party positions in Ugandan politics. In this article we trace the political mavericks since 1962.

Alex Yaffesi Lobidra

Earlier in 1962, Alex Yaffesi Lobidra, a UPC Member of Parliament representing West Nile and Madi North West Constituency, became the first Ugandan political maverick when he crossed the floor and became an Independent.

This, he did after opposing his party position on expelling Kenyan trade unionists from Uganda. Majority of UPC members, as a ruling party, had resolved to expel the Kenyans.

But on November 6, 1962, Lobidra announced that he had crossed the floor of the House, citing what he called “disillusionment” with the UPC party.

“I have become an Independent member of the House. I would never join the DP,” he declared.

“The government is looking to an East African federation, leading to a United States of Africa, but Mr Adoko Nekyon and Mr Felix Onama want to send Kenyans back to Kenya, because they believe Kenyan trade unionists are trying to cripple Uganda’s economy. I shall remain in the House as an Independent member and will stand as an Independent in the next elections.”

While his stand did not stop the UPC government from expelling Kenyans from Uganda, history absolved him. In his deliberation Lobidra said the Uganda government wanted to expel Kenyan traders for fear of competition and in future someone will use the same excuse to expel Asians (Indians) from Uganda. And in November 1972, president Idi Amin expelled Indians from Uganda.

Lobidra remained a pain in UPC’s neck as an Independent MP until 1966 when president Obote lured him back to the party and appointed him permanent secretary Ministry of Housing and Labour.

Bidandi Ssali

Bidandi Ssali may be aging and out of politics, but those who encountered him in Kampala in the early and mid-1960s say he was a power to reckon with.

As a UPC Youth Wing leader, he loved his party and wanted it to thrive on democratic principles. But that was not to be and a clash was inevitable.

Bidandi became more prominent in politics after the April 1964 UPC delegates’ conference held in Gulu for the election of party leadership.

Grace Ibingira was elected new party secretary general, having controversially defeated former party secretary general John Kakonge with 127 votes. Ibingira got 738 votes against Kakonge’s 611 votes.

Bidandi and other UPC youth wingers, including Kintu Musoke and Kirunda Kivejinja, opposed the sham election. After the Gulu conference, Ibingira restructured the party organisation and gave powers to what others saw as dishing out to his cronies such as Kezekia Musisi, a Kampala City councillor.

This angered many in the party, and on the morning of September 12, 1964, Bidandi Ssali led a UPC Youth Wingers demonstration and stormed Kampala Club where UPC stalwarts were dining.

The situation was saved by the arrival of police. Bidandi’s action and concern attracted the attention of party leader and then prime minister Milton Obote.

In December 1964, Bidandi Ssali met Obote and told him that while he loved the party, he was opposed to the treachery and intrigue in UPC.

He also warned the prime minister that Ibingira was using his position as secretary general to create a Bantu faction aimed at the ousting the Nilotics from power, a claim Ibingira would deny.

But using his power, Ibingira caused the expulsion of Bidandi Ssali and others from the party. Two years later, history exonerated Bidandi Ssali. In February 1966, Obote arrested Ibingira and four other ministers, accusing them of planning a coup against him.

During the making of the 1967 Republic Constitution, about 20 UPC MPs objected their party position and so were absent on the day the Constitution was promulgated.

Among those who opposed their party wrong policies was Teso East MP Curthbert Obwangor who was later imprisoned on alleged attempted treason charges.

Aggrey Awori

Today as a politician, Aggrey Awori maybe operating from behind the scenes, but between 1981 and 1982, he was a UPC party maverick.

He openly opposed and intellectually debated against the views of the party, party president as well as party Secretary General Luwuliza Kirunda.

In order to manage him, in 1982 president Obote appointed him Uganda’s ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Washington. This was done to put him out of the national politics.

Speaking to Sunday Monitor on phone on Friday, Awori said: “I opposed the government policy of the liberalisation of the economy as recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. I wanted the government to have a stake in the economy.”

