1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



In Uganda the victims of gun shooting of recent were refused treatment in a private catholic hospital:

September 11, 2018

Written by URN

It was a sombre mood in Mpanga village in Mpenja sub-county in Gomba district during the burial of Resty Nalinya Mbabazi.

Mbabazi was gunned down together with Muhammad Kirumira, the former Buyende district police commander. The duo was gunned down by unidentified assassins on Saturday night at Bulenga town council in Wakiso district.

While Kirumira was buried on Sunday in accordance with the Islamic tradition and practice, Mbabazi was laid to rest on Monday afternoon.
Unlike Kirumira's funeral that was filled with pomp and political tension, Mbabazi's funeral was calm. Several mourners castigated the masterminds of assassinations in the country and faulted government for failing to provide security to citizens. 

Family members seated around the casket of Resty Nalinya Mbabazi

Katonga region police commander, Francis Chemusto represented Uganda Police Force, which catered for the entire burial ceremony through A-plus funeral managers. Shortly after his arrival, Chemusto went to console the family of deceased in silence. 

He pulled out a brown envelope and tried to hand it to the deceased's father, Aloysius Kayitale but he turned it down. The commander who appeared dejected, slowly pocketed the envelope before his juniors located for him a seat. Our reporter later learnt that the money was a condolence of Shs 2 million from the inspector general of police, Martin Okoth Ochola. 

Gomba resident district commissioner, Fred Nayebale, who delivered the president's condolence massage containing Shs 5 million also feared to confront the emotional father and handed over the cash to other family members.

The deceased relative (name withheld for security reasons) who witnessed the murder said that Mbabazi was a mobile agent in Bulenga. The relative explained that the late Kirumira was a regular customer at Mbabazi's mobile money shop.

The relative said Kirumira would often park at Mbabazi's mobile money outlet and make several transactions.

With tears in the relative's eyes, he/she said Kirumira parked his vehicle on the fateful night possibly to load credit or make a mobile money transaction on his mobile phone, but unlike on the previous occasions, he beckoned Mbabazi to the car.

The relative notes that the unidentified assailants riding on a motorcycle pulled up and sprayed the duo with bullets. The relative says that after the shooting, several boda boda riders pulled Kirumira and Mbabazi from the car. 
The relative explained that the boda boda motorists placed Mbabazi who was still breathing on a pick-up truck and rushed her to Lubaga hospital. The relative says Mbabazi's life could have been saved, but the medical workers informed the family that they were under strict instructions not to attend to the duo.

"She did not die instantly but when they took them to hospital, hospital authorities said they had been instructed not to attend to them. Maybe our sister would have been still alive if the hospital had attended to her. We are feeling great pain and angry at whoever passed that order," said the relative. 

Umar Rwejema Kyeyune, another family member that Mbabazi had tentatively separated with her husband, Benon Mayambala because of some marital problems. He explained that the late Kirumira offered to mediate between the two because he was a friend to Mbabazi.

"Mbabazi had a misunderstanding with her husband and she confided in Afande Kirumira because they were close friends. Kirumira offered to mediate between the two but as that was still ongoing she went and rented for herself a house in the neighbourhood," said Kyeyune. 
Another relative to the deceased, says that after learning about Kirumira's death at around 10pm on the news, he tried to call Mbabazi but her phone rang went without reply. He/she says a few minutes later, he received a call from someone informing him that his sister had been killed alongside Kirumira.

"We learnt of her death at around 8.30pm and because she had been killed near her workplace, it was easy for passersby to identify her. Personally, I was watching the 9 O’clock news and I saw that indeed Mbabazi had been murdered." he/she said.  
Who was Mbabazi ?
Resty Nalinya Mbabazi was born in 1993 to Alyosoiyus Kayitale and Fredian Kyalimpa at Mpenja village in Gomba district. She went to Mpenga primary school. She later moved in with her old sister in Kisaasi, Kampala where she lived for several years before she got married and relocated to Bulenga.

She has been described as a social person who liked everybody. Relatives say although late Mbabazi hasn't been well off financially, she has been playing a central role in treating their ill mother.
Mbabazi died aged 26 and is survived by two children; Angelina Nabumba aged 3, and Sebastian Ssabwe Kaweesa aged 5. 






The United States of America, a leading world specialist in arms dealing, has called the International Criminal Court ' a very Dangerous World Court':



Added 10th September 2018


Bolton said the United States rejects any move by the court to prosecute American service members

Courticc 703x422

White House National Security Advisor John Bolton branded the International Criminal Court dangerous and unaccountable Monday, saying it constitutes an assault on US sovereignty.

"In theory, the ICC holds perpetrators of the most egregious atrocities accountable for their crimes, provides justice to the victims, and deters future abuses," Bolton said.

"In practice, however, the court has been ineffective, unaccountable, and indeed, outright dangerous," he said.

Bolton said the United States rejects any move by the court to prosecute American service members and intelligence officials over alleged detainee abuse in Afghanistan -- allegations the court is currently reviewing.

He called it "an utterly unfounded, unjustifiable investigation."

"The United States will use any means necessary to protect our citizens and those of our allies from unjust prosecution by this illegitimate court," he said.






In Uganda, