1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



Abaalwana mu ssematalo batiisizza okukuba Gavumenti ya Bungereza mu mbuga:


By Deo Ganyana


Added 29th May 2018


Abaalwana mu ssematalo batiisizza okukuba Gavumenti ya Bungereza mu mbuga



Wa1 703x422

Abaazirwanako nga bali mu lukiiko


BANNAYUGANDA  Abazira abalwana mu Ssematalo ow’okubiri nga bali ku ludda lwa Bungereza batiisizza okukuba Gavumenti ya Bungereza mu Mbunga olw’okulemererwa okusasula  akasiimo kaabwe kebabasuubiza okuva olutalo bwe lwaggwa mu mwaka gwa 1945.

Bano mu lukiiko lwebakubye ku Kyalo Kiwenda ku luguudo lwe Gayaza mu disitulikiti ye Wakiso bategeezezza nti abangereza babawamba nga bakyali bavubuka era ne babakaka okuyingira olutalo nga balwanira ku ludda lwabwe nga tebasasulwa kubanga mu kiseera ekyo Uganda gaali matwale ga Bungereza kyokka olutalo bwe lwaggwa ne babasuubiza okubasiima mu ngeri ey'enjawulo nga n’okutuusa kati  tewali kyebaali balabye.



Abaazirwanako bano nga bayita mu bannamateeka baabwe aba Bainomugisha and Company Adivocate bategeezezza nga bwebamaze okubaga ekiwandiiko ekigenda okuweebwa Nnabakyala wa Bungereza era essaawa yonna kimutuukako kubanga ensonga eno egimanyi bulungi era betaaga bweetaazi kumujjukiza nti abantu beyasuubizza bakyaliyo balamu kubanga ayinza okulowooza nti baafa olwo balyoke bagende mu kooti ng’omuntu gwebavunaana akimanyi buluungi .

Bano era  belonzeemu  akakiiko nga kakulirwa muzeeyi Eriyabu Kavuma nga bonna balwana era nga kekagenda okukiikirira banaabwe abalala omuli n’abaafa okubanja ssente zino .

African Union admits killing Somali civilians at wedding
Publish Date: Aug 22, 2015
African Union admits killing Somali civilians at wedding
The military bombs in Somalia killing civilians


THE African Union force in Somalia apologised Friday for the "tragic" killing of seven civilians at a wedding last month, an attack it previously denied, saying three soldiers had been charged.


Witnesses in Somalia's southern port town of Merka told AFP that troops from the 22,000-strong AU force in Somalia (AMISOM) had opened fire after insurgents hurled a grenade at a passing convoy on July 21.


Hours after the attack, AMISOM said it "categorically" denounced the "devious allegation."


Human Rights Watch (HRW) later alleged that Ugandan troops with AMISOM -- which fights alongside Somali government forces against the Al-Qaeda affiliate, the Shebab -- massacred six men in "cold blood" at a wedding after a bomb attack.


"At one house, where the Moalim Iidey family was celebrating a wedding, the soldiers separated the men from the women and shot the six adult men -- four brothers, their father, and an uncle," the HRW report read.


"Four died immediately, one brother hid under a bed after being shot but later died, and the father died during the night after the soldiers allegedly refused to allow the family to take him to the hospital."


On Friday, AU envoy and AMISOM head Maman Sidikou admitted the killings of civilians had taken place.


"We have established that, on that occasion, seven civilians died following an incident involving our troops," Sidikou said in a statement released in Kenya.


"I would like on behalf of the African Union, to offer my sincere apology for these deaths. We regret these deaths."


Three AMISOM soldiers have been "indicted and are awaiting to be arraigned before a military judicial process," he added.


"I have instituted a board of inquiry composed of military, civilian and police officers who are not from the contingent concerned in order to ensure impartiality."


Deployed to Somalia since 2007, AMISOM has helped push back Shebab across much of the country's south, retaking towns and territory the group had held for years.


"Our soldiers are operating in a very complex environment," Sidikou added.


"We will continue to appeal to our host communities to facilitate the work of our troops in the fight against Al-Shebab...We will continue to uphold the inviolability of civilian lives as sacrosanct."



Read through my latest blog posts and feel free to comment on them if you like.
























Amagezi agali mu bitabo bino ogasanga ne ku mukutu gwa www.bazzukulubabuganda.com



Latest Posts


Posted on 5th July, 2015

Kabaka Muteesa II is exiled as His Kingdom of Buganda calls for cessation and independence:

Kabaka Muteesa II (R) at Rubaga cathedral after his return from exile in 1955.

He was forced into exile on November 30, 1953.


By Henry Lubega


Posted  Sunday, July 5  2015 


Banished. When Kabaka Muteesa wrote a letter inviting the missionaries, little did he know that those who would come after them would work to bring down his kingdom. This week, we go back to 1953 when Kabaka Muteesa disagreed with the colonial masters and ended up being exiled. He later returned, but as a constitutional king and not the monarchical king he was before.

The missionaries were never officially invited on their first visit, but upon proving themselves, they were officially invited to teach the people. 

When the British came to Buganda on the invitation of then Kabaka Muteesa I, they were guests until they became master.

In 1900, they signed the Buganda Agreement, which guided the relationship between the two parties up until the 1950s. One of the articles in the agreement dealt with land and this agreement barred Europeans from owning land, hence saving Uganda from having White settlers as it was the case in neighbouring Kenya.

In the 1920s and 1930s, the British tried pushing for the closer union of their territory in East Africa, a thing that was vehemently opposed in Buganda. The Baganda feared they would lose their status in the bigger union.

With the resistance in Buganda, the British backed off the project. 

However, a year into the reign of Andrew Cohen as the Governor of Uganda, then secretary of state for the colonies Oliver Lyttelton in June 1953, renewed the call for the creation of a federation for East Africa. When Buganda officials learnt of the new calls, they went up in protest against the new proposals.

With the new calls, there was mistrust from Buganda against the British and they started demanding for their independence and the restoration of the status quo as before the 1900 agreement.

The British would not listen to the demand for independence from Buganda at that time, leading to a political impasse between the two. 

The series of talks between governor Cohen and the Kabaka failed to break the deadlock with Buganda more determined to separate from the rest of Uganda. Cohen reacted by invoking the 1900 agreement demanding that the Kabaka accepts the new policy of developing Uganda as a unitary state.

With Muteesa’s instance of cessation on November 30, 1953, Cohen revoked article 6 of the 1900 agreement which recognised Muteesa as the native ruler of Buganda, and he was immediately exiled.

When news of the Kabaka being exiled filtered through, it sparked off a series of demonstrations in Buganda leading to a crisis and the Baganda refused to elect a replacement, demanding his return to his throne.

The disturbance which followed the banishment became a point of concern to the British government, governor Cohen, and the Buganda Lukiiko.

In March 1954, the director of the institute of commonwealth studies at the London University, Prof Keith Hancock, was invited by Lyttelton and Cohen to mediate between the protectorate government and representatives of the Buganda Kingdom. Upon his arrival, the Baganda called him Wankoko.

From July to September 1954, Hancock chaired a total of 49 meetings first with a committee selected by the Buganda Lukiiko and another from the protectorate government and later met with governor Cohen. 

The Buganda constitution committee, as it was called, had 17 members, including Mr Mugwanya, the Omulamuzi, Bishop Joseph Kiwanuka, P. Musoke, Dr E. Kalibala, A. K. Kironde, Mgr J. Kasule, E. M. K. Mulira, Fr J. K. Masagazi, T. A. K. Makumbi, Y. K. Lule, J. G. Sengendo-Zake, Mr Y. Kyaze and E. Z. Kibuka as their secretary.

Among the 39 articles of the Namirembe conference report, one recommended that: “The Kingdom of Buganda, under the Kabaka’s government, should continue to be an integral part of the protectorate; that the conduct of public affairs in Buganda should be in the hands of ministers; and that, while all the traditional dignities of the Kabaka should be fully safeguarded, Kabakas in future should be constitutional rulers bound by a solemn engagement to observe the conditions of the agreements regarding the constitution and not to prejudice the security and welfare of the Buganda people and the protectorate.”

Six chapters dealt with constitutional arrangements in Buganda, relationship of Buganda with the protectorate, citizenship, administration of justice and local administration in Buganda, and review of the Uganda agreement 1900 respectively.

Article one of the first chapter was a blow to the majority of the Baganda who were demanding for the cessation of their kingdom. 

It stated: “The Kingdom of Buganda under the Kabaka’s government shall continue to be an integral part of the protectorate of Uganda.”

The legal challenge

As soon as the deportation of the Kabaka became a public issue, one of the young legal brains in Buganda decided to take it upon himself to challenge the legality of the governor’s actions. 

Apollo Kironde, then a little known lawyer, sought the help of more experienced British lawyers to go to court. By 1953, when he challenged Governor Cohen, he was a junior to Sir Dingle Foot and Charles Shawcross who were practicing law in a number of countries that were British colonies, including Uganda.

Riots and state of emergency 

With tempers flaring over the banishment, many people reacted by rioting in Buganda. The Governor reacted to the riots with a declaration of a state of emergency in May 1954. 

The state of emergency in Uganda was drawn to the attention of the House of Commons in a private note to the house by a one Mr Dugdale. 

Responding to the notice on June 1, 1954, the secretary of state for colonies is quoted in the Hansard of the House of Commons saying: “As the House will be aware, the governor of Uganda yesterday imposed a state of emergency in the province of Buganda.”

“This step has been taken because an attempted trade boycott is now being intensified by threats and intimidation to the public in Buganda. 

Towards the end of April, the Uganda National Congress called for a three-month buying boycott of everything but bare necessities.”

The boycott started fairly peaceably, but during the last week members of the public were forcibly prevented from selling and buying goods. Cases were reported of people being compelled to return goods which they had bought.

Coffee trees belonging to people who had ignored the boycott were cut down. Intimidation greatly increased and criminal elements took advantage of the situation.

During the state of emergency, the governor used his powers to ban three newspapers. The ban was based on the allegation that the papers were “consistently stirring up disaffection against the government and regents of Buganda, and which contained articles stirring up racial hatred”.

The speaker of the House went ahead to say: “The special constabulary has been called up and troops are available should they be required, but at present the situation remains calm, and I have received no report of disturbances.”

“I should like again to emphasise that the governor’s action, the necessity for which I greatly regret, has been taken solely to enable the government to carry out its first duty of maintaining law and order and to protect the law-abiding public from the activities of a comparatively small number of irresponsible agitators.”

Debate on Buganda crisis

During a seating of the House of Commons on November 16, 1954, it was made clear that the two parties, the protectorate government and the Buganda government, had to find a solution to the crisis. 

According to the British Hansard of November 1954, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Geofrey Fisher, while making his submission to the House of Commons, said: “My Lords, Christian opinion, both in this country and in Buganda, has been deeply and anxiously exercised about this unhappy matter ever since the Kabaka was deported.” 

“At the very beginning of this distressing business, as I think, mistakes were made on both sides. I trust that all concerned will set to work to establish this settlement, then within a year, and indeed it may be in a shorter time, the way is open for the return of the Kabaka, if his people so desire.”

“As the noble Earl has said, there is still a great need for patience and restraint. I hope that the exemplary patience of the Lukiiko and of the people of the Buganda will continue and will earn quickly, as I think now it may, its full reward in a satisfied country and a renewal of complete trust between them and ourselves.”

Lord Fisher’s proposal for the king to be allowed to return within a year after the Namirembe conference sparked a hot debate in the House of Commons with many of the members fearing that if the Kabaka’s return is not timed well it may instead fuel the crisis being handled. 

Responding to the point of inquiry from Lord Chorley, the speaker of the House of Commons said: “My lords, in these questions it is difficult always to predict precisely when the date will be. But our object is to get the constitution working satisfactorily before the Kabaka goes back.”

About the 1900 Pact

The Buganda Agreement of 1900 defined the boundaries of Buganda Kingdom, and was eventually extended to all of the British Uganda Protectorate.

Having captured, and exiled to the Seychelles Islands, Kabaka Mwanga of Buganda and Omukama Kabalega of Bunyoro, the British found that they had a free hand to impose their rule over Uganda.

This responsibility fell on Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston, who arrived in Uganda in 1899 and took up the role of consul general over the Uganda Protectorate. Johnston’s main job would be to ensure the signing of what came to be known as the 1900 (B)Uganda Agreement.



Posted on 1st July, 2015
The Kabaka of Buganda on his birthday this year brings back the question of governance in the country of Uganda:
April 17, 2019
Written by Apollo Nelson Makubuya

The Kabaka of the Kingdom of Buganda, celebrating his birthday


In celebrating the Kabaka’s 64th birthday, the people of Buganda once again demonstrated unwavering loyalty to their sovereign.

The huge turnout at the birthday run and at Ndejje SS, for the main celebrations, was unmistakably an endorsement of his authority. Masaza and Bika football tournaments have been equally massive in the past. These events  have come with increased awareness and financial support  in the education, sports, health (fistula, HIV/Aids, sickle cell) and economic spheres in Buganda.


The epic, and growing, demonstration of public support towards the Kabaka and his government at once highlights nagging political questions in our country and problematizes its governance and constitutional model.


In the political and constitutional context, the fleeting feet that ran or trekked to Ndejje SS, this year and in the past,  were no doubt a vote in support of the Kabaka and what he embodies - including the protection of the environment, promotion of education, health, the propagation and preservation of cultural norms, and, importantly, his advocacy for sharing of power between the centre and the regions of Uganda - in a manner that respects  diversity and engenders equitable sharing of our country’s wealth.

But, in real terms, what does this vote-of-confidence manifest to the people of Buganda and the rest of the country? How can this undisputed vote be harnessed (not suppressed) for political and socioeconomic development for all?

The current legal and political regime places limits on what cultural or traditional leaders and institutions may or may not do. The avowed intention is that they remain cultural or touristic relics. This mindset emanates from an unfortunate colonial and postcolonial history that has pitted the new colonial construct named Uganda against ancient African states such as the Kingdom of Buganda.

Within this purview, when Buganda’s leadership makes demands on power sharing, the custodians of  the inherited colonial state swiftly retort that it should not - on the pretext that its leaders are neither elected nor representative of Buganda - under a Western democracy rubric.

Yet, as is apparent, there exist serious questions (and limitations)  on the efficacy of the Western model of governance  in postcolonial Africa. For a host of reasons, the European model of democracy has met more with failure than with success in Africa.

Conversely, the world is replete with examples of successes in  countries either with homegrown or non-Western governance models. Back home, the reality of the authority and legitimacy of traditional leadership justifies a rethink of our governance and constitutional model.

Furthermore, Buganda’s perennial capacity to mobilise its population for sociocultural and economic development - with very limited resources - again proves the potency of traditional institutions in spite of the hardships they have endured since colonial conquest and occupation. And, although it’s leadership is unelected, it remains credible and respected in ways that elected leadership may not be.

Why? This may be due to the intrinsic connection with its populations’ beliefs and aspirations or, due to the frustrations its people suffer with the way democracy is controlled in this part of the world.

But, whatever the reason for failed ‘democracies’ in Africa, the power-relations and political realities in (B)Uganda point to nothing but a need to revisit the constitutional foundations of both entities so that the country’s full potential may be unleashed in our lifetime.

In short, the popular display of goodwill to the Kabaka and his government over the years needs to go beyond pomp and circumstance. It needs to be translated into tangible socioeconomic and political development.

How this may be achieved consists the single most important challenge that our political  and traditional leaders face - as we look forward to a future of political stability and shared prosperity.

The Kabaka, and singer Mesach Ssemakula, reminded us at this year’s festivities, that no amount of song or dance will help the situation. But, perhaps more importantly, that success will be achieved - only once we get off our laurels and break some sweat.

Happy birthday and long live Ssabasajja!






The Ganda tribesman gives reasons to erect a statue of President Museveni at Mengo Palace Hill:

World Media


Publish Date: Jun 30, 2015 


   By Omuttaka Kavuma-Kaggwa


Over the recent past, there has been big events in Buganda all of them touching on the Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, the symbol of unity of the Baganda. 


One thing clearly stands out that these events are a sign of peace and happiness in the hearts and on the faces of the Baganda. 


The Kabaka spends almost the whole year going to different areas of the country urging his people to work hard and to develop themselves economically, educationally and socially. 


Since the Restoration of the Buganda Kingdom on July 31, 1993, there has been remarkable progress in Buganda and the rest of Uganda. At Mengo, the Baganda have built “MASENGERE”, an ultra-modern building which will accommodate various services of the Kabaka’s Government as well as the Buganda Radio, CBS and most likely the Buganda Television which they plan to establish, if all goes well, in the near future.  


The Kabaka’s government built a huge Commercial Building called “MUGANZIRWAZA” at Katwe/Kibuye and many private companies are accommodated in this Building. The Baganda, under the leadership of the Katikiro, Charles Peter Mayiga, have rebuilt the Kasubi Tombs which were burnt by unknown people in March, 2010. 


What excites the Baganda more is the time when the Kabaka appears in public, either at Mengo or when he goes to different places in the country. The moment it is announced that the Kabaka will go to a certain area, the people in that area build triumphal arches, they clear everything to make the place look good, there is dancing on the road and they bring all kinds of presents (Amakula) and offer them to the Kabaka. 


Recently, he was in Buruli county, Nakasongola district and the people were extremely happy to see him and a big number of them had never seen him before. The people told the Katikiro that he should take the Kabaka again to their County. I understand there are plans to develop that county in a big way. 


On May 30, 2015, the Kabaka was at Mukono, the Headquarters of Kyaggwe county, to mark Local Government Day. More than a million people turned up to welcome him. 

The Kabaka authorised May 30 to be observed every year in Buganda to be observed as the Local Government Day. 


The Kabaka has offered a shield to be competed for by all the counties, in promoting development projects intended to eradicate poverty in Buganda. The Kabaka’s government set up a committee, which goes round all the counties to check what kind of development projects have been set up in the villages. The county which wins receives the shield. 


This year 2015, Kyaggwe County came out number one in Buganda and it was the first county to win the shield.  Sabasajja Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, handed it to the Saza Chief Alex Benjamin Kigongo Kikonyogo, at Mukono Saza Headquarters. The Kabaka also gave Kyaggwe County sh7m because of being successful in promoting development projects to eradicate poverty in the county. 


The event which will always be remembered for years to come was the commemoration of 60th Birthday of the Kabaka on April 13, 2015 at Mengo. Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II is the only Kabaka of Buganda who has lived for 60 years simply because we are now living in a Century of Democracy and Rule of Law. 


I saw tens of thousands of people from all over the country at Mengo, who had come to celebrate with the Kabaka.  If you lost a relative or a colleague while there the answer was to wait for him at home.  Celebrations started with the marathon on April 12, 2015 and all the runners were wearing special red shirts.


The number of people I saw could only be compared to almost 2,000,000 people who covered the entire Mengo Hill on October 17, 1955, the day Sir Edward Mutesa returned from exile in London, 1953-1955.  I am proud to say that I am one of those remaining Ugandans who witnessed that return both on October 17 and October 18, 1955 when he signed the 1955 Buganda Agreement.  I was a student at Namilyango College.


On April 13, 2015, I stood somewhere near the big junction not very far from Wankaaki (the main Gate to the Palace) I watched thousands  and  thousands of people  who were  extremely happy and singing Kitiibwa kya Buganda (the Glory of Buganda), walking  along  Kabaka Anjagala towards Bulange.  Some of them could not move because of the big crowds.


One thing came to my mind.  I remembered one man, President Yoweri Museveni who restored the Buganda Kingdom on July 31, 1993 at Naggalabi, Buddo.  I remembered the years 1966 to 1986 when Baganda could  not  go anywhere near the Palace and could not go anywhere near Bulange.  To go there, Obote’s soldiers and Amin’s soldiers were taking you to face death.  During the time of Obote and Amin the Army had occupied the Palace and named it “Malire Barracks” and they occupied Bulange and named it the “Army Headquarters”.


This came about as a result of the Mengo Hill attack by Obote’s Army which was commanded by General Amin on the morning of May 24, 1966.  When Buganda was under such a situation, we could not hold such a celebration or install chiefs as we did recently at Goma Sub-county in Kyaggwe County, Mukono District. Fredrick Mulamba Musoke was installed as the Gombolola chief by the Saza Chief Sekiboobo Alex Kigongo Kikonyogo.


The process of installing new Gombolola Chiefs has been going on in Kyaggwe and other counties throughout the whole month of April. 


The Mengo crisis came as a result of a bitter political disagreement between Kabaka Mutesa who was the non-Executive President of Uganda and Milton Oboto who was the Executive Prime Minister.  It was also reported that it also centered on the return to Bunyoro of the two Counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi.  It was agreed at the Lancaster Conference in London which approved the 1962 Constitution, that after two years,  in 1964, a referendum would be held for the people in that area to decide whether to be part of Bunyoro or to remain in Buganda.


Two years before the referendum, Kabaka Mutesa took many Baganda to that area in preparation for the referendum.  Obote as the Executive Prime Minister issued a decree that only those people whose names appeared on the voting register of 1962 would be allowed to vote in the referendum.  That was a big blow to Mutesa’s plan and he had no executive powers to enforce his plan and he had no control over Parliament.    Obote sided with Bunyoro in the whole process leading to the Referendum.  After the Referendum Mutesa refused to sign the Legal Transfer Documents.  He said that - - “I cannot give away Buganda Land”.  Obote as Executive Prime Minister signed the papers and the two men never spoke to each other again. 


Obote was reported to have received what some people described as “wrong information”, that Mutesa had amassed a big cache of weapons preparing to attack Obote’s Government. Whether that information was wrong or correct, it is anybody’s guess. Obote moved very fast to pre-empt “that attack” and he ordered Army Commander Idi Amin (at that time) to attack the Palace.


The entire “Special Force” of 2,000 men which was sent first in the early morning of May 24, 1966, was wiped out by Edward Mutesa single handedly and he fought continuously for seven hours.  Amin increased fire power and dropped a bomb over the Palace then Mutesa escaped during a heavy rain.


He fled into exile to the United Kingdom where secret agents poisoned him on November 19, 1969.  His remains were brought back by President Idi Amin in 1972 and Sekabaka Mutesa was laid to rest at the Kasubi Tombs near Kampala.


Obote abolished the Buganda Kingdom and other kingdoms in Uganda and declared Uganda a Republic as well as abolishing the 1962 Constitution which had granted Buganda a federal status.


Obote is blamed so much on the “Mengo Hill Crisis” but looking at the other side of the coin, you will find that some blame was put on Mengo. It was actually reported that there were people who had convinced Kabaka Muteesa that they would help him overthrow the Obote Government and that they would bring foreign troops from somewhere to help him. 


Again, when the crisis was brewing up, a member of the Mengo Lukiiko from Kooki County, by the name Kaggwa, moved a motion in the Buganda Lukiiko ordering Obote to “remove the Obote Government from the Buganda Soil and take it to Lango”. When Obote got that information he moved very fast and arrested five of his Ministers who were reported to have been involved in the plot. Those ministers were released from Luzira Prison by President Idi Amin in January 1971 after the overthrow of Obote. 


The happiness on the faces of the Baganda on the 60th Birthday of Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, made me think of what the people of Buganda should do to thank President Museveni permanently, for restoring the Buganda Kingdom.  Remember if it had not been for the  Baganda and President Museveni to work together and fight a five year bitter  war in the  “Luweero Triangle” to remove  the  tyrannical rule of Obote, we would  still be suffering and we could not hold  celebrations in Mengo  as we do now and  we would  still be under some kind of tyrannical rule.


I know he has been President of Uganda for 30 years and will continue until 2021 but there must be something more to that. I would like to suggest that the people of Buganda should build a statue for President Museveni on the eastern side overlooking the Kabaka’s Palace.  The most ideal place is that piece of land on the eastern side of the Palace when you are approaching Wankaaki from Katwe or the Queen’s Clock Tower. That piece of land had three houses which were accommodating Kabaka’s ministers but they were destroyed by Obote’s Army on May 24, 1966.


There are other prominent Baganda and non-Baganda whose statues should be erected there by Buganda.  People like Sekabaka Mutesa I who invited the White Missionaries in 1875 to come and educate Ugandans.   There is also Archbishop Joseph Kiwanuka who was ordained the first Bishop in Africa in 1939. Apollo Kivebulaaya who spread Christianity in Mboga Zaire, Rwanda and Burundi and missionary Semei Nyanzi  who spread Christianity in Northern Uganda. J.W. Kiwanuka, who built Wankulukuku Stadium in 1958, and was Chairman of Uganda National Congress. Semei Lwakirenzi Kakungulu who spread the Kiganda type of administration in Bugishu and other areas of Eastern Uganda


The other people are; I.K. Musaazi and Abu Mayanja (Buganda) Stefano Abwangoto (Bugisu), Ben Okwerede (Teso), Yekosofati Engur (Lango) and S.B. Katembo (Toro). These were the founders of Uganda National Congress, the party which fought for Uganda’s independence and spread the gospel of Nationalism and National unity.


The others are; Joseph Kasolo, Joseph Kasule, S.B. Kibuuka, P. Nsubuga, A.B. Serubiri, L.M. Tyaba, M. Kiddu and Alfonse Ntale, the founders of the Democratic Party and Benedicto Kiwanuka, Uganda’s first Prime Minister in 1961. 


There are also Daudi Ocheng, who bridged the gap between Buganda and the North, Brig. Shaban Opolot who was a good friend of Buganda, Dr. B.N. Kununka, a Munyoro who represented Buganda in the Uganda Legislative Council in 1955/61 before Independence, George Kakoma, who composed the Uganda National Anthem and Polly Kakooza who composed Buganda’s Anthem, “Ekitiibwa kya Buganda”


The 1900 Buganda Heroes, Sir Apollo Kaggwa, Stanislus Mugwanya, Zakaliya Kitaka Kisingiri who made The 1900 Uganda Agreement with the British and the Mill Hill Missionary, Bishop Henry Hanlon who was their Chief Advisor and a Signatory on that agreement. 


With the strong leadership of Katikiro Charles Peter Mayiga, I am absolutely sure that the Baganda can organise “Harambe” which we call “Ettofaali” (fundraising), to build an unbreakable statue of President Museveni to thank him (okumweebaza) for restoring the Buganda Kingdom and bringing Peace and Tranquility and Economic Development in Buganda and the whole of Uganda.


Finally, the young generation in Buganda should be educated on what happened in Buganda when Milton Obote abolished the Buganda Kingdom and other Kingdoms in Uganda.  The abolition of the Kingdom completely crashed the political power and economic power of the Baganda.  Thousands of Baganda fled into exile in Kenya, the United Kingdom, USA, Zambia, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Lesotho, Sweden and German.


Holding any celebration related to the Kingdom would be a dream.  Baganda could not convene clan (Ebika) meetings openly.  Communication was in a mess and there was one radio station in the whole of Uganda.  The only source of World News was the British Radio BBC.  Funny enough the social conversations in bars and other recreational places, was mainly about sex, beautiful girls and all kinds of obscene language.  It was suicidal to engage in any meaningful political conversation.


The extremely exorbitant, fabulous and very expensive Introduction or Kwanjula ceremonies which are common now in Buganda, where not there at that time because the people were poor.


When President Museveni restored the Buganda Kingdom on July 31, 1993, He actually opened the way for the Baganda to rebuild their economic power and political power.  Our brothers the Banyoro are now sure that they are going to develop Bunyoro Kitara with the enormous revenue from their oil.


In Buganda people have  built  schools, universities, hospitals, hotels/lodges, factories and  industries, towns , trading centres, big commercial   buildings, supermarkets, churches and other  places of  worship, social  centres.   The Baganda have developed music which entertains people in the Church and  all  kinds  of  social  gatherings.  People have built places of recreation all along Lake Victoria.


People are rich and a big percentage of people own cars and other kinds of vehicles.  Traffic jam is the order of the day on all roads leading to Kampala.  People feed well and the population has increased to 46 million people.  People are engaged in the service industry everywhere in Uganda which has done a lot to reduce unemployment.


People have built and continue to build good and permanent living houses everywhere in Uganda


Kampala is now the undisputed engine of Uganda’s trade and economic development for our people as well as people from the neighboring Countries.  That is the meaning of the Thirty Years of Political Stability which President Museveni has brought.

The writer is an elder from Kyaggwe in Mukono District