1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



President Museveni has power in the tribal African military but has lost power in a national political state:

He lives in a dilemma of power and powerlessness:

8th August, 2021


By Timothy Kalyegira

President Museveni. PHOTO/PPU


No day seems to go by without the news media not reporting either a major corruption scandal or an instance of gross incompetence in the NRM government.

There is nothing the government does – poverty-alleviation projects, registration exercises, infrastructure programmes or policies – that can start and end without an instance of nepotism, wasted resources or stolen funds.

At the heart of all this is a paradox: President Museveni as both a powerful and powerless leader.
On the one hand, he has been able to hold onto power for three and half decades with negligible challenge to that power both domestically and regionally.

So secure is he in power, in fact, that he can enjoy the luxury of deploying about a third of the army in countries as far afield as Somalia, the Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea and South Sudan on various peacekeeping missions.

Publicly lamenting
On the other hand, this same leader who is secure in office seems unable to control his own government. Increasingly, he is unable to stamp his authority on his own officials and has been reduced to publicly lamenting just like any other citizen.

Huge sums of government funds are looted, it makes it to newspaper front pages, he obviously reads these headlines, threatens to take action, but that’s as far as it goes.

He announces Covid-19 lockdown measures, his own officials are the first to violate them, and he can do nothing.

If there is anything that puzzles Ugandans, it is this paradox about Museveni.

What explains it? We would have to go back to the 1970s and 1980s to understand the root cause.
Museveni, as we all know and frequently hear, is obsessed with history. He studies it, observes it, pontificates about it, draws lessons from it and acts on it.

More than anything for him is the importance of power and alongside that is the question of how to hold onto it without facing a military coup or coup attempt. Everything else is secondary.

Something about the thought of coups troubles him. Most coups in Africa since the 1960s were masterminded and carried out by once-loyal officers.

The assassination in October 1987 of Burkinabe head of state Thomas Sankara in a coup masterminded by his close confidante Blaise Campaore seems to have haunted Museveni, who at the time was just over a year and a half into power.

In his 1997 memoir Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni shows a tone of bitterness at betrayal by comrades more than any other emotion.

Given that many African coups were planned or funded by foreign powers, the question was, what could he do to make sure he did not fall victim to such a coup planned in foreign capitals and carried out by his inner circle of military commanders?

Loyalty to one’s ethnic and blood kin run much deeper in Africa than loyalty to the state or the government.
From his own 15-year experience as a guerrilla from 1971 to 1986, officials in the governments and armies of Idi Amin, Milton Obote and Tito Okello worked secretly for his Fronasa and NRA groups.

Upon assuming state power, it was never far from his mind that people who could serve a government in high offices but act as double agents for the guerrillas fighting Amin and Obote could do just the same to his government.
Museveni concluded that the only people one could count on not to betray him were blood relatives. 

This is how Museveni’s brother Salim Saleh came to be a staple at the heart of power, whether or not he held a formal government position.

When he came of age in the early 2000s, Museveni’s son Muhoozi Kainerugaba joined the army and inevitably was deployed in the presidential guard.

Janet Museveni’s 2011 memoir My Life’s Journey mentions many relatives and personal friends from the 1960s who would go on to hold important jobs in the NRM government. In that sense, the formula of loyalty above all else has worked perfectly for Museveni. 

The second thing he realised was that even with loyal relatives serving him in key offices, that wasn’t enough. 
The African mentality views success primarily in terms of the acquisition of physical property, especially a car and a house.

Once the typical African, be it peasant or professor, has a car and house, that African’s restlessness is usually eased. He or she can relax and want little more in life.

And yet the salaries paid by the Uganda government starting in 1986 were not enough for a civil servant and security officer to buy a plot of land, a car and own a house.

Thus, the practical need to hold onto power at all costs meant that Museveni had to turn a Machiavellian blind eye to the corruption and misuse of office by his key cadres.

Only after their self-actualisation was attained could they settle down and serve him – and of course, a settled and content army officer is less likely to plot a military coup.

This is how we arrived at the paradox being discussed in this article: Museveni as at once powerful and secure in the long-term goal of staying in power, and powerless to maintain a disciplined and honest government.
It is the same side of the same coin.

The only problem with doing business with or hiring relatives, as many of us know, is how to hold them accountable when they cheat or fail at their duty.
It’s as important for a leader to have the power both to appoint an official as to discipline them. 

For Museveni to constantly blame his Cabinet ministers and parliament for failing him, shows how little he understands the role of a leader even after 35 years in power.

It is the job of a leader to see the overall picture and how that broad picture can be broken down into secondary pictures.

It is for a leader to know what works and what doesn’t and for him to have the knowledge and insight into human nature to know whom to appoint to which position to achieve what results.

Museveni has more power than almost any leader one can think of anywhere in the world. 
He appoints not just his Cabinet but gradually over the last 20 years, practically everybody who holds a senior state job, even jobs that are strictly in the civil service or specialised appointments boards – army commanders, police Inspectors General, the heads of the Electoral Commission, revenue body, Permanent Secretaries, ambassadors, RDCs, there are few public officials today who do not trace their appointment directly to Museveni.

Therefore, he cannot blame the failure or delay of government programmes on officials whom he personally spotted and appointed.

Lately, he has been reduced to angrily denouncing errant officials as “pigs,” but the public also senses that this is as far as he can go. Many urban-based Ugandans now believe that a “mafia,” not Museveni, is in charge of Uganda today.

Who is this “mafia” that everyone refers to but seems too afraid to name? 
Put simply, the “mafia” in present-day Ugandan speak is a group of people at the heart of the NRM state who wield the real power and hold the levers of real influence.

They are untouchable by ordinary institutions and laws of the country and, most importantly, are also beyond the President’s political power or willpower to restrain.

Here, Museveni is increasingly resembling President Milton Obote during his second term in the early to mid-1980s.
From 1980 to 1985, Obote had a firm control over the political government, but little control over the army. Museveni has a near-total control over the army, but little control over the political government.

Because it is armies that stage coups, the section of the state Obote had little control over eventually staged one against him in 1971 and 1985.

Museveni for 35 years has been safe from coups, but the section of the state that he is rapidly losing control over is causing great suffering among the ordinary people.

Poor quality and inconsistent public service delivery, tremendous waste of public resources, delays in paying wages and honouring suppliers, disorganisation within the government on an almost daily basis will be the legacy of Museveni.

The reason why Uganda seemed to work during the eight years of president Idi Amin, even with Uganda under a Western economic boycott and a breakdown of internal economic production was that Amin had control over both the military and the civilian government.

Even if he remains in power for another 20 years, Museveni might never have the control over the state that Amin had.






"They deserved to die," The African Gen Elwelu said. He is happy after killing 150 African citizens in Kasese, Western Uganda:

They were international terrorists against the government of Uganda



Written by URN



Lt. Gen Peter Elwelu arrives at parliament to take oath.

The newly elected army representative in parliament, General Peter Elwelu has said that the more than 100 royal guards and family members who were killed during the Kasese clashes were criminals 'who deserved what they got.'



The police and military agencies have been repeatedly accused of killing more than 100 people in November 2016, when their forces descended on the Rwenzururu palace, at the climax of long-standing tension, between the government of Uganda and the Rwenzururu kingdom, the home of the ethnic Bakonzo community.

According to a report released by Human Rights Watch in 2017, at least 153 people, including children, died during the raid which was commanded by Elwelu, then a brigadier and commander of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces, Second Division. His team is said to have recovered 16 patrol bombs, 47 pangas, 42 knives, three metal detectors, four radio calls, one SMG rifle, and one pistol with two magazines from the Rwenzururu loyalists in the palace.

In the aftermath, the Rwenzururu king Charles Wesley Mumbere and more than 150 of his royal guards were arraigned before a court in Jinja district and charged with treason, terrorism, and murder, among other crimes. Many spent more than four years in detention, until recently when they were all granted bail.

But the events of the two days still follow Elwelu everywhere he goes and were still put to him after taking oath this morning, to join parliament as one of the ten army legislators. In response, Elwelu said that the intervention in Kasese has resulted in peace, and it is not something that he would regret because pacifying the country is part of his call as a serving officer of the armed forces.

Elwelu said that he does not have a tainted image, but rather a pat on the back for a job well done, even if he was sanctioned by the United States of America.  But he hastens to add that he is not bringing guns to parliament, but the ability to debate issues for the betterment of the country.


A Ugandan soldier guards the remains of the destroyed palace of Charles Wesley Mumbere, king of the Rwenzururu, after Uganda security forces stormed the compound in Kasese town, western Uganda on November 27. December 1, 2016. © 2016 James Akena/Reuters


"Even ICC set me free and said you have no case to answer, so what are you talking about? Those were criminals, I didn’t kill anybody else. They deserved to die because I was on the ground and you were not on the ground, that’s the problem. I know I’m a judge of my own during my work, I understand and that is what I do, I know what I do that’s why I have no problems here. Uganda is peaceful because of my actions and Kasese is peaceful, they are doing very well. Did you hear any problems with Kasese again? Only quiet," Elwelu said. 

Elwelu says his priority is national security, and he does not intend to stay silent when it is threatened, a reason he believes that the army is still needed in parliament.

Kasese Woman MP Florence Kabugho, says that they have handed Elwelu over to God because the people of Kasese are still mourning their mothers, fathers and brothers and sisters, yet the commander of the offensive appears to be mocking them.

"People may be very quiet but they are very very hurt because of the atrocities that were committed altogether. Someone cannot kill your mother, your sister, brother and you move on. We have no guns to use, we’re not going to incite violence, no. But the law one time will catch up with him, I still insist that one time the law will catch up with him, the people of Kasese are very very bitter because of the atrocities committed onto them. We’re shedding tears because of our brothers and sisters killed. Many people have been left orphans, many people are widows," Kabugho said. 


So then why should the ICC court listen to this African military man who has agreed to have killed 150 people, and then later released him.

That is not justice in crimes of war. This international court seems very biased in favour of serving government military officials.

It seems determined to imprison only those culprits who are against a sitting government. Even if both sides that are fighting each other are killing each other like in present Palestine.


This sort of injustice is certainly what Western countries understand and promote after the middle eastern terrorists flew passenger airplanes in the skyscrapers in New York. That is why this Ugandan military soldier is confident with himself about killing enemy civilians anyhow as he has been serving in Somalia! So how many of them enemies, if they are Al-Shabab, has he killed in Somalia for the benefit of the African Union and the USA in the name of international security?


Uganda: No Justice for 2016 Kasese Massacre by Security Forces

Ongoing Tensions; Many Civilians Still Detained

(Nairobi) – Ugandan authorities have failed to investigate the police and military responsible for killing more than 100 people in western Uganda in 2016, Human Rights Watch said today, releasing a video featuring interviews with victims’ families. Those killed on November 26 and 27, 2016 in Kasese, home of the Rwenzururu kingdom, included at least 15 children

“Ugandan officials won’t even ask why overwhelming lethal force was used that day and why children died, which shows a terrifying disdain for human life,” said Maria Burnett, East Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Security forces shoot, kill, arrest, detain and torture civilians, charge them with serious crimes, such as treason, and yet the government only investigates the civilians, while giving the security forces a free pass to abuse again.”

The killings followed long-standing tensions, unresolved grievances, and sporadic violence between the government and the Rwenzururu kingdom, comprised of ethnic Bakonzo people, in Kasese and Bundibugyo districts in Uganda’s Rwenzori region.

Human Rights Watch had pressed the government for years, well before the November 2016 massacre, for an independent investigation into the killings of police and government soldiers and into abusive law enforcement operations in which scores of civilians had been killed. But instead of providing justice or responding meaningfully to local grievances, government forces carried out killings in Kasese town and in the kingdom’s palace, arguing those killed were all terrorists, despite evidence to the contrary.

In the aftermath of the November 2016 operation, the government charged hundreds of civilians, including six children, with treason, terrorism, and murder for the deaths of 15 police in six sub-counties outside the town of Kasese, among other crimes. At least 167 of the civilians remain in pre-trial detention. Many spent part of the time in Nalufenya police post in Jinja, Eastern Uganda, where numerous former detainees have said they were tortured.

At initial hearings against the accused in 2016, journalists observed significant untreated wounds on several of the defendants. The magistrate ordered an investigation into their treatment, but it remains pending. Until April this year, Nalufenya was a police special force operations base but police leadership has since redesignated Nalufenya as a standard police post, in part due to the many allegations of abuse. So far, no police have faced criminal charges for mistreatment of the detainees in Nalufenya.

In July 2018, Human Rights Watch interviewed 35 people in Kasese, including family members of those missing or killed in the November 2016 violence, as well as local government officials and found that many people still feared reprisals because of the ongoing security force presence in the district. In January 2017, Human Rights Watch had interviewed more than 95 people in six sub-counties of Kasese district and reviewed video and photographs of the events.

During the November 2016 operation, the military and police attacked the kingdom’s administration offices and the palace compound. But families of those killed in both locations remain without answers about why the killings occurred and who is responsible. Bismark Baluku, a 17-year-old student, was working as a cleaner at the administration offices of the kingdom’s prime minister when he was gunned down by soldiers on November 26.

“We fear to ask the government, ‘Why did you shoot our child who was an innocent person, who does not carry a panga [machete], who knows nothing of a gun?” Baluku’s uncle told Human Rights Watch. “We hear rumors that if you ask, you could be jailed.”

Sixteen-year-old Musokyi Biira Scovia, a cook and household worker for the king’s wife, lived in the palace. During the assault on November 27, she was shot and seriously injured and her father, James Baseka, who also worked in the palace, was killed. Soldiers loaded her onto a truck to send her to detention in Nalufenya, along with hundreds of others. She died on the way. Her body was taken to Kasese mortuary a few days later. “Our mouths are zipped,” said her mother. “Why doesn’t the government want us to speak out about our issues?”

Some families never received their loved one’s body for burial, despite requests. Government officials buried at least 52 people in graves inside the military barracks in Kasese, reporting that the bodies had not been claimed. Police medical director and pathologist, Dr. Moses Byaruhanga, recently confirmed to Human Rights Watch that DNA samples were taken and submitted to the Government Analytical Laboratory for “profiling.” He said families could approach police in Kasese if they wanted to provide DNA samples for possible matching and that testing would be free. Thus far, he said, no families had requested matching. No families interviewed by Human Rights Watch were aware of this offer.

The prolonged detention of 167 civilians, charged with treason, terrorism, and murder among other offenses, contrasts starkly with the complete absence of investigations into the security forces’ conduct and killings of civilians, Human Rights Watch said.

Some Kasese community members said that it remains dangerous for anyone previously associated with the kingdom’s royal guards – volunteers loyal to the kingdom who safeguard cultural sites, among other tasks, for the king – to come to the attention of security forces. In some cases, such allegations are reportedly being made to sow discord or settle personal scores. One local official said: “Since 26 November, people lived in fear and in anger against the government. If someone wants you to die, they can only say you are a royal guard and you are finished.”

The killings and large number of detentions have had a harsh economic impact on the community. One local chairman said that 33 of the people killed in November 2016 were from his subcounty, leaving over 200 children without a breadwinner in the family. “Most of those children are not going to school,” he told Human Rights Watch.

In February, without commenting on the killings, President Yoweri Museveni donated 10 motorcycles and 200 million Uganda shillings (US$ 52,000) to several different community groups in Kasese district, including one for royal guards’ widows and orphans.

The lack of investigations, coupled with families’ fears of reprisals if they speak out, means that there is no accurate, final death toll from November 2016. Human Rights Watch 2017 research concluded that at least 55 people died on November 26, including 14 police officers and one crime preventer in six different sub-counties and 8 people at the cultural institution’s offices on Alexander Street, and that on November 27 security forces killed more than 100 people during the assault on the palace compound.

After Human Rights Watch published its research, the government increased the official death toll from 87 to 103, explicitly including 16 police officers, but didn’t specify over what period. In April 2017, community activists compiled lists of dead and missing people, identifying 115 adults and 15 children killed on November 27 at the palace. Those killed on November 26 were not included.

“The government’s failure to hold the security forces accountable for the massacre only fuels the perception that it does not protect all Ugandans equally,” Burnett said. “To prevent recurring cycles of violence, it is crucial for the government to show willingness to protect everyone, no matter their ethnicity, and to bring security forces – not only civilians – who commit crimes to justice.”

Tensions Before the Massacre

Human Rights Watch has carried out research in the Rwenzori subregion for many years and had raised concerns about unaddressed intercommunal violence and abusive law enforcement operations in the two years leading up to the November 2016 events. Human Rights Watch research and credible media reports indicated on July 2014 that some members of the Bakonzo ethnic group – possibly hundreds – organized in small units, attacked police and army posts in several districts with guns, machetes, and bows and arrows. The attacks were most intense around the village of Bigando in Kasese district and Kanyamwirima military barracks in Bundibugyo district.

The attacks prompted reprisals by members of other ethnic groups, and possibly some by security forces, as well as brutal counter-security operations against Bakonzo people over the following days. On July 10, then-Defense Minister Crispus Kiyonga told parliament that at least 92 people had been killed in July. Ultimately, military prosecutors charged over 170 Bakonzo suspects with a range of offenses before the military courts, and 500 others were granted amnesty.

In July 2016, Human Rights Watch wrote to the then-inspector general of the police, General Kale Kayihura, urging investigations into the killings of at least 50 people in the Rwenzori subregion, including 17 allegedly by security forces, during political infighting and elections between February and April and to make the findings public. Kayihura did not reply, and there were no investigations.

These longstanding tensions between the local cultural kingdom and the central government exploded on the morning of November 26, 2016 in Kasese. Government authorities have said that the kingdom was given an ultimatum to disband its militias or face attack. The kingdom said that its royal guards are not a militia, but instead traditionally volunteer to safeguard cultural sites and protect the kingdom out of loyalty.

Soldiers under the command of then-Brigadier Peter Elwelu forced their way into the kingdom’s administration offices on Alexander street in Kasese on November 26 and shot dead eight members of the royal guards and Baluku, the 17-year old student and office cleaner.

Witnesses said that the shootings prompted widespread concern among kingdom loyalists, and word spread quickly to sub-counties that the kingdom was under attack. That afternoon, some residents armed with machetes, including some royal guards, attacked six small police posts far outside the town. In the ensuing violence, at least 14 police constables and one crime preventer – a member of a volunteer force of civilians that works with the police – were hacked to death and security forces shot 32 civilians. Most of the alleged attackers were killed in the clashes.

By evening, soldiers and police under the command of General Elwelu and the then-police operations director, Asuman Mugenyi, had surrounded the kingdom’s palace compound in Kasese town. The palace often had hundreds of people inside, royal guards as well as their families and young people learning vocational skills or working for the kingdom. Over a dozen people interviewed said that they received calls from family members inside the compound saying that the military would not let them leave.

The palace remained surrounded on Sunday, November 27. One woman whose husband was later killed in the palace attack, described her last phone call with him: “He suggested that we pray together. He lost hope that we would meet again. From there I heard the gunshots shortly after.”

Many people interviewed said they heard loud explosions around 1p.m. and eventually saw thatched roofs on the perimeter and inside the compound catch fire. In video footage Human Rights Watch reviewed, two soldiers are seen beating shirtless male detainees who had run out of the burning compound and were lying on the ground with their hands tied behind their backs.

Children in the Palace

The government spokesman said that the allegation that children were killed in the attacks was “a falsehood,” but without any investigations, the basis for his assertions is unclear. What is clear is that children were in the palace because the police arrested six of them and charged them with treason and terrorism, among other crimes. According to interviews, these children were detained in Nalufenya, before they were eventually transferred to Naguru remand home for children, and later freed on bail.

Many people in Kasese cited the killing of Baluku, who had taken a job cleaning at the cultural institution’s office on the weekends to pay for his education, in the Alexander Street office on November 26. His family got his body several days later, but neither the police nor the military have investigated Baluku’s death.

“I want to be assisted to find justice for my child,” his mother said. “I have failed to answer questions from his brothers and sisters about what happened to him.” Human Rights Watch visited both his school and his gravesite and spoke to several people who said he was a bright student who wanted to be a doctor.

Raymond Mumbere, 10, had brought food to his father, who worked in the palace, and was killed in the palace attack. His mother said: “The government keeps saying there were no children in the palace, but my child was there. I am asking the government, by the time they killed the children, what had the children done? I am asking the government to compensate me for my child.”

Community members have gathered the names of 15 children between ages 1 and 15 who they believe were killed in the palace and Human Rights Watch has interviewed 15 families who say they lost a child on November 26 or 27.

Allegations of Royal Guard Membership and Reprisals

Security officials continue to carry out law enforcement operations against alleged royal guards, but community members expressed concerns at both the use of disproportionate force in arrests and the use of accusations of royal guard membership to settle personal or political scores.

“Royal guard means enemy of the government here now,” said one man. “But that is not true.” Community members said they fear arrest or violence from security forces if they express any allegiance to the kingdom.

One local government official said: “I told [police] last time they came here that if you want to arrest royal guards, you will arrest all of us because we all like our cultural institution. Up to now, whenever I want to bring a flag and put it in our office, police intimidate us. They tell me not to raise the flag [of the kingdom].”

A man in his fifties said that soldiers severely beat him and his wife in early 2017 because they falsely suspected him of sheltering royal guards in his home: “The UPDF [soldiers] came to my house at midnight. They said I was a royal guard and keeping guns and an injured royal guard,” he said. “I denied all the allegations. They got me out of the house and searched. Others started to pour water on me and hit me. They got my wife out and started slapping her.”

Later at a police post nearby, he said, they stripped him naked, made him roll in tall wet grass and then beat him, telling him they would take him to Nalufenya, if he didn’t admit to sheltering royal guards. The police eventually released him on condition that he would report to them daily.

In another case, an elderly woman said that soldiers have repeatedly come to her home looking for her husband and her son, who never returned home from the palace on November 26 and she assumes were killed there. When the soldiers came the first time, in December 2016, she said, they beat her: “They got a club and started hitting me on the back and buttocks.” She spent three days receiving treatment at a local health center and said she still has pain in her ribs and neck.

Witnesses said that Matayo Bighanzire was shot and killed outside his home on August 18, 2017, after soldiers beat him and his children. The military told the media at the time that Bighanzire was a royal guard who had attacked two soldiers with a knife, but witnesses contradicted that claim. The lack of investigations into these cases fuel speculation that the government does not take abuses of civilians in the region seriously, Human Rights Watch said.

Government Response to Human Rights Watch

Elwelu, commander of second military division which operates in the Rwenzori subregion at the time of the killings, was promoted to chief of land forces, one of the highest-ranking positions in the army, in January 2017. He has not publicly commented on the killings in Kasese since Human Rights Watch published its report in March 2017. However, the government spokesman via the Uganda Media Centre responded, stated that the research had “flaws that do not represent the true facts of the subject matter.” The five-page statement lists several previous incidents of conflict in the Kasese region, well before November 2016, some of which Human Rights Watch had raised in previous reporting and in letters to then-Inspector General of Police General Kale Kayihura.

The Media Centre’s statement contends that those killed were armed fighters. It claims that because cases relating to events on November 26 and 27 are pending before courts, any other investigations would be “untenable” because they could be seen as an effort to usurp the court’s jurisdiction. That argument relies on a false and perverted application of the sub judice rule or pending litigation rule.

While the government is detaining and prosecuting people it claims have committed offenses, there are no pending court cases involving soldiers or police. Any such claims regarding the subjudice rule are irrelevant when it comes to investigating police abuse and is nothing more than a weak effort to further block justice for the victims, Human Rights Watch said.

Calls for Justice Unheeded

At the time of the killings, local and international bodies made multiple calls for investigations into the security forces’ conduct. The groups included the Buganda kingdom, another Ugandan cultural institution that had its own political tensions with the central government that led to police and military killing at least 48 civilians in September 2009. In a 2016 Christmas message, the kingdom urged the government to “do everything in its power to investigate and punish all those involved in the mass killings.”

Nongovernmental groups such as Uganda Law SocietyHuman Rights Network (HURINET), Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), and individual members and organizations of Uganda’s women’s movement, and many others urged accountability for the Kasese killings.

On March 16, 2017 the European Union (EU) and member states with embassies in Uganda issued a statement calling on the “competent authorities to immediately conduct the necessary field investigations, ensuring strong witness protection and protection of evidence.” The EU also offered to support those efforts. The United States, a significant contributor to Uganda’s military issued a statement on March 15, 2017, stating that it was “deeply troubled by the reported disproportionate use of force by security officials on November 27.” The US further urged the government to “conduct or permit a fair and independent investigation into this incident.”

In May 2017, a coalition of 40 Ugandan and international organizations urged the Ugandan government to facilitate an independent and transparent investigation involving international expertise into the Kasese killings and urged the government to invite relevant African Commission experts and United Nations special rapporteurs to participate. The government did not respond.





The African countries of Uganda and Tanzania have signed an agreement to start the construction of a $3.5bn oil pipeline:



Written by Baker Batte



Tanzania President Samia Suluhu (L) with Uganda President Yoweri Museveni at Entebbe

Uganda and Tanzania have finally signed the East African Crude Oil Pipeline  (EACOP) agreement which signals the four-year start of the construction of the pipeline that will transport Uganda’s oil from Hoima to the coastal port of Tanga.

Today Sunday, President Yoweri Museveni and Samia Suluhu Hassan, and officials from the oil companies; CNOOC and Total signed the Host Government Agreement, Shareholding agreement and the Tariff and Transportation agreement.


President Museveni signs the EACOP agreement at State House Entebbe.


Speaking after the signing of the $3.5 billion agreement, Museveni, said that although he did not initially support the idea of a pipeline because he wasn't for the export of crude oil and talks were advanced with Kenya, he chose to work with Tanzania because of its historical contribution towards Uganda liberation twice - in 1978-79 when the Tanzanian forces ousted Idi Amin, and 1985/6 when again Tanzania offered 5,000 rifles which Museveni and his NRA rebels used to capture Kampala. 

With this support, Museveni said Tanzania helped Uganda to sort out the political mess that had been created by past leaders. Museveni thanked Suluhu for accepting to sign the agreement today April 11, 2021, saying both countries hold an emotional attachment to April 11 because it is the same day 42 days ago in 1979 when the Tanzanian army launched the assault on Kampala and deposed Amin.

"Uganda discovered oil and gas in 2006, it has taken these 15 years before the first oil on account of the divergent perceptions between us and the oil companies. Initially, I did not favour the idea of a pipeline, my question was why export the oil? Don’t the East Africans need the oil?" said Museveni. 

"In this thinking, I preferred an oil refinery only so that we use the extractable oil out of the 6.5 billion barrels confirmed in only 20% of the total potential area in the Mutanzinge and surrounding areas known as the Albertine region by foreigners to satisfy the demand for the refined products for Uganda, northwest Tanzania, western Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, eastern Congo, South Sudan and southwestern Ethiopia with cheaper products on the account of the lower transport costs."

Museveni said with the demand in the region now standing at 98,000 barrels of oil per day, the vendors demand is currently 39,000 barrels per day at a price of $50 per barrel equivalent to about $63 barrel of refined products, the locally processed petroleum would have saved Uganda at least $1.6 billion on import expenditure on oil products imports and would have made the East African region self-reliant for some 38 years. However, Museveni said, the oil companies were biased towards exporting crude oil only and therefore there had to be a compromise to have both the refinery and the pipeline. 

Museveni added that the pipeline can further be utilised by other regional countries with oil including Congo and South Sudan and Mozambique with a return pipeline to supply gas to Uganda. 

"This is a modest contribution to the development of Tanzania but can’t compensate for the removal of Idi Amin and liberation of Mozambique," said Museveni.

On her part, President Suluhu thanked Museveni for postponing the signing of the agreement from March 22, 2021, to allow Tanzania to mourn the sudden death of her predecessor President John Pombe Magufuli. 

"The signing of this agreement on this auspicious occasion is not just for Uganda and Tanzania but the entire East Africa region. As you are all aware, this project will have an impact on social-economic development and geostrategic dynamics. Among other benefits, the project will yield revenues to both countries while creating both short and long term employment for both skilled professionals and semi-skilled professionals as well as casual labourers thus addressing the unemployment challenges of both countries, especially among the youth," Suluhu said. 

"It is expected that more than 10,000 employment opportunities are expected to be created during execution and upon its completion. Apart from social-economic benefits, the project will also stimulate trade, investment as well as unlocking the East Africa’s oil potential thus attracting more investors. But importantly, this project will strengthen strategic partnerships and cooperation between our two governed countries and will further forge people’s interactions..." Suluhu added. 

She however urged the East African countries to embark on extensive infrastructural development strategy through the construction of ports, airports, roads if they are harness and benefit from the mineral resources that they possess. 

The chairman and chief executive officer of French oil giant Total, Patrick Pouyanne, thanked Museveni for his unwavering commitment to the oil project. He said signing the agreement is a historical milestone in the journey of the oil industry not only for Uganda and Tanzania and for the whole of the East African region.

“It’s a very large project - one of the largest to be developed on this content. It's more than $10 billion. It wouldn't be possible without your commitment. This is the beginning of the journey that will take four years for the oil to start flowing from Uganda to Tanzania,” Pouyanne said.

The construction of the pipeline is expected to take four years for the oil to start flowing. If complete, it will be the longest heated crude oil pipeline line in the world.


What about the signing of very important African agreements on free trade, the construction of electric railway, one airline, ocean and lake liners, the African common agricultural policy and many more African neighborhood issues which are well documented in the African Union principles?


These two countries are not as close as it is made out to be surely!

Tanzania during 1980 forced on Uganda a political leadership that was no longer wanted (expired)(Force Back Obote) causing thousands of innocent civilians in this country to loose their lives.

And seriously speaking all those who immigrated to Tanzania and came back with blood on their hands are still tormenting the citizens of this country 2021.

Tell me one day when Tanzania ever allowed goods to Uganda from Dar-es-Salaam to pass through that harbor of theirs free of charge.

Surely because Uganda is ever landlocked there was this agreement of the EAC 1960/70 to allow goods of landlocked African countries to pass through oceanic harbors duty free.





In the current African country of Uganda, there are many who are fighting blood and tears to keep President Museveni in power?

27 January, 2021



President Museveni


Those who hang around President Museveni on a daily basis tell stories of an old tired fellow.

His brain is still sharp, but the stamina is terribly depleted. He wobbles through his paces, and his clothes appear loose and oversize. We have seen him enter deep sleep on live TV, and memorably watched him break cough and spit sputum into a napkin!

Rumour has it that the man sometimes sleeps throughout an entire cabinet session only to wake up to confirm – and own – resolutions. These are not personal failings, but realities of old age and a stressed life. What they also reveal is that the man isn’t in charge anymore.

But a brave face of those calling the shots – and pushing him forward. We need to believe Mr Museveni when he tells us he doesn’t want to be in power. He has had a good life – and would undoubtedly enjoy a good one if he peacefully left office.

There is no reason why after 35 years in power, at 76, one still braves the stresses and insults that come with the presidency. I am getting convinced Museveni is not as obsessed with the presidency as he is made to appear. In truth, Museveni too, needs liberation from those clearly pumping up his ego to appear he is greedy for power.

If we could take any lessons from the cold murder of Zebra Mando by security operatives, it is that Museveni had not been briefed of the entire operation. Nor had he been told about the gist of his scheduled meeting with the boxer about to be slain.

This is why he hastily came out to [un-strategically] apologize. Surely, Museveni is the unsuspecting (self-deluded?) agent of deeply-invested local thieves, who continue to dupe him with praise songs of an endless visionary. Identifying these men and women would be the first steps towards freeing Museveni and the country.

Either these noble men and women are engaged cordially, or confronted directly. I have some clues on where to find them. In the heat of the just-concluded election campaigns, I published the article, “Who else will be falling with Museveni?” in which I revisited an investigative story that The Independent Magazine had published over a decade ago.

In that article, I showed that if Museveni were to fall, there were hundreds of individuals, groups of people, companies and professionals – who have unfairly profited from Museveni’s regime – and will close shop as soon as the man falls.

Now that Museveni is still clinging onto the presidency – by a scorched-earth policy – it means those chaps, groups and companies are still fighting. I return to this article as a reminder of who these folks are and that they need to be engaged not to plunge the country into chaos.

They are more dangerous than Museveni could ever be. Because these fellows are not in the public domain, not as loud as the scrawny NRM politicians and surrogates (such as minister Anite, Gen Elly Tumwine, Emmanuel Ddombo, Ofwono Opondo), it is easy not to see them or even appreciate their power.

*** Sometime in 2008, the then radically critical magazine, The Independent, did the story about an enigmatic group, Nyekundiire. The central thrust of the story was that immediately after one election, this group of pro-Museveni individuals started to mobilise for the next election.

Composed of high-end Museveni lackeys: shady-thriving businesspersons, junior and senior advocates, public servants unqualified but occupying senior juicy positions, gold and other mineral dealers, bankers, big-name politicians, real estate dealers, agents and shareholders of foreign businesses, high-end hustlers etcetera, this group met occasionally to strategize for the next election.

If ‘No-Change’ was a rebel group, then this was them. Meeting in one of the member’s mansion on a rotational basis, they pledged allegiance and collected funds – huge sums, hundreds of millions – for the next election. In these meetings, they would negotiate the next lucrative deal and how to facilitate each other in their hunting expeditions through their direct
lines to key decision-makers in the land.

They also debated who next to conscript. By the time of writing the story, the group was coordinated by Willis Bashasha, then senior manager with Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), and the patron was comrade brother, Sudhir Ruparelia [I have never understood his political crimes that ended in the closure of his bank].

The newest recruit was Peter Ssematimba, who had recently contested for the position of mayor in Kampala, and despite losing to Nasser Ntege Ssebaggala, had generated some energy for the NRM in the capital. He was also a prominent investor, and a genius around these Kampala streets [Was he pastor then?].

It was a bold story we did, we were explicit on names: Kiwanuka Kiryowa, Allen Kagina, Willis Bashasha, Robert Mwesigwa, Shedruck Nzeire, Hassan Basajjabalaba, Odrek Rwabwogo, Robert Kabushenga, Moses Byaruhanga. Others included Aya Group, Katambuka Rwakajara, Grace Kafura, Godfrey Nyakana, Kellen Kayonga, James Kakooza, Abbey Mayunga, Godfrey Kirumira, etc. [The Independent has not pulled this story down, but has not updated its reporting on the group either].

No-nonsense editor Charles Bichachi made sure the story ran despite our managing editor, Andrew Mwenda, being conflicted and openly opposed to the story. [The reporter for this story – name withheld – was confident our MD was another of the newest conscripts].

As you can imagine, this is no club for the poor or morally/religiously inspired idealists. The chaps here are street-smart, egregiously ambitious, ruthless and remorseless. To receive invitation, one has to be rich – by local standards – with big plans and ambitious enough to fight their way up.

Joining the club means both facilitation from high offices, but also giving back. The people here win juicy tenders, and also have special pass with Uganda Revenue Authority. If they are unable to enter their merchandise via Lake Victoria Gaba landing site, URA will look the other way. [But once they turned their horses against Museveni, the watchdogs including URA, parliament, or any PS would swiftly come for you. We vividly recall the story of Nomo Gallery in Nakasero, when Gen Elly Tumwine voiced support for Gen Sejjusa’s claims of a Muhoozi project; Speaker Kadaga and then Gender PS Pius Bigirimana were the attack dogs].

Mind you, Nyekundiire honchos have no public office, but blossom in influence and power. They could be loosely called, the “deep state.”

To be rich in Uganda, to have a thriving business, you need to be in good books with any of these fellows. By the time this story ran, they were estimated as only about 200 members. Over 10 years down the road, this number must have multiplied by leaps and bounds. Not too long ago, President Museveni publicly acknowledged the investment potential of this group. [Well, the president may never have received the memo, as this is supposed to be a covert no-press organisation]. ***

Why am I re-telling this story – again? These noblemen and women continue to work tirelessly to benefit themselves but also make sure Museveni pushes on. They are deep into things and, because their access has been shady, they see Museveni is their only guarantor – and are pushing him on.

They have also conscripted an extensive network of surrogates, politicians, and beneficiaries who endlessly chant NRM slogans like prisoners of war. These fellows form the brains of the NRM, and in close conversation with the military – through comrade brother, Gen. Salim Saleh [Hon. Ssemujju Nganda recently described him as co-president] – they decide the next moves for the country.

Those seeking change – especially the young people - need to engage these men and women directly. The engagement could be dialogic, or confrontational – depending on the language those in power are interested in using.


The author is a political theorist based at Makerere University.





The question of Banyarwanda citizenship in the Great Lakes Regions of Africa:

Twateera emundu twafuna obwogerero!


20 September, 2020

By Edgar Tabaro



President Museveni addresses a rally at Rubuguri Town board, in Bufumbira North, Kisoro District in 2016. PHOTO/ file

I was intrigued by President Museveni’s  response to a follower identifying himself as Mwoyo Gwa Gwanga [Patriot], on his Facebook timeline, declaring how he is not against Banyankole but only against Banyarwanda like him (Museveni, allegedly). 
The President rightly responded to Mwoyo Gwa Gwanga, giving him dynamics of cross border communities. 
It’s my desire to deepen the debate on the Banyarwanda question of citizenship in the Great Lakes Region and challenge what I will call Rwandaphones in being treated as second class citizens in territories they are indigenous too.

 During the 1991 Census, our family then residing in lower Kololo in Kampala was enumerated by an undergraduate law student at Dar es Salaam University in Tanzania called Michael Mugabe (now the chief executive officer of Housing Finance Bank).
 The census was held at a time of an acrimonious debate over the introduction of “Urumfumbira” rather than “Ikinyarwanda” language on Radio Uganda. 
You shall recall that the previous year, a section of the National Resistance Army (NRA) made up of mainly of Rwandese refugees and a significant number of Ugandan Banyarwanda had invaded Rwanda.
 The invasion was to alter the course of history for Rwandaphones in the region and as such  is a watershed in the dyanamics of identity of Rwandaphones.
 My family had grown up identifying as Banyarwanda, a fact our grandparents were always alive to following our progress in learning Ikinyarwanda and its culture.  
Back to the census, for the first time, the Bafumbira came up as a unique identity. 
On the census national team was  Col John Mateeka (now rtd Maj Gen).  I would love to hear from him how this new identity was arrived at. 
My parents, Justice and Ms Tabaro, tell us that in 1959, 1969 and 1980 (by this time, my sister Melissa Mafigiri and  I were already born), we were enumerated as Banyarwanda. 

How did our identity change suddenly? My guess is that it came off as “politically correct” to do, following continued “stigmatisation” and/or marginalisation  of Banyarwanda/Rwandaphones in territories to which they originate outside of what is modern day Republic of Rwanda.
In the last two decades or even longer in some territories of the Great Lakes Region of Africa, the people answering to the description of Rwandaphone have often found themselves in predicament in relation to citizenship in the territories of what is modern day Tanzania, DR Congo, and Uganda and to some extent Burundi and Kenya. 

Almost invariably, when the question of citizenship comes up for discussion in those territories, it’s the Rwandaphones (Kinyarwanda speaking people who are collectively known as Banyarwanda, a noun also associated with Banyarwanda of Rwanda, who are Rwandan or Rwandese) who take most of the criticism arising largely from ignorance and prejudice (the two are co-related, prejudice is largely conditioned by lack of information) against them. 

 I say so because as one who belongs to the Bafumbira ethnic grouping of Kisoro (one of the Rwandaphones in Uganda), I have witnessed firsthand this predicament rather than hearing it from other sufferers. 
Many Rwandaphones feel terribly discriminated and  marginalised, giving fertile ground for extremists and militarists to thrive and set the agenda for responses to injustices faced by these persons.
 In the case of DR Congo, this has given rise to rebellions and counter-rebellions whose victims are the very persons whose human dignity they purport to restore! To this I will return later.

Two foremost writers on Rwandaphones in the Great Lakes Region- an American based social anthropologist Jan Vasina in his treatise Antecedents to Modern Rwanda: The Nyiginya Kingdom and Prof Mahmood Mamdani’s  When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, give the extent of the Rwanda Kingdom at the height of its power under Umwami Rwabugiri (1867-1897),  as reaching Bumpaka in present day Busongora (Lake Kasenyi) in Kasese, Karagwe, Ngara and Buha in present day Tanzania, Bushi and Butembo, covering the present day Nord (North), Sud (South) Kivu and a few in the present day Maniema province of the eastern DR Congo.


 These areas have “indigenous” (this term is used loosely as issues to do with indigenousness in Africa are not as clear cut a Aboriginal groups of the Americas and Australia in that sense) Rwandaphones populations. 
Later day immigrants from what is present day Rwanda started in the early 1900s following the introduction of cash-crops in Buganda and Tooro. They came to work as wage earners for Buganda and in the case of DR Congo, there was an influx of immigrant Rwandaphones between 1900 to 1960 to Shaba (present day Katanga)  Province following opening up of mineral production in the area, and the rail links by the Belgian authorities. 

Other immigrants found their way to the European plantations in what is now known as the Kivus.
 These later day immigrants, although they lawfully acquired citizenship in Uganda and DR Congo, are not to be confused with the indigenous Rwandaphones. 
 In Uganda, the indigenous Rwandaphones mainly occupy the districts of Kisoro (Bufumbira County), Kabale (largely in Kamwezi Sub-county) and Ntungamo. 

Though these groups continue to identify themselves as Banyarwanda, there are many Banyarwanda from Bufumbira who resent the nomenclature and have opted to identify themselves as Bafumbira, largely arising from the confusion of the noun Banyarwanda being descriptive as persons from Rwanda! 

This comes as an irony, persons from Kisoro were enumerated as Banyarwanda in the 1959, 1969, as well as 1980 Uganda Population and Housing Census. 
In the 1991 Population and Housing Census, the same people were enumerated as Bafumbira as their chosen identity following a storm over the introduction of the Kinyarwanda language on the then Radio Uganda.
This resulted into a callus led by the Council Member (CM) for Bufumbira County,  Dr Philemon Budigi Mateke,  for recognition of Urufumbira as a distinct language”  from Kinyarwanda and the same CM (MP) did represent one of the three constituencies of Bufumbira in the Constituent Assembly, thereby ensuring the same identity gained recognition in the 1995 Constitution as an indigenous group of Uganda.
Last border adjustment
The other Banyarwanda also did gain recognition as being indigenous. More ironically or perhaps not so ironical, the said council member is quoted in the Hansard of 1990, when the National Resistance Council was debating the Mugerwa Report on the Commission of Inquiry into the Nkore (Ankole) - Masaka Ranching Scheme, as responding to queries of other members as to the nationality of some Banyarwanda who had been re-allocated some ranches by asking the House not to confuse Rwandan Banyarwanda and Ugandan Banyarwanda like himself! 

The Banyarwanda who are native to the territories of Uganda as those of Bufumbira became part of the then Uganda Protectorate under British dominion after the Brussels Convention of 1910, and the immigrants became indigenous owing to the “magical” February 1, 1926 being the date of the last border adjustment to what became known as the territory constituting the Republic of Uganda. This recognition was attained without firing a shot!
 Enter DR Congo, some Banyarwanda there continue to suffer rejection and in many instances have been denied voting rights by the rest of the Congolese populace. 

DR Congo, like Uganda, has both native and immigrant Banyarwanda and the former are often confused with the later.  This is further compounded by attempts by the successive Kinshasa administrations to craft definitive laws on Rwandaphones and citizenship largely based in subjective rather than objective realities on the ground. 
In one instance, a later day Rwandan immigrant into DR Congo of 1960 had gained prominence at the court of Gbadolite as Chef de Cabinet- Principal Secretary of President Mobutu and influenced the same to pass a decree in 1973 to recognise those immigrants as of 1960, though it was never to take effect.

 Just like the Banyarwanda of Bufumbira chose to identify themselves as Bafumbira in connection with the geographical location of their dwelling place, the DR Congo Rwandaphones too adopted a similar approach, thus you will hear them identify themselves as Banyamulenge (from Milenge Hills), Banyejomba (from Jomba), Bashi (from Bushi), Banyerutsuru (from Rutshuru) and Banyemasisi (from Masisi), among others. 

 The trouble here is that there are other ethnic groupings from those areas and exclusively identifying oneself as being of that area often times causes tensions with other communities, resulting in ethnic clashes that draws in other militias and the Kinshasa forces. 
This is coupled with constant suspicion against those Rwandaphones serving  in national army, who suffer discrimination a result of which they fear serving outside their localities. 
In one instance, the Kinshasa administration introduced the policy of “mixage” in the army (serving outside ones area of birth) but a few but critical mass of officers rebelled and took to the bushes to protest this alleged discrimination.
 The M23 rebellion and previous clashes in the Kivus in the past bear testimony to this suffering. 



Rwandans living in Uganda line up to vote during Rwanda’s 2017 elections.PHOTO/RACHEL MABALA.


On November 10, 2013, I did pen a missive entitled “Rwandaphones and the Question of Citizenship in the Great Lakes Region: Arms vis avis Dialogue” to inform and deepen the debate on the question of citizenship of the Banyarwanda people who straddle across the territories of what is now modern day DRC (Sud Kivu, Nord Kivu, Maniema, and Shaba/Katanga Pronvices), Tanzania (Ngara, Karagwe- Buhanganza), Uganda (Bufumbira/Kisoro, Kabale- Kamwezi Sub-county and Ntungamo).
 The said missive went into fair detail the history of the Banyarwanda people in those territories and as to how they became bonafide citizens of the said territories.
 To my utter shock and consternation, a senior journalist and editor at one of the leading dailies, in an ill-advised diatribe, wrote on his facebook wall vulgar vituperations against the Banyarwanda Community- labeling them refugees in Uganda who ought to be deported back to Rwanda their alleged country of nationality. 
The said journalist did comment in passing on the KFM Friday panel of journalists on November 29, 2013, where he appeared together with Onapito Ekomoloit, Nicholas Ssengooba, Timothy Kalyegira and James Tumusiime, wherein he admitted to making uncharitable comments on facebook that have put him in a spot of bother. 
When the going got tougher as a result of the backlash from mainly Banyarwanda and Banyarwanda sympaithisers, he changed the script to “his facebook account had been hacked into”. 
I did post a comment on my facebook timeline then calling for fellow Banyarwanda to forgive the said journalist and instead educate him on the subject as to how Banyarwanda like any other community (the said journalist is believed to be an Itesot- the same are found in Kenya as well) of Uganda can be found domiciled as natives of other countries as well. 
What followed was utterly shocking, persons I hitherto regarded as enlightened (my assumption is based on the “elite” schools they attended, the religious assemblies they attend and the somewhat cosmopolitan work places and friends they fraternize with) and my friends re-echoed the same opinions of the journalist, totally ignoring the message I had put out. 
Banyarwanda citizenship
 The bigotry and phobia against Banyarwanda citizenship is deep and largely based on prejudice itself arising out of ignorance or obscurantism. The same challenge is faced by Congolese Banyarwanda! 
The questions they posed, were mainly how can we have Rwandan Banyarwanda and Ugandan Banyarwanda? That Banyarwanda are divided into the tribes of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa, so who are those Banyarwanda in Uganda, and that Banyarwanda in Uganda regard the rest as subhuman and it is the reason they dominate in all spheres of life in Uganda, thereby suffocating other communities. It is my intention to throw some light on some of these issues.
 Firstly, the stratification of Banyarwanda into Hutu, Tutsi and Twa is not tribal or ethnic identities but rather has to do with socio-economic stratification. 
The class system developed in response to the primordial  mode of production prevailing under the pre-colonial epoch in the ancient kingdom of Rwanda. Thus, the cattle keepers became Tutsi and the cultivators became Hutus and the hunter gatherers became Twas. 
Over the years, depending on one’s means of livelihood, there would be mobility between the socio-economic strata.  
Because cattle keeping was considered nobler than the other economic activities there developed mannerisms associates with this class, perfection of language abilities, poetry, dance and drama, and marrying the most aesthetically endowed women (I guess money can still buy you this), thereby ensuring the progeny of this class looked a lot more different from the other (I am reliably informed that the present generation of the Chinese population is taller than the previous one owing to improved socio-economic conditions).

 When the German colonists and later the Belgian ones took over Rwanda, bewildered by the organic composition of the Rwanda Kingdom, they formed the opinion that tribal (etymology connotes primitive grouping) Africans could never have developed sophisticated systems of statehood and as such, to them, the aristocrats in Rwanda were a lost community from Europe, thereby solidifying the so-called racial theory. 
Over the years, political divisions crystallised upon this false premise hence the Hutu-Tutsi rivalry that has been wrongly prescribed as ethnic.

 Early recorded migrations of Banyarwanda to Uganda in their hordes was at the beginning of the first decade of the 20th Century, when cash crop was introduced by Mitchel Cotts the successor to the Uganda Company (incorporated 1896) itself a successor to the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEACO) that had a royal charter. The early migrants are mainly in areas of tea production in Namutamba and Tooro where they worked as wage earners although a good number took up other menial jobs in other counties of Buganda and their descendant continue to live.

In 1910, the Anglo - German – Belgian conference was held in Brussels,  which resulted in agreement on Volcano Sabinyo as the tripoint of the territories of the three states, delimited the present Congo - Rwanda and Burundi - Congo boundaries, and delimited the parts of the Congo - Uganda and Tanzania - Uganda boundaries adjoining the tripoint.
 This Convention between Belgium and Germany confirming the Agreement was signed at Brussels, on May 14, 1910, settling the boundary between German East Africa and the Belgian Colony of the Congo. 
Signed at Brussels, August 11, 1910, further on a Protocol between Great Britain and Germany Describing the Frontier between the Uganda Protectorate and German East Africa. Signed at Kamwezi, October 30, 1911. 

Memorandum attached to the Protocol List of Boundary Pillars on the Anglo - German Boundary, Sabinio to River Chizingo, with approximate Co-ordinates. 
These two legal documents transferred territories of  Rwanda Kingdom  Provinces of Bufumbira (present day Kisoro District), and Ndorwa (present day Kabale, Rubanda and Rukiiga Districts) and areas of Ntungamo  that were inhabited by native Banyarwanda communities.
 It is worth noting that these are the persons referred to an Banyarwanda as the indigenous community of Uganda as per the 3rd Schedule to the Constitution,though the ones of Bufumbira assumed the identity of Bafumbira.  

 For a long time under both colonial and post-colonial administrations in Uganda, the areas inhabited by the Banyarwanda communities did not benefit from any form of affirmative action, a result of which the community was heavily impoverished. 
Infact, it was a deliberate government policy to reserve the areas as a cheap source for labour for the plantations and other richer agricultural regions. However, over the years, descendants of these people have been lifted out of the shackles of poverty and ignorance, which may not necessarily endear them to other communities hence exacerbating their resentment.

 To this end, the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, the following persons shall be citizens of Uganda by birth—
 (a)    every person born in Uganda one of whose parents or grandparent/s is or was a member of any of the indigenous communities existing and residing within the borders of Ugandaas at the first day of February, 1926, and set out in the Third Schedule to this Constitution. 

Uganda’s indigenous communities as at February, 1 1926 which forms the date to the last border adjustment to the Protectorate of Uganda that transferred the Easter Province to the Kenya Colony ,which is now the Rift Valley up to Lake Rudolf (Turkana). 
This 1926 adjustment is at the centre of the conflict over Migingo Islands! In this regard, the question of  the Banyarwanda citizenship should not arise in the first place.

The writer is an advocate with KTA Advocates and an ex Attorney General of Tooro Kingdom. He has keen interest in East African integration.  






In Uganda the victims of gun shooting of recent were refused treatment in a private catholic hospital:

September 11, 2018

Written by URN

It was a sombre mood in Mpanga village in Mpenja sub-county in Gomba district during the burial of Resty Nalinya Mbabazi.

Mbabazi was gunned down together with Muhammad Kirumira, the former Buyende district police commander. The duo was gunned down by unidentified assassins on Saturday night at Bulenga town council in Wakiso district.

While Kirumira was buried on Sunday in accordance with the Islamic tradition and practice, Mbabazi was laid to rest on Monday afternoon.
Unlike Kirumira's funeral that was filled with pomp and political tension, Mbabazi's funeral was calm. Several mourners castigated the masterminds of assassinations in the country and faulted government for failing to provide security to citizens. 

Family members seated around the casket of Resty Nalinya Mbabazi

Katonga region police commander, Francis Chemusto represented Uganda Police Force, which catered for the entire burial ceremony through A-plus funeral managers. Shortly after his arrival, Chemusto went to console the family of deceased in silence. 

He pulled out a brown envelope and tried to hand it to the deceased's father, Aloysius Kayitale but he turned it down. The commander who appeared dejected, slowly pocketed the envelope before his juniors located for him a seat. Our reporter later learnt that the money was a condolence of Shs 2 million from the inspector general of police, Martin Okoth Ochola. 

Gomba resident district commissioner, Fred Nayebale, who delivered the president's condolence massage containing Shs 5 million also feared to confront the emotional father and handed over the cash to other family members.

The deceased relative (name withheld for security reasons) who witnessed the murder said that Mbabazi was a mobile agent in Bulenga. The relative explained that the late Kirumira was a regular customer at Mbabazi's mobile money shop.

The relative said Kirumira would often park at Mbabazi's mobile money outlet and make several transactions.

With tears in the relative's eyes, he/she said Kirumira parked his vehicle on the fateful night possibly to load credit or make a mobile money transaction on his mobile phone, but unlike on the previous occasions, he beckoned Mbabazi to the car.

The relative notes that the unidentified assailants riding on a motorcycle pulled up and sprayed the duo with bullets. The relative says that after the shooting, several boda boda riders pulled Kirumira and Mbabazi from the car. 
The relative explained that the boda boda motorists placed Mbabazi who was still breathing on a pick-up truck and rushed her to Lubaga hospital. The relative says Mbabazi's life could have been saved, but the medical workers informed the family that they were under strict instructions not to attend to the duo.

"She did not die instantly but when they took them to hospital, hospital authorities said they had been instructed not to attend to them. Maybe our sister would have been still alive if the hospital had attended to her. We are feeling great pain and angry at whoever passed that order," said the relative. 

Umar Rwejema Kyeyune, another family member that Mbabazi had tentatively separated with her husband, Benon Mayambala because of some marital problems. He explained that the late Kirumira offered to mediate between the two because he was a friend to Mbabazi.

"Mbabazi had a misunderstanding with her husband and she confided in Afande Kirumira because they were close friends. Kirumira offered to mediate between the two but as that was still ongoing she went and rented for herself a house in the neighbourhood," said Kyeyune. 
Another relative to the deceased, says that after learning about Kirumira's death at around 10pm on the news, he tried to call Mbabazi but her phone rang went without reply. He/she says a few minutes later, he received a call from someone informing him that his sister had been killed alongside Kirumira.

"We learnt of her death at around 8.30pm and because she had been killed near her workplace, it was easy for passersby to identify her. Personally, I was watching the 9 O’clock news and I saw that indeed Mbabazi had been murdered." he/she said.  
Who was Mbabazi ?
Resty Nalinya Mbabazi was born in 1993 to Alyosoiyus Kayitale and Fredian Kyalimpa at Mpenja village in Gomba district. She went to Mpenga primary school. She later moved in with her old sister in Kisaasi, Kampala where she lived for several years before she got married and relocated to Bulenga.

She has been described as a social person who liked everybody. Relatives say although late Mbabazi hasn't been well off financially, she has been playing a central role in treating their ill mother.
Mbabazi died aged 26 and is survived by two children; Angelina Nabumba aged 3, and Sebastian Ssabwe Kaweesa aged 5. 






The United States of America, a leading world specialist in arms dealing, has called the International Criminal Court ' a very Dangerous World Court':



Added 10th September 2018


Bolton said the United States rejects any move by the court to prosecute American service members

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White House National Security Advisor John Bolton branded the International Criminal Court dangerous and unaccountable Monday, saying it constitutes an assault on US sovereignty.

"In theory, the ICC holds perpetrators of the most egregious atrocities accountable for their crimes, provides justice to the victims, and deters future abuses," Bolton said.

"In practice, however, the court has been ineffective, unaccountable, and indeed, outright dangerous," he said.

Bolton said the United States rejects any move by the court to prosecute American service members and intelligence officials over alleged detainee abuse in Afghanistan -- allegations the court is currently reviewing.

He called it "an utterly unfounded, unjustifiable investigation."

"The United States will use any means necessary to protect our citizens and those of our allies from unjust prosecution by this illegitimate court," he said.






In Uganda, 8 guns have been recovered at the old property of a dead fighter that gave up his life to bring President  Museveni into State power during 1977/86:

The military equipments that former President of Tanzania provided to Uganda rebels that were fighting  former President Idi Amin of Uganda

29 August, 2018

By Robert Muhereza


UGANDA, KABALE- Eight guns and fifteen empty magazines have been recovered from a plot of land of late James Karambuzi, a fallen fighter of the Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) who was killed by firing squad, on orders of President Idi Amin in 1973 in Kabale.

Mr Elly Maate, the Kigezi sub region police spokesman said on Tuesday that two rusted sub machine guns and six SAR guns were recovered by the workers who were hired to dig a house foundation in the land that belonged to Karambuzi in Igabiro Cell, Mwanjari Ward Southern Division, Kabale town.

“The police fire arm specialists will examine the recovered guns to establish whether they are working or otherwise,” Mr Maate said.

Igabiro Cell Local Council I chairperson, Mr Athanasius Mujaasi said four guns were recovered on Sunday by the site engineer, Mr Victor Byaruhanga.

Mr Maate said four more guns and a magazine were recovered on Tuesday afternoon.

Karambuzi was in March, 1973, publically executed by firing squad together with Joseph Bitwaari and David Kangire on orders of President Amin.

They were accused of being collaborators of the FRONASA, a rebel outfit that was led by President Yoweri Museveni.

 The three were buried in one grave in Kabale Main Stadium.

President Museveni, in 2015 visited the family of Karambuzi and promised to construct for them a commercial structure on the land in Kabale Municipality.

Mr Museveni writes in an autobiography ‘Sowing The Mustard Seed’ that around that time, they had smuggled into the country about 100 guns.

Mr Museveni says that Kangire, who had been deployed in Gulu to carry out recruitment and training, was betrayed by a one Latigo, who they thought was supporting the cause.

According to Mr Museveni, Sgt. Lino Owili who was mobilising ex-soldiers and policemen in Acholi to fight alongside FRONASA, informed Latigo about the presence of Kangire and others without knowing that he was a traitor.

Mr Museveni writes: “This same Latigo later betrayed Kangire, Labeja and Obwona when they were trying to move some guns from Atiak to Awere. It seems Lino had not headed my caution about Latigo because he was a relative of his. When Kangire arrived in Gulu to begin his work, Lino briefed Latigo about our group’s movements. Since Latigo had a car, he was even asked to transport Kangire and his colleagues, but he instead handed them over to Amin’s agents. Once Kangire was arrested he was asked about his contacts and it was he who mentioned (James) Karuhanga’s house at Kyambogo which we were using.”