“At the time, people like Paulo Muwanga could bring lorries full of matooke to Kampala and charge exorbitant prices. I was opposed to leaving the economy to individuals and private companies to run it.”

Incensed by Awori’s public outbursts, Obote one day invited Awori to his office on the fourth floor of the Parliament building in Kampala.

In a heated argument, Obote reminded Awori that it was him, and not Awori, who was running the country.

Awori attempted to counter-argue, but the infuriated Obote said: “I am sending you to Washington.”

When Awori asked why, Obote answered: “You understand Americans better and the World Bank and IMF.” His new posting was to take immediate effect.

Besigye emerges

When the 1995 Constitution came into force, the idea that President Museveni should run again in 1996 became divisive. A number of his Bush War colleagues thought that having served as post-war leader for 10 years, the former guerrilla had done his time and needed to retire. In any case, Mr Museveni had promised to serve only four years as president.

After Mr Museveni was returned as winner of the presidential election for the first time in 1996, a number of his Bush War colleagues who felt the ideals for which they had fought had begun to be neglected felt that should be his last term.

Discussions started on how Mr Museveni would be replaced, with key players including Eriya Kategaya, who was deemed to be Museveni’s No. 2, Moses Kigongo and Salim Saleh also taking part in the conversations.

Another former Bush War fighter who took interest in the debate on transiting from Museveni was Kizza Besigye, then a colonel holding a command position in the army.

But as the 2001 election drew closer, it became increasingly likely that Mr Museveni would run again, causing a split among the Bush War comrades that were debating his exit. The majority took the view that if Museveni wanted, they would let him go for the second and “last” constitutional term that would run between 2001 and 2006.

Besigye would have none of this. Besigye in 2009 authored a stinging critique of Museveni’s government entitled “An insider’s account of how the Movement lost the broad base”, setting off panic within the establishment.

The dossier laid Mr Museveni’s government bare, with his former Bush War physician accusing his government of corruption, nepotism and cronyism. The talk then was that whereas what Besigye had written bore truth and needed to be discussed, he had expressed the views in “the wrong forum”.

Being a serving soldier, Mr Museveni said Besigye would be tried in the military court. After months of back and forth, Besigye was spared the military trial and allowed to retire from the army, releasing him to launch a political assault on Museveni that, 18 years and four presidential elections in which both men have faced off, is still raging.

Opposing Kyankwanzi resolution

In early 2005, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party held a conference at Kyankwanzi to map out a strategy to remove the presidential term limits. The move was opposed by many of the NRM members, but some backed down after they were told to toe the party line.

Dr Miria Matembe, Sarah Kiyingi, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali and Eriya Kategaya were party stalwarts who unshakably opposed the party move. And because of opposing the party line, in the subsequent Cabinet reshuffle, all the four were dropped.

The presidential term limit was removed to permit the party leader, President Museveni, to contest for the third term in 2006. In order to end the opposition to the Bill, an inducement of Shs5 million was given to MPs to amend the Constitution which called for only two five-year terms for president

NRM rebel MPs

Mavericks in the party tend to create cracks in the party. This happened to the NRM when its members – Ndorwa East MP Wilfred Niwagaba, Buyaga West MP Barnabas Tinkasiimire, Lwemiyaga MP Theodore Ssekikubo and Kampala Central MP Mohamed Nsereko – came out strongly during the oil debate.

The group was later expelled by the top organ of the ruling NRM after they were implicated over indiscipline and breach of the party code of conduct.

An attempt to have them kicked out of Parliament, however, hit a snag. For the first time, a special place was created for the four in Parliament pending a court case which also ended in their favour. The four commonly referred to as “NRM Rebel MPs” enjoy huge support in their constituencies.

In December 2017, several NRM Members of Parliament joined the Opposition in objecting to the removal of Article 102b of the Constitution which had put a 75-year cap for those intending to run for president.

Since then, the NRM has been talking of disciplining those who went against the party position of supporting its removal.

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