Armed with this information, according to Mr Museveni, Amin soldiers, a few days later, surrounded their house in Kyambogo and arrested some of these FRONASA fighters including Karuhanga.

“In March 1973, James Karuhanga was publicly executed in front of his parents in Mbarara, although he had been captured in Kyambogo, near Kampala. On that notorious day in March, public executions were carried out in several towns around Uganda. People who had been captured in Kampala or Gulu were taken to their home areas to be executed before their families-such was mentality of the regime,” Mr Museveni writes. “Joseph Bitwaari and James Karambuzi were arrested and publicly executed in their home town of Kabale. In Gulu, Obwona from Atiak and Labeja from Awere were executed as a result of Latigo’s betrayal.”

President Amin was ousted in April 1979 by a combined force of Ugandans who were backed by  President Julius Nyerere.


The Inter Governmental Authority on Development wants free movement of persons among member states on the continent of Africa:

By Benjamin Sabila


Added 21st August 2017


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A cross-section of delegates attending an IGAD meeting on free movement of people at Entebbe. (Credit: Wilfred Sanya)


The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) began Monday a consultative process within member states which is expected to lead to a pact that will enable free movement of people in the region.

According to the IGAD secretary general, Amb. Mahboub Maalim, when the body was established on January 16, 1986, one of its core objectives was to enable free movement of people among member states. 

“One of the core ambitions of IGAD was to enable migration. Unfortunately we have been dogged by many challenges such as internal conflicts in member states. We were thus forced to focus on priority areas such as peace, security and disaster management,” he said.

He added that regional co-operation has been vital in solving conflicts in Somalia and South Sudan, citing Uganda’s contribution as key in stabilising both nations. 

“Migration is not about to stop anywhere. People cross borders every minute. It is unfortunate that many of the migrants dying in the Mediterranean Sea are from the IGAD region, yet we could have worked out a mechanism to help them by easing intra-migration. And that is why the entire world is concerned about migration,” said Maalim.

The three-day consultative meeting (August 21-23) dubbed The Protocol on Free Movement of Persons in the IGAD Region, brings together key players in the migration sector, including civil society, academia, private sector, the media,  the Police, the military, and the ministries of health, internal affairs and foreign affairs.


The stakeholders are expected to give their views on free movement of persons and recommend a way forward on the subject.

The IGAD team is also expected to visit the border towns of Malaba and Busia to meet with migration officials and other stakeholders about the general landscape of migration. They intend to study on reducing barriers and expose the benefits of free movement of persons in the region.

Uganda's state minister for regional cooperation Philemon Mateke, who opened the meeting at Premier Best Western Garden Hotel in Entebbe, said Uganda joined IGAD to foster regional co-operation and it welcomes the idea of free movement as enshrined in the 1991 Abuja Protocol, establishing the African Economic Community.

“We shall borrow experiences from the East African Community that has to some extent succeeded in establishing free movement of persons and a customs union. There are also great lessons from the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) as stated in the ECOWAS protocol of 1997 and the 1998 COMESA protocol on free movement of persons,” the minister said.

Mateke called on IGAD member states to promptly pay their contributions to the regional body and not default, adding that free movement of persons will create more opportunities for the citizens of the region and enhance trade and investment among member states.

Meanwhile, Maalim said the consultations are expected to last until June next year. He said they are going to first have to interact with all member states before giving a final stand on the findings. Uganda was their first stop, from where they will proceed to other member states.


IGAD was established in 1996. 

It succeeded the earlier Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD), a multinational body founded in 1986 by Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and Kenya, with a focus on development and environmental control. 

IGADD's headquarters were later moved to Djibouti, following an agreement signed in January 1986 by the member states. Eritrea joined the organization in 1993, upon achieving independence.

Refugees and pastoralists

Uganda is already burdened with an almost full-blown refugee crisis as the IGAD region faces multi-faceted migratory patterns and member states are home to internal displacements and refugees. 

Uganda hosts an estimateD 1.3 million refugees as by the end of June 2017, mostly from South Sudan after violence erupted in the world's youngest nation in December 2013. 

The Burundi crisis has also resulted to major refugee influxes. Approximately 190,000 Congolese refugees are hosted in south west and mid-western Uganda. 

The protocol, therefore, intends to protect the freedom of refugees and pastoralists due to their seasonal mobility and climate variability.


IGAD has received a grant from the EU emergency Trust Fund with the intention of facilitating the establishment of a free movement regime within the IGAD region. 

It is aimed at promoting the regularization of the high volume of informal movement and increase opportunities for legal mobility.

The United States Army is pulling out from the Central and East African region after failing to arrest the African Christian freedom fighter and a Uganda government rebel, Joseph Kony:

The former Uganda Army soldier and a leader of a faction of the African Christian Resistance Army, Mr Joseph Kony. 

The United States of America military is wrapping up operations against the Lord's Resistance Army in central Africa, even though its leader Joseph Kony is still at large, a top US general said Friday.
"This thing is coming to an end," said General Thomas Waldhauser, head of the US military's Africa Command.
A self-styled mystic and prophet, Kony launched a bloody rebellion three decades ago seeking to impose his own version of the Ten Commandments on northern Uganda.

The UN says the LRA has slaughtered more than 100,000 people and abducted 60,000 children since it was set up in 1987.
Waldhauser said "several hundred, maybe thousands" of Kony's footsoldiers had been killed in operations against the LRA, and that only about 100 now remain.
"This operation, although not achieving the ability to get to Kony himself, has essentially taken that group off the battlefield," he said.
"For the last several years, they've really been reduced to irrelevance."
The operation to hunt Kony and his bandits has cost between $600 and $800 million since 2011, the general added.
Kony is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.

One of his top lieutenants, child soldier-turned-warlord Dominic Ongwen, is currently on trial there.
A concerted campaign by activists in the US led Barack Obama to sign a law in 2010 that allowed the deployment of around 100 special forces to work with regional armies to hunt down Kony.
One of the groups, Invisible Children, went on to produce a video two years later called "Kony 2012" that went viral with 100 million views in a matter of days, raising awareness of the rebel group's activities and its fugitive leader.
Waldhauser said America would remain engaged in the region to make sure the LRA doesn't make a comeback.


The number of people who have fled Burundi and sought shelter in neighbouring states has passed the 250,000 mark.

The average rate of new arrivals per week has been more than 1,000 in Tanzania, 500 in Uganda, 230 in Rwanda and 200 in Democratic Republic of the Congo, according to a report released this morning by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR).

UNHCR's latest figures show that 250,473 people have been registered as refugees in Democratic Republic of the Congo, 21,186 in Rwanda, 73,926 in Tanzania and 131,834 in Uganda (22,330 since November 2014). Another 1,197 have sought refuge in Zambia since early April last year, when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced plans to run for a third term in office.

Some 1,700 Burundian refugees have arrived in Democratic Republic of the Congo so far this year. Many are living in poor rural areas, where conditions are harsh, and about two-thirds (14,772) are in Lusenda camp, which is nearing its capacity of 18,000.

Uganda is now home to thousands of Refugee Immigrants

As more and more people continue to escape the tension in the country and small numbers of spontaneous returns, UNHCR fears the figure could go higher. Although there has been a lull in violence recently, refugees arriving in the host countries continue to report human rights violations in Burundi and difficulty in leaving the country.

“Despite recent high-level efforts to engage the government, we have not seen significant improvements in the security and human rights situation on the ground. The deteriorating economic situation is also a cause for concern and could trigger further displacement,” UNHCR said in the statement.

It adds that cool heads and continuing international attention are important for averting a further deterioration of the situation. However, overcrowding is a problem in all host countries, including Tanzania, which has taken in more Burundians than any other.  Nyarugusu camp hosts some 143,000 people, including almost 80,000 who have arrived since last April.

In Rwanda, close to 48,000 Burundian refugees are living in Mahama camp, the largest camp in Rwanda, and more than 26,400 in Kigali and other towns.

As the insecurity persists in Burundi they are running out of savings, which will increase their need for assistance. The government, meanwhile, has clarified that it has no plans to relocate Burundian refugees and will keep its doors open.
In Uganda, about two thirds of Burundian arrivals in the past year are being hosted in Nakivale Refugee Settlement (14,876) in the South-West Region, 21 per cent in the capital Kampala, and the remainder in Kyaka II, Oruchinga and Kisoro settlements.

UNHCR requested $175.1 million for the Burundi humanitarian response in 2016 and has to date received only $4.7 million, or about 3 per cent


Clashes erupt as an African country of the Central African Republic votes in a referendum for a new country' s constitution:

Publish Date: Dec 13, 2015

BANGUI - Violence broke out in the Central African Republic capital Bangui Sunday as people voted in a referendum aimed at ending the nation's bloody sectarian strife.

Five people were wounded in Bangui's volatile Muslim-majority PK5 district where clashes broke out between supporters and opponents of the referendum on a new constitution.

Two were seriously wounded, according to a Red Cross employee who said fighting was continuing near the district's main mosque.

Gunfire and grenade blasts were also heard in the Gobongo district, a stronghold of the Christian "anti-balaka" militia, a security source said.

Voting had yet to begin in the PK5 district, where a UN peacekeeping source said gunfire had erupted overnight.

Authorities were setting up an alternative polling station after the unrest forced the closure of a school where voting had been set to take place.

After more than two years of fighting that forced 10 percent of the population to flee the country, Sunday's vote on a new constitution is seen as a test run for presidential and parliamentary polls in two weeks.

If adopted, the Central African Republic's new constitution would usher in the country's sixth republic since independence from France in 1960 but mark its 13th political regime in as many years.

The constitution would, among other things, ban "all form of religious fundamentalism and intolerance".

The ballot comes two weeks after Pope Francis appealed to Muslims and Christians in the former French colony to live as "brothers and sisters".

Despite the presence of 11,000 UN and French peacekeepers, part of the impoverished country remains out of bounds, under the control of either rebel chieftains or bandits.

UN peacekeepers must escort convoys of trucks carrying voting slips that leave every day from Bangui for the interior, given the volatile situation in parts of the country.

The widespread chaos has hampered organisation of the ballot by the country's interim authorities, with few election posters visible on the streets just 48 hours beforehand.

More significantly, only 15,000 copies of the new constitution have been printed, meaning that few voters are fully aware of its contents.

Almost two million Central Africans have registered to vote in a population of 4.8 million -- spurring hopes the election will be the first step in a return to peace and normalcy.

UN chief Ban Ki-moon appealed on the eve of the vote to ensure "that the referendum is conducted in a peaceful and credible manner" and called it a "significant milestone towards the end of the transition in the Central African Republic".

Many of the 5,600 polling stations are located in remote areas accessible only by dirt roads.

And of the 460,000 people displaced by the unrest living in camps across Central African Republic's borders -- many of them Muslims -- only 26 percent have been able to register.

In Bangui, which has been far quieter since the pope's bold 24-hour visit, peacekeepers are on edge. "Here things can blow up very quickly," said a security source who declined to be identified.

"The conditions are not right for an election," said Maxime Mokom, a leader of the anti-balaka militia set up to battle the mainly Muslim Seleka rebel force.


The military of Uganda is secretly buying arms for Southern Sudan:

UN investigates Shs143bn deal involving South Sudan

Uganda is once again under UN investigations surrounding the alleged purchase of classified military equipment from Russia, including four Mi24 attack helicopters that ended up in possession of the South Sudan government.  Details indicate that Uganda may have bypassed parliamentary objection and acquired a $170 million loan from a Russian bank to fund the arms deal.

It will be recalled that in late February this year, the UPDF Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Katumba Wamala, the Minister of State for Defense; Jeje Odongo, and the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Defense, Rosette Byengoma went to parliament seeking permission to acquire a loan of that amount.

Gen. Katumba told members of the Committee on National Economy that the country needed to acquire the sophisticated equipment because of the volatile situation within the country and the region, especially in Congo and Somalia.

In that meeting, the legislators declined to approve the loan. But somehow, the loan was later acquired, a military source claimed. The Independent could not verify the details of the specific batch weapons Uganda received as part of the deal.

But our investigations found that the end user certificate used to purchase the helicopters under investigation was provided by Uganda. It is not the first time such is happening. In 1997, Uganda signed a purchasing agreement for four helicopters from Belarus supplied by UK-based Consolidated Sales Corporation (CSC) owned by Emanuel Katto. Of these, Uganda received two—the infamous junk helicopters. The other two, which were in much better shape but were also over-priced went to Rwanda.

In the recent deal, it would appear that the helicopters under UN investigation in Juba were acquired using Ugandan taxpayers’ money.  If so, it is unclear why that is the case because South Sudan is said to have money ready to finance its military expenditure. It had set aside a whopping $850 million war-chest to crush the rebellion shortly after it broke out.

Asked to comment about the arrangement under which Uganda helped South Sudan acquire the helicopters, Ambassador James Mugume, the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told The Independent that he did not have the details of the said deal.

“We have an agreement with them (South Sudan),” Ambassador Mugume said, “I have heard about the helicopters but I do not have the details, I need to ask our technical people.”

Ministry of Defence Spokesperson, Lt. Col. Paddy Ankunda could not comment. Apart from the Mi24s, South Sudan has since the war broke out in December 2013 made numerous weapons purchases.

The UN Panel investigating says China, Sudan, Israel and other countries had supplied South Sudan.

Kenyan connection

In another twist to the saga, The Independent has information that money that could have moved from South Sudan ended up in a commercial bank in Kampala.

Apparently, between March and April, this year, South Sudan paid about € 40 million (about UGX143 billion) through a Ugandan-based commercial bank to a Russian Company for the acquisition of four Mi24 attack helicopters.

An investigation by The Independent has found that South Sudan first paid € 20 million and later another €20 million. The payment was in the Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA), owned by among others the family of Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta.

A highly placed source privy to the details of the deal told The Independent that amongst the transaction documents show that South Sudan Minister of Defence, Kuol Manyang Juuk, handled the transaction.

South Sudan’s preference to transact through Kampala and not Juba is being cited as an indication of the South Sudan’s determination to keep under wraps its acquisition of the fighter helicopters. If that is the case, then it appears that the choppers cited by the UN in Juba might have been part of a bigger consignment split up between Uganda and South Sudan. The CBA money transfer also appears to show that South Sudan reimbursed Uganda. The Independent was unable to establish if the money was returned to the Consolidated Fund.

The purchase has come under investigation because the UN suspects that the Uganda aided South Sudan in the acquisition of the weapons which are suspected to have encouraged South Sudan President Salva Kiir to prolong the war in his country and hold back from signing a peace deal with rebels led by his former Vice President Riek Machar who are fighting him. The weapons are alleged to have been used in committing war crimes.

The secret operation and the stealth acquisition of fighter helicopters offer a rare window into how far Kiir’s government was willing to go in the struggle for power in a conflict that has claimed 10,000 lives, made over half a million flee the country and over 1.5 million get displaced internally.

The accusers point to a number of events to allege that Uganda provided the end user agreement South Sudan used to get helicopters.

Kiir is suspected to have delayed to sign the peace deal because after the new weapons acquisition he felt in better position to defeat the rebels.

This is the reason he twice snubbed signing the peace deal defying calls by the African Union and the entire international community. Kiir finally signed the accord on Aug.26 following intense pressure and a threat of sanctions from the UN.

At the height of the war, UN members led by the U.S. and the UK had suggested that an arms embargo is slapped on South Sudan. But the Security Council did not impose the embargo meaning that the South Sudan remained free under international law to acquire arms, ammunition and other military equipment and parts, as well as any related training in their use, maintenance or repair.

Before this saga, Uganda in mid-October, 2014 signed a long-term agreement on military cooperation with Juba that enables it to buy weapons and technological support on behalf of South Sudan.

The agreement was signed by Juuk and his Ugandan counterpart, Crispus Kiyonga. This followed a visit by President Salva Kiir to the Uganda where he together with other regional leaders attended a summit on the Standard Gauge Railway.

Uganda’s Defence ministry officials appeared before parliament requesting approval of the $ 170 million loan February 2015, four months after the agreement was signed.

Those who suspect that Uganda bought for South Sudan cite the loan and the source of the arms—Russia—and the fact that Uganda was looking for a loan approval just a month before the South Sudan transaction.

Other reports claim that the purchases were made from Ukraine. Uganda is reported to have secured and end user certificate for helicopters from Ukraine.

Uganda has in the past also purchased weapons from Ukraine. According to a Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) report, between 2005 and 2009, Ukraine supplied second-hand combat aircraft and helicopters to Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea and Uganda.

Just last year, according to a report by the Ukrainian State Export Control Service on international shipments of certain types of weaponry in 2014, Uganda acquired 3,000 rifles. The name of the supplier being mentioned as having supplied South Sudan is the same as that of an old supplier of Uganda.

Other sources claim the two countries could have both acquired arms from both Russia and Ukraine.

UN investigates

A highly place diplomatic source has told The Independent that all these claims are being investigated by the United Nations Panel on South Sudan. The panel also indicated as much in its Aug.21 brief to the Security Council.

“The Panel is investigating the involvement of regional States in arms transfers, including the possibility of acquisitions made by neighbouring countries on behalf of the Government of South Sudan,” the Panel noted.

The Panel is also interested because the government of South Sudan has signed security cooperation agreements with both Egypt and Uganda under which it could acquire arms through these countries.

South Sudan has a right to acquire arms but it is obligated to ensure that arms, ammunition and equipment are not used in violation of international humanitarian and international human rights law, the Panel added in its report.

Most importantly, the panel is looking to find out if Uganda aided the Juba establishment to breach the ceasefire agreements that prohibited them from acquiring arms.

South Sudan government and the rebels had continued to acquire arms and ammunition that the international body said were instrumental in prolonging and escalating the war.

“Both sides have continually violated their commitments to cease resupplying their forces with arms and ammunition,” the UN reported. The Panel noted that it would continue looking into the transfers, including their sources and the trafficking networks behind them, their impact on the war and their role in violations of human rights and humanitarian law.

Uganda is free to acquire on behalf of South Sudan or sell weapons directly to the country. But the trouble, according to experts, is when such weapons are used to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity as is suspected to have happened in South Sudan.

Uganda has already been accused severally in South Sudan. The United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) accused the two countries of using cluster bombs during the two year war.

If it is established that Uganda aided the acquisition, it will be blamed for having enabled President Salva Kiir’s government to prolong the war.

As part of their investigations, the Panel has obtained evidence of the presence in South Sudan of at least four Mi-24 helicopters flying the South Sudanese flag.

It noted in its report that the helicopters, which have eight-person transport capacity and ground-attack capacity, were used in an attack support role by SPLA in recent fighting in Upper Nile State, including around Kodok and Doleib Hill.

“SPLA did not possess operational helicopters with ground-attack capacity before the outbreak of the war,” the report noted.

Imagery obtained by the Panel shows an SPLA Mil Mi-24 fitted with two B8V20 launch pods on the two missile attachment points located on the left stub wing, the report notes, each capable of firing twenty 80mm S-8 unguided rockets. It adds that it is likely that the same launch pods are located on the right stub wing, making the total allowance of the helicopter up to 80 rockets.

However, on closer scrutiny of the acquired pictures, the UN Panel noted in the same report that it was likely that “this helicopter is not newly acquired by South Sudan”.

As such, the UN did not confirm whether the helicopters had been acquired and when.

The Independent’s investigation, however, confirmed that the helicopters had been newly acquired and reveals how exactly the deal was sealed. South Sudan government spending on its military sector rose to $1.6 billion in the current year’s budget, the experts report. Decreasing sums are meanwhile being spent on economic and social development in one of the world’s poorest countries.

According to the Panel, new Mi24s cost $10 million each. Going by this rate, the four would have cost South Sudan $ 40 million. This, however, would not cater for the brokers of the deal.

Apart from the helicopter deal, reports indicate that Juba had also obtained $21 million worth of arms, ammunition and related materials from a Chinese weapons maker last year. However, China is said to have later halted military sales to South Sudan.

As for Israel, the Panel reported that Israeli-produced IWI-ACE automatic rifles were in the possession of South Sudan soldiers, national police and bodyguards of high-ranking officials and army officers. Some of these weapons, the report noted, were delivered prior to the outbreak of fighting in late 2013.

The Panel did not say whether the weapons came directly from Israel to South Sudan.

Uganda arms dealers’ haven

It also seems some weapons agents get weapons from suppliers with documentation claiming they were for Uganda and sell them to buyers in the region.

There have been reports showing that weapons ordered for Uganda have been finding their ways in the hands of rogue elements in DR Congo, CHAD and South Sudan.

At one point, a member of the UN Panel reported to the international body that they had recovered from rogue elements in CHAD, Central African Republic (CAR) and DR Congo weapons made in Israel.

Israel officials suspected Ugandan officials were orchestrating such deals.

It appears, therefore, that arms dealers have turned Uganda into their regional base, according to some players.

For instance, in July this year, private security contractors based in Uganda trained fighters, comprising Ugandans and South Sudanese, to fight in the South Sudan war. They also had mercenaries from other countries in a deal said to be worth millions of dollars allegedly paid for by the Juba establishment. The deal included training of pilots at a private airfield a few kilometres from Entebbe called Kajjansi Airfield. From here, and after the training, the fighters would be airlifted to South Sudan, sources familiar with it revealed.

The secret operation was exposed after the contractors failed to deliver the agreed upon number of the mercenaries at the agreed time, leading to disagreements. Observers said the mercenaries were meant to launch a thorough onslaught against the rebels after Kiir’s government realised that the Ugandan army that had deployed in the country at the height of the war and repulsed the rebels was only keen on keeping stability and not fighting the rebels into defeat. The UPDF troops have since left South Sudan but its interests remain.


Indeed the right to protect itself from external aggressors is paramount for every nation on this planet. Trouble comes when the leader of a nation becomes the internal aggressor and human lives and property are lost and destroyed in that nation. Because again the citizens themselves of that nation seem to have chosen that very path of Hell on Earth for their nation.

The Sudan Military peace talks have failed in Ethiopia:

Publish Date: Nov 24, 2015


Peace talks between Sudan's government and rebels have adjourned without a deal after a week of negotiations in Ethiopia, African Union mediators said Tuesday.

Rebel factions from the war-torn western Darfur region as well as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), fighting the government in the southern Blue Nile and South Kordofan states since 2011, met with government delegates from Khartoum.

Mediators had hoped both sides would declare a ceasefire, including to allow aid in for civilians in rebel areas.

African Union teams, led by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, adjourned talks late on Monday, an AU official said.

No date was given for when the next round of talks may start again.

Darfur has been mired in conflict since 2003, when insurgents rebelled against President Omar al-Bashir's Arab-dominated regime, complaining of marginalisation.

Rebels in Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan, areas bordering South Sudan, are fighting for similar reasons.

Some 300,000 people have been killed in Darfur and nearly 2.5 million displaced, the UN says, while the International Criminal Court has indicted Bashir for alleged war crimes committed during the conflict.


The Uganda Army has been forced to withdraw from South Sudan by the United Nations:

Uganda Army soldiers guard a base in South Sudan

By Risdel Kasasira

Posted  Sunday, October 18   2015 

When Uganda Army deployed in South Sudan 22 months ago, three reasons were given for intervention, including evacuating Ugandans caught up in the fighting.

The second reason was that UG had been invited by a legitimate government to ensure order and the third reason was that the regional bloc, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), had sanctioned the intervention following a request by the UN secretary General, Mr Ban Ki-moon.

What government didn’t say was Khartoum’s invisible hand in the conflict and also the need to protect Uganda’s economic interests.

According to military sources, President Omar Al-Bashir has been close to Riek Machar whom the regime in Kampala sees as an adversary.

Despite the war, South Sudan remained the biggest market for Ugandan products such as cement, beverages and agricultural produce.

Therefore, it was not a surprise that as the conflict escalated, Ugandan troops started fighting on the side of forces loyal to President Salva Kiir.

In the end, UA become a protagonist in the conflict and was accused of propping up Kiir’s regime. And indeed, If Uganda Army had not intervened, President Kiir would probably not be president todate.

What next?
However, with Uganda Army leaving, are Uganda’s security and economic interests protected? Is President Kiir’s interest to remain president secure?

Answers to this question depend on the internal political, economic and security dynamics in South Sudan, regional and international community interests.

But majorly, its regional and internal politics will be critical in determining the internal politics in world’s newest nation.

“There is a very big shift in geopolitical interests. President Museveni has reconciled with President Bashir who has been hostile to Uganda.

Therefore, even if Machar comes to Juba as President, his government may not be hostile to Uganda,” says Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, the Shadow minister for Defence and Internal Affairs.

Historical relations between Uganda and Sudan have been tense, with both countries backing armed proxies fighting over the status of South Sudan.

But in September this year, President Museveni made a rare visit to Khartoum that represents a significant shift in the relations between the two countries.

It was a smart diplomatic move by President Museveni to reach out to President Bashir because Kampala will now have less control over events in South Sudan without a presence in Juba and other parts of the country.

If regimes in Kampala and Khartoum are close allies, they can easily compel Juba to do what they want because South Sudan majorly depends on the two countries for survival.

LRA issue
South Sudan’s economy entirely depends on oil with the refineries located in Sudan and almost all food and other goods like beverages consumed coming from Uganda. Therefore, reconciling with Khartoum is not only good for Uganda but also for South Sudan and Sudan.

Anyone who wants to economically and politically distabilise Uganda will first distabilise South Sudan for it to be a safe haven for negative forces like the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels under Joseph Kony.

Northern Uganda is peaceful because South Sudan is Uganda’s buffer zone and that’s why Kony who was allegedly getting support from Khartoum was pushed out and later fled to the Central African Republic (CAR).

Some have previously argued that LRA can come back and attack Uganda and South Sudan with the help of some hostile regimes but no government or regime would want to be associated with a person like Kony who is being hunted by Americans and also wanted by the International Criminal Court.

Another critical factor that will determine South Sudan’s security situation is the 12,600 strong-UN force that is replacing the UA.

The force will be deployed under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter and it authorises the force to use “all means necessary” to protect civilians and deter violence.

If “all means necessary” includes carrying out targeted offensive operations to neutralise parties that violate the peace deal like Force Intervention Brigade in DR Congo, the UN force could help to bring peace.

But the challenge with such UN force is that it’s drawn from different countries with different interests and it’s not always cohesive.

“It might be business as usual where you have these UN troops getting good salaries and all the benefits but the local people are suffering.

It has been happening in DR Congo and other parts of the world,” says Sam Mwebaze, a Master student of International Relations at Makerere University.

It should also be understood that President Kiir in January 2014 accused the UNMISS, which is replacing UPDF of supporting the opposition, an allegation the UN strongly denied and dismissed.

Even last week South Sudan’s information minister Michael Makuei Lueth, told reporters in Juba that Salva Kiir was not attending the September 29 UN meeting because the UN had been treating Kiir like a “schoolboy.”

Role of UN
Therefore, there is already lack of trust between the UN and president Kiir.

More worrying, Juba is supposed to be demilitarised, and all government forces, according to the Addis Ababa agreement signed on August 26, are supposed to move 25km out of the capital and therefore president Kiir will be first hand at the mercy of this UN force.

However, Mr Ateny Wek Ateny, the government spokesperson, says the president will remain with about 5,000 presidential guards, fire brigade, police and wildlife warders.

“There will be no security vacuum. With these presidential guards and police, the city will be safe and the president will also be safe,” he said.

Mr Ateny also says government has more than 100,000 soldiers that can be deployed to defend their country.

But what he does not explain is why the government has failed to defeat Machar who now controls a swathe of territory with an intact fighting force.

A Uganda Army retired captain, who doesn’t want to be named because of the sensitivity of the matter, currently working for a European security firm in South Sudan, describes SPLA, as “ a disorganised and poorly trained force”.

“They cannot stand and fight an organised force,” he says
He says when Uganda Army deployed in December 2013, it was not only fighting Machar but also reorganising the SPLA at the frontline.

“They have guns needed to fight any war in this terrain. But they are disorganised. They are poor at command, planning and war execution. They really need training,” he says.

Another problem president Kiir is facing is the ailing economy. And with this big number of soldiers, it might be hard for him to raise the money to pay the soldiers.

In May this year, Mr Kiir acknowledged in his speech that South Sudanese have been hit hard by the ailing economy.

He blamed the fighting and falling crude prices for hobbling his country’s oil industry, which is South Sudan’s economic lifeline.

In the same month, a team of South Sudan officials led by vice president Wani Igga was in Kampala to seek financial help but government sources say Uganda only promised it would offer financial advice.

With these changing dynamics, Mr Fungaroo argues that the regional leaders are “ditching” President Kiir because he has failed to solve governance problems within SPLA/M and they are tired of continuously supporting his government from falling.

“There is a shift in geopolitics. Salva Kiir is being ditched” he says. But spurning President Kiir would not be easy.

It’s also risky because edging him out would be opening another frontline that could divide the country that is already ethnically and tribally divided.

Russia weighs UN arms embargo on South Sudan

Publish Date: Aug 21, 2015

      Some of the military hardware Southern Sudan is proud of

The expensive Amison military hardware and personnel


Russia said Thursday it needs more time to study a draft UN resolution on imposing an arms embargo and sanctions on South Sudan if President Salva Kiir refuses to sign a peace deal.

The United States presented the draft resolution to the Security Council late Wednesday, hoping to schedule a quick vote, possibly as early as Friday.

But Russia's Deputy Ambassador Petr Iliichev said "it's a complex draft. We need time to think about it."

The draft text would impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on individuals deemed responsible for the failure of the latest effort to end the 20-month war that has killed tens of thousands of people.

Rebel chief Riek Machar met a Monday deadline to sign the power-sharing agreement, but Kiir only initialed part of it and said he would return to the table in early September to finalize the accord.

According to the State Department, Kiir told US Secretary of State John Kerry that he planned to sign the deal.

Russia and China, both veto-wielding powers in the 15-member council, have expressed reservations about resorting to sanctions to turn up the pressure on the warring sides in South Sudan.

Iliichev noted that UN sanctions imposed on six generals last month had prompted two commanders to break away from the rebel forces, complicating the situation on the ground.

"Instead of helping the peace process, we have another obstacle," he told AFP.

"We should be very careful about those radicals hanging around Kiir and Machar and how they are going to react," he said.

The Russian envoy said the United States had yet to circulate a new list of names to be added to the UN blacklist.

The draft resolution calls for a travel ban and assets freeze to come into effect from September 6 against "individuals, including the senior political leaders of the government of South Sudan, as well as individuals or entities that violate the terms of the ceasefire."

The international arms embargo would also go into effect on September 6.

But both measures will be scrapped if Kiir signs the peace deal by September 1 and all sides implement a ceasefire, according to the draft.

The world's youngest nation, South Sudan has been torn by fighting between forces loyal to Kiir and rebels allied with Machar, his former deputy, since December 2013 and the violence has imploded along ethnic lines.

Nearly 70 percent of the country's population facing food shortages and some 200,000 terrified civilians are sheltering in UN bases.

South Sudan peace deal welcomed as many Arabic and African refugees swarm international cities of Europe to seek asylum:

Publish Date: Aug 27, 2015

A deal signed by South Sudan's president aimed at ending 20 months of civil war was given a cautious welcome Thursday, with both sides in the conflict urged to show good faith.

At least seven ceasefires have already been agreed and then shattered within days or even hours since war began in December 2013.

African Union Commission chief Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said Thursday the deal was "a critical step in the efforts aimed at ending the conflict" but said the agreement must be implemented.

"Seize this unique opportunity to open a new chapter," she said, calling on all sides to "scrupulously abide by its terms and faithfully implement its provisions."

Serious concerns remain. President Salva Kiir signed the peace accord on Wednesday at a ceremony in Juba, but he annexed a list of reservations that would have to be addressed for the agreement to take hold.

Both sides traded blame Wednesday for attacking each other. Under the deal, a permanent ceasefire must come into force by nightfall on Saturday.

The UN Security Council has given Kiir until September 1 to get fully behind the agreement or face possible sanctions, and the United States has circulated a draft resolution that would impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on those who undermine peace efforts.

Key aid agencies, that are struggling to stem a humanitarian crisis in the devastated nation, said in a joint statement that even if implemented the deal was "only the beginning of a long, hard journey towards peace and reconciliation."

Tens of thousands of people are thought to have died in a war marked by ethnic killings, gangs rapes and child soldier recruitment.

"The value of the peace deal will only be seen on how it is implemented on the ground," the International Rescue Committee (IRC) said.
'More than words' 

"The people of South Sudan need more than words," said John Hoare from CARE aid agency. "They need real commitment from their leaders to ensure that this is a lasting peace, that the violence has ended and the reconciliation process can begin."

The deal was brokered by the regional eight-nation IGAD bloc, along with the UN, the African Union, China, Britain, Norway and the United States.

The conflict has been characterised by ethnic massacres and rape.

"Much more needs to be done to ensure lasting peace and stability," said Oxfam chief in South Sudan Zlatko Gegic.

"With millions of people hungry, it is crucial that all warring parties respect the agreement, stop fighting immediately and allow life-saving aid to reach people where they are."

Before signing, Kiir himself warned of the risk of failure, saying there were "so many things we have to reject" in the deal, and that "such reservations, if ignored, would not be in the interests of just and lasting peace."
He also called on regional leaders at the signing ceremony -- including Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda -- to support the deal.

"Stand with us in the implementation," he said. "Otherwise we may spoil it, if it is left to us."


One wants to know what sort of arms America and Russia are selling to these African military War Lords so that they can successfully settle their African differences. Many African citizens are fed up of being branded economic refugees when in actual fact they are running away in fear of death from such unending civil wars on their continent.

Brig Arube’s failed coup plan during the rule of Idi Amin in Uganda, 1974:



Late Brig Charles Arube

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted  Saturday, October 24  2015 

Faustin Mugabe sat down with an ex-army official who remembers what went wrong.

On February 5, 2013, the remains of Brig Charles Arube were reburied at his ancestral home in Lombe village, Koboko Town Council in Koboko District.
Less than a kilometre from Arube’s grave, Idi Amin’s father was buried. President Museveni, who facilitated the exhuming and reburial of Arube also attended the burial.
Brig Arube had been buried at Burma military cemetery in Jinja District in March 1974 following his mysterious death shortly after the failed March 23 - 24, 1974 coup against Idi Amin.

The attempted coup was instigated by Arube’s desire to rout all foreigners in the Uganda Army (UA) and Amin who were brutalising people, especially Ugandans.
The foreigners, who had infiltrated the army, were from Rwanda, Zaire (DR Congo), Kenya and Sudan not only belittled Ugandan officers and soldiers, but also brutalised civilians.


Retired Uganda Army officer, Lt Col Moses Galla narrates the events surrounding Brig Arube’s death. PHOTO BY FAUSTIN MUGABE

Amin and Brig Malera caused Arube’s to attempt a coup. It was Gen Amin’s indecision to act on Brig Hussein Malera’s misconduct particularly towards Brig Arube and his close friend Lt Col Elly Aseni that prompted Arube to attempt to instigate a coup which he thought was the only solution to end the injustice Ugandans faced. So how did it start? From Koboko Town, Uganda Army UO: 606 retired Lt Col Moses Galla told Witness how Brig Hussein Malera, a Sudanese, had provoked Arube to attempt to stage the coup.
Galla, born on July 2, 1948, and joined the UA in April 1966, was a close friend of both Arube and Aseni. “I knew Arube and Elly [Aseni] very well. Amin was related to Elly – and he [Aseni] joined the UA in 1963. Arube joined the King’s African Rifles (KAR) on September 12, 1959, with my elder brother Khemis Poru. They were recruited from Koboko, trained in Jinja and later taken to Nanyuki in Kenya,” Galla vividly recalls.


While he could not remember where Arube was posted before 1971, he recalls: “When Lt Col Arube was appointed army chief of staff, he was transferred from Gaddafi Garrison [in Jinja] to Kampala where he had been the commanding officer of the School of Infantry”.
He went on: “So after that, he was sent to the USSR [Russia] for a military High Command course for about six months and returned around March 1974. While on course, Col Hussein Malera was appointed acting chief of staff and promoted to Brigadier. When Arube returned, Malera, who had been the commanding officer of the Military Police, refused to hand over the office [of the chief of staff]”.

Arube reported the matter to president Amin, commander-In Chief, who told Arube that he would handle the matter but in vain. Frustrated by president Amin’s inaction to his concerns, Arube called his friends and colleagues for a meeting to seek their advice on the matter concerning Malera’s refusal to hand over to him the office.
While he cannot remember the day of the meeting, he recalls that he was on duty in Fort Portal when Arube called him to Kampala to attend a meeting. Where was the meeting I asked? “The meeting was held at the Officer’s Mess at Nakasero which was Uganda Club in Obote’s government,” Galla answered.

Brigadier Arube chaired the meeting. Lt Col Galla reveals that the meeting started after lunch. The following officers attended the meeting as far as Galla can recall. Lt Col Elly Aseni, Governor North Buganda Province, Lt Col Juma Ali Oka aka Butabika, commanding officer of Malire Mechanised Specialised Reconnaissance Regiment at Lubiri Kampala, Maj Moses Galla, acting commanding officer Mountains of the Moon Battalion in Fort Portal, Maj Amin Lomo, commanding officer of Air and Sea-borne Battalion in Tororo, Captain Steven Galla, General manager Kilembe Mines, Lt Enoc Maturima, tank commander of the Mechanised Specialised Reconnaissance Regiment, Lt Michael Akonyu, the acting commanding officer of the paratroopers school at Lubiri”.

In his opening remarks Arube said: “The reason for calling this meeting is, I am back from the course. I was given a 14-day pass leave; but when I returned, I found Malera in my office and when I asked him that ‘please hand over the office to me’, he refused”, Galla recalls Arube’s words.
“Lt Col Elly Aseni was the first to speak. He told him to report the matter to the commander-In-chief. Then Lt Col Juma Butabika told him that if Amin refused to listen to him, he should come to him and tell him. Mine was different. I said, sir you are the chief of staff, there is another Brigadier, Smuts Guweddeko, why don’t you approach him to see if he can talk to Malera. Arube accepted my advice and said he would give them the answer in the second meeting. I did not attend the second meeting. I was in Bugungu in Masindi overseeing the training of the mortal platoon. I was in Masindi when I received a telephone call from Juma Doka.

He said: “Galla, Arube has committed suicide”. Doka was in Tororo. But he said he did not know why and how it happened”.
Retired Captain Isaac Bakka who served in the UA recently told the Sunday Monitor in the series “attempted coups” that Amin shot Arube dead at his Command Post as the latter entered the house to arrest or kill Amin himself during the attempted coup. Amin and Arube were both Kakwa from the neighbouring villages in present Koboko District.

The Prime Minister of Britain is very much sure of the large number of  Syrian Islamic Rebels on his side as Britain joins the civil war of Syria:

Free Syrian Army fighter prepares launcher to be fired towards forces loyal to
Syria's President Bashar Al-Assad in Deraa countryside


Military officials warned the Government against saying 70,000 Syrian rebels were ready to join the fight against Islamic State (IS) in Syria, according to The Times.

The newspaper says there were fears it could make the Government a hostage to fortune and turn into David Cameron's "dodgy dossier".

Britain launched airstrikes on a Syrian oilfield on Wednesday after the Prime Minister won the backing of a large majority of MPs.

A key part of the argument was that there were 70,000 Syrians ready to battle IS on the ground once the US-led air raids had done their job.

That figure has been questioned by critics who argue many of the "rag tag" Syrians are likely to be Islamists and cannot be relied on.

But a No.10 spokesman said: “The 70,000 figure was produced by the Joint Intelligence Committee, which includes in its membership officials from the Ministry of Defence.

“The Ministry of Defence did not raise concerns with No10 on whether this figure should be included in the PM's response to the Foreign Affairs Committee.”

Tony Blair, who was haunted by claims made about Iraq's military capabilities in the "dodgy dossier", has meanwhile welcomed the "important" vote on British action against IS in Syria.

Mr Blair claimed European forces had to lead the response to the "threat at our door" and "within our home".

The former prime minister said it was also necessary to adopt a wider strategy that included tackling Islamist ideology.

He warned a continued failure to recognise the scale of the challenge would lead to terrorist attacks "worse than those in Paris".

Delivering the Kissinger Lecture at the Library of Congress in Washington, Mr Blair said defeating IS - also known as Daesh - was "only a necessary beginning" because "force alone will not prevail" and "the Islamist ideology has also to be confronted".

He cautioned: "A continued failure to recognise the scale of the challenge and to construct the means necessary to meet it, will result in terrorist attacks potentially worse than those in Paris."

This, he added, could produce "a backlash which then stigmatises the majority of decent, law-abiding Muslims and puts the very alliance so necessary at risk, creating a further cycle of chaos and violence."



In the country of Burundi, there are many corpses in the streets as the civil war in that country intesfies:

Publish Date: Dec 13, 2015
The Burundi Military personnel sits aboard a vehicle driving through the Musage neighbourhood
of the city of Bujumbura on December 11, 2015. as human bodies lay about the streets




At least 40 dead bodies were seen scattered in the streets of the Burundi capital, Bujumbura, on Saturday, witnesses said, a day after coordinated armed assaults on three military bases.

Witnesses and journalists in Nyakabiga, a hotspot neighbourhood for anti-government protests in recent months, reported seeing at least 20 corpses, some apparently shot at close range. Other witnesses reported further bodies seen lying in streets in other parts of the city.



The African consequences of removing Presidential term limits in an African Republican State.


Burundi forces are being accused of committing heinous human rights abuses


Burundi forces are being accused of committing heinous human rights abuses

By Kim Aine

Dec 11,2015

In a bid to block uncoordinated troop movement amid heavy explosions in Bujumbura, President Pierre Nkurunziza has directed that all battalion commanders must stay at their posts till next year.

The instructions provide that the commanders will not move from their bases until January 15, 2016.

The better part of the city has been shut down after heavy night fighting between rebels and government troops escalated on Friday morning.


There is heavy military presence in Bujumbura with civilians locking their shops and staying at their residences.

Jeome Uwamahoro, 26, a resident of Bujumbura said he heard not less than 30 grenade explosions in three hours today morning.

But presidency media advisor, Willy Nyamitwe moved to downplay the impact of the rebellion, saying “The Sindumuja insurgency ended up with a failed coup.”

He added: “The shots in the night conclude with today’s defeated attack.”

Nyamitwe said when international observers are around “we often get night gunfire. Tonight the Sindumuja tried to attack military camps but they failed.”

Rebels reportedly targeted two military camps including Muha and an army school.

The African Union observers are in the country to assess the security situation amid concerns of a possible slow genocide.

A normal day in Burundi starts with counting of dead bodies on Bujumbura streets.

The country slipped into anarchy after President Pierre Nkurunziza chose to seek a third term in office despite the expiry of his two mandatory terms.

While Nkurunziza said his first time was only by Parliament’s appointment and the other by adult suffrage, world leaders warned that attempts to cling to power would push the country to the edge of a civil war.

Opposition took to the streets in large violent protests which would eventually turn into an armed rebellion.

According to the United Nations, hundreds of people have been killed in the conflict.

Sources said the orders given to military commanders to stay at their stations came against the backdrop of fears of a possible coup.

But Nyamitwe said the “situation is returning to normal as firearms are seized.”

He further said many insurgents have been killed or arrested.



The African Union yesterday demanded an end to the violence in Burundi, warning it will not allow the country to descend into genocide.

The AU Peace and Security Council is concerned political violence in Burundi could trigger a civil war and the kind of ethnic conflict that led to mass killings in neighboring Rwanda in 1994.

The Council said on Twitter that “Africa will NOT allow another genocide on its soil.”

AU Commissioner for Peace and Security Smali Cherugi added that Council members meeting in Addis Ababa have a very clear message: “The killings in Burundi must end immediately.”

Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said Burundi, recently wracked by political violence, is on the verge of civil war. Zeid Ra’ad al Hussein told a special session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva Thursday, “Burundi is at bursting point, on the very cusp of a civil war.

He cited a campaign of political repression in which at least 400 people have been killed and almost 3,500 arrested. The surge of violence in Burundi has unnerved a region that remains volatile two decades after genocide devoured nearly a million people in neighboring Rwanda.

Zeid said the country is on a trajectory back to its “deeply troubled, dark and horrendously violent past.”

Burundi has been in turmoil since April when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would seek a third term. Critics said he was violating the constitution’s two-term limit as well as an agreement that ended Burundi’s 12-year civil war.

The president was re-elected in July, but violence has since escalated. Tensions have been running particularly high since gunmen attacked military sites in the capital Bujumbura last Friday.

The United States called Thursday’s special session of the Human Rights Council after at least 87 people were killed in attacks on military facilities. Zeid called for a robust response by the international community, including travel bans and asset freezes, and said Burundi’s borders should be closely monitored, perhaps by drones, to stop the reported flow of weapons into the country.

“The time for piecemeal responses and fiddling around the edges is over,” he said.

Burundi’s 12-year civil war pitted rebel groups of the Hutu majority, including one led by the current president Nkurunziza, against what was then an army led by the Tutsi minority. Rwanda has the same ethnic mix.




Interesting for the AU. This is the new breed of African leaders who have only recently changed the name of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the hope of a better continent of Africa. The OAU used to sit with old wild African breeds of leaders like the Mobutu, Banda, and the Kwame Nkurumahs, etc that caused so much deaths on the continent of Africa. This time round the counting of how many fatal civil wars are springing up all over the continent goes on. 


How in the history of Uganda a President was removed from power(1971)

















Soldiers stand guard near Radio Uganda moments before news

of the military takeover was announced on January 25, 1971.

Circled is Corporal Moses Galla who rammed an APC into the

armoury where mutineers got guns.



Posted  Sunday, February 21   2016 


The coup was the 27th in Africa and the second in Uganda. When it happened, Obote and his entourage of about 30 government officials were in Singapore attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting.

Several theories have been advanced to explain why the coup occurred and who plotted it. Authors have indicated that the immediate cause was because Obote had collided with then British prime minister Edward Heath and Israel over Uganda’s attempt to expel Indians as well as Israeli military expatriates from Uganda.

However, others have indicated that then army commander Maj Gen Idi Amin was the master planner and others have also claimed that Felix Onama, then minister of Defence, was the architect and involved Amin to execute the plot.

What caused the coup, who plotted it?
Last September, Sunday Monitor spoke to some of the former Uganda Army (UA) soldiers from Arua and Koboko districts who participated in what began as a mutiny and ended in a coup. And according to them, it was not planned. Neither Britain nor Israel was involved. Not even Amin or Onama had plotted it. In other words, the coup was accidental.

Former UA captain N0 U0:671 Suleiman Taban was born on June 12, 1949, in present day Koboko District, West Nile sub-region, and joined the army on May 17, 1967, at the military garrison in Jinja.

By January 1971, he was a corporal stationed at Malire Barracks in Mengo, Kampala. In April 1971, he was appointed Officer Cadet and on June 3, 1971, went to Mons Cadet School in Britain for a six months course.

‘Division in the army caused the coup’
It was divisionism in the army that led to the coup, according to the former soldiers.
Divisionism and nepotism, they say, sowed in the army by politicians in 1962 as Uganda got independence led to the coup that toppled Obote.
The division was largely between soldiers from northern and West Nile sub-regions.

“I first knew about it [divisionism] when Amin came in a pair of shorts to Malire in 1969 escorted by then Maj [David] Oyite-Ojok who was the assistant adjutant court master general. He went on to appeal to soldiers that while there was a wrangle in the army, he did not want bloodshed,” Taban recalls.

“He said if soldiers did not want him as the army commander, they should tell him and he goes away. The soldiers told him that they wanted him and were ready to die with him.”
Taban told Sunday Monitor that all this was done because there was a hidden agenda to eliminate Amin as they were later to learn.

Attempt to eliminate Amin
From 1962, Obote and Amin were allies who diplomatically opposed the link between army commander Brig Shaban Opolot and president Edward Muteesa II.
But when Obote became suspicious of Amin in 1967, a row slowly started emerging between the two.

The same year, “the Lango development master plan” was designed for the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) to rule Uganda for 50 years.

The document with details of the alleged plan was said to been revealed by former minister of Internal Affairs Basil Bataringaya after he was captured and tortured on the day of the coup. This was while he was making a telephone call to Singapore from Sheraton Kampala Hotel.

Worth to note is that the Lango development master plan was a proposal authored by the UPC supporters and elders from Lango sub-region to president Obote. Published in January 1967, the letter, among other things, suggested the immediate promotion of soldiers and police officers from Lango.

“We are well aware that there are more Acholi in the army, police and prisons than Langi. We should like more Langi to be recruited in the above Forces and this should be implemented immediately,” the document read in part.

“We note with great concern and fear that if Lugbara and Madi unite they might overthrow the government and therefore we must see that these Langi army officers (Arach Marcella Misesera, Oboma, Ogwang and Elyak) should be promoted quickly so that they take charge of the Uganda Army. As we do not trust other tribes, Marcella Arach should be Major General; Oboma and Elyak should be chief of staff.”

They also proposed that Odongo and Samson Ochen should be Inspector General of Police and Commissioner of Prisons respectively.

“We must be careful about Idi Amin. Although he is not bright, he might unite with the bright Lugwara who might overthrow the government,” the document added.

Mutiny at Malire ends in coup
Amin as army commander was popular and respected by the soldiers. Obote was aware of that but still wanted him eliminated.

But attempts to isolate Amin from the soldiers failed. Attempts to ambush him too failed since Amin knew that he was wanted dead. He often moved with some of the best trained escorts.

Finally, a plan was hatched to have him arrested by force. And if he was to resist arrest, he was to be shot dead in the “exchange of fire”, according to the plan.

To attack Amin from his command post at Kololo, the planners had plotted to first arrest all officers and soldiers in Malire Mechanised Reconnaissance Regiment (MMRR) in Lubiri who hailed from West Nile.

Malire garrison had the best trained and equipped soldiers and many were from West Nile. And in an event that Amin was entrapped in anyway, they would come to his rescue.

Col Akwangu locks up
soldiers from West Nile
At around 7pm on the evening of January 24, 1971, Lt Col Augustino Akwangu, the MMRR commanding officer who hailed from Acholi sub-region, had instructed Lt James Lokolomoi, who hailed from Karamoja sub-region, to withdraw all the 24 keys to the Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs) and tanks from their drivers and lock them in the Orderly Room mannered by a sergeant who also came from Acholi.

Another orderly sergeant had been ordered to withdraw all guns from the sentries and tell the officers to go for an evening rest.

Meanwhile, Lt Col Akwangu had called an impromptu meeting of senior officers of MMRR at Officers Mess (Basima House) at Mengo. The meeting was to start at 8pm.

However, none of the invited officers knew that the purpose of the meeting was to lock them up inside the mess so that they could not command soldiers to rescue Amin.

When about 200 officers had entered, Col Akwangu, accompanied by his adjutant, Lt Ngarombo and WOI Jacob Ojok locked them inside.
Lt Col Abdul Kisule, then a Lieutenant, was one of those who were locked inside the Officers Mess.

“I remember we were called to attend a meeting in the Officers Mess. But when we arrived and asked why the meeting had been called, Lt Col Akwanga and some soldiers started telling us that some of us will never leave that room alive,” Kisule says.

“They locked us inside and put soldiers outside the building to guard us.”

While Kisule does not know who opened for them, he recalls that there came a message saying they should go and rescue Lt Col Akwanga who was being beaten by the soldiers.

“When we reached the court-guard from the Mess, there were gunshots. It was night so we were not able to tell which direction they were coming from,” Kisule adds.

He says he ran and hid in the nearby bush where he stayed until the following morning.
Asked who planned the coup, Kisule says: “I can say it was a counter coup. The ‘coup’ to arrest Amin failed and in the confusion, soldiers stage a coup.”

Taban told this reporter that: “Around 9pm, Corporal Philip Ayiko, who hailed from Moyo District, went to buy beer from Johns Mess (lower ranks Mess). He found only soldiers from Acholi and Lango being addressed by Lt Col Akwangu and he was not allowed to enter.

He got suspicious and ran back to the barracks to inform soldiers from West Nile, his home area. But from the officers mess, Lt Elly Aseani, a relative of Idi Amin, had been able to send a radio call to Corporal Michael Akonyu inside Malire Barracks.
Aseani asked Akonyu to tell soldiers from West Nile to use any tool, including machetes, knives and axes to defend themselves and come to their rescue.

When soldiers from West Nile assembled and accessed the situation, they decided to fight. Unfortunately, all the guns had been locked in the armoury: Its walls, doors and padlocks were too hard to break.

Corporal Moses Galla used a beef opener to start the APC engine and rammed the APC into the armoury door, forcing it to open.

Having secured guns from the armoury, soldiers from West Nile then went to the Johns Mess and arrested about 300 soldiers being briefed by Lt Col Akwangu to go and arrest Amin.

Angry soldiers beat up Lt Col Akwangu and he was rushed to Mulago Hospital where he died later. His adjutant, Lt Ngarombo, escaped to Tanzania. Ngarombo, an Alur from West Nile, colluded with Akwanga to arrest Amin.”

Asked who took Akwangu to Mulago hospital, Galla said: “That I cannot answer. But I know that he was put on a Land Rover driven by Corporal Henry Odama who took him to Mulago.”

The arrested soldiers were taken to Luzira prison the following morning.

Mission to rescue Amin
During interrogation, Lt Col Akwangu was tortured and he revealed how he got the order from president Obote to arrest Amin.

Since there was no communication with Amin, there was fear that he could have been already arrested.

WO II Musa Yauga from present Yumbe District, who had taken the command of tanks and APCs, sent one tank and two APCs to rescue Amin in case he was trapped at the command post at Kololo Hill.

Asked who drove the APCs and a tank to the command post, Lt Col Galla said Corporal Juma Doka was the commander and driver of the tank, while one APC was driven by Sergeant Andrew Yeka and the another sergeant, Ambrosio Adroki.

When the soldiers reached Amin’s compound, he was scared, according to captain Taban and Galla. He thought the soldiers had gone to arrest him at night. It was not until Corporal Doka, his former driver, came out that Amin got out of the house.

It must be noted that during the mutiny, Juma Doka, Moses Galla, Sulaiman Taban and Musa Yauga took a central role. While they had done that to defend themselves, after tempers had cooled, they realised that they were in danger.

“We were scared. We said it seems we have caused a coup,” Taban says. “And we decided to involve Amin to defend us for what we had done. And the only way to protect us was for him to be president, but at first Amin refused.”
Amin told them that he did not send them to do what they had done and that he did not want to be involved to the mess.

Soldiers force Amin to be president
When Amin on January 25, 1971, said it was the soldiers who asked him to president and promoted him from Major General to General, many doubted him.

But Capt Taban, then a Corporal, said at first Amin refused to listen to them.

“We said if you don’t want to be president to protect us, we will kill you as well. We were very scared for what we had done. And knew only Amin could save us from going to prison,” Taban says.

From the intimidation, Amin accepted the soldier’s plea and WOII Sam Aswa from the record office in Mbuya Barracks was called in to draft and read the document which gave the famous 18 reasons why Obote had been toppled.

The 18 reasons given why Obote was toppled

1. The unwarranted detention without trial and for long periods of a large number of people, many of whom are totally innocent.
2. The continuation of a state of emergency over the whole country for an indefinite period, which is meaningless to everybody.
3. The lack of freedom in the airing of different views on political and social matters.
4. The frequent loss of life and property arising from almost daily cases of robbery with violence and kondoism (thuggery) without strong measures being taken to stop them.
5. The proposals for national service which will take every able bodied person from his home to work in a camp for two years could only lead to more robbery and general crime when homes are abandoned.
6. Widespread corruption in high places, especially among ministers and top civil servants.
7. The failure by the political authorities to organise any elections for the last eight years whereby the people’s free will could be expressed.
8. Economic policies have left many people unemployed and even more insecure and lacking in the basic needs of life.
9. High taxes have left the common man of this country poorer than ever before.
10. The prices which the common man gets for his crops like cotton and coffee have not gone up whereas the cost of food, education, etc., has always gone up.
11. Tendency to isolate the country from East African unity.
12. The creation of a wealthy class of leaders who are always talking of socialism while they grow richer and the common man poorer.
13. The Defence Council, of which the president is chairman, has not met since July, 1969, and this has made administration of the Armed Forces very difficult.
14. The cabinet office, by training large numbers of people (largely from the Akokoro County in Lango District where Obote and Akena Adoko, the chief general service officer, come from) in armed warfare, has been turned into a second army.
15. The Lango development master plan written in 1967 decided that all key positions in Uganda’s political, commercial, army and industrial life have to be occupied and controlled by people from Akokoro County, Lango District.
16. Obote, on the advice of Akena Adoko, has sought to divide the Uganda Armed Forces and the rest of Uganda by picking out his own tribesmen and putting them in key positions.
17. It is a shock to us to see that Obote wants to divide and downgrade the army by turning the Cabinet Office into
18. We all want only unity in Uganda and we do not want bloodshed. Everybody in Uganda knows that. The matters mentioned above appear to us to lead to bloodshed only.


Five years on, the former doctor of Bin Laden still languishes in the jail of Pakistan:

1st May 2016 

                                A newspaper bears the photograph of this Pakistani surgeon Shakeel Afridi,

                                cruited by the CIA to help find Osama bin Laden, at a news stand in Karachi

                                on May 24, 2012. AFP


Photo  By AFP

Posted  Monday, May 2   2016 at  11:19
Five years after his fake vaccination programme helped the CIA track and kill Osama bin Laden, Pakistani doctor Shakeel Afridi languishes in jail, abandoned by the US, say supporters, in its bid to smooth troubled relations with Islamabad.

Afridi, believed to be in his mid-50s, has no access to a lawyer, and his appeal against a 23-year prison sentence has stalled.

"I have no hope of meeting him, no expectation for justice," his elder brother Jamil told AFP.

The former senior surgeon lives in solitary confinement in a small room, according to his lawyer, able to see his immediate family no more than six times a year.

Afridi's role in one of the most famous assassinations of recent decades is murky.

Details of how he was sought out by the Central Intelligence Agency are unclear -- Pakistani reports suggest officials at Save the Children acted as go-betweens, though the charity denies involvement.

What is known is that Afridi's job was to run a fake Hepatitis C vaccination program with the aim of obtaining genetic samples from Abbottabad, a garrison city and home to the Pakistan Military Academy, the country's answer to Westpoint.

It was there that Al-Qaeda chief bin Laden and his family had set up home in the mid-2000s, under the noses -- and some say protection -- of senior Pakistani military officers.

Deadly raid -


Supporters of hard line pro-Taliban party Jamiat
Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) pray for the slain Al-Qaeda leader
Osama bin Laden during a rally in Quetta .


In the darkness of May 2, 2011, two helicopters full of elite Navy Seals touched down inside the compound.

In a dramatic raid just one kilometre (half a mile) from the military academy, they fought their way in and surprised the terror mastermind.

They shot him in the head and fled with his body, abandoning a damaged Black Hawk helicopter.

The killing was a huge success for US President Barack Obama, whose country was profoundly scarred by the attacks on New York and Washington of September 2001.

It decapitated Al Qaeda, badly hampering the organisation's ability to carry out further atrocities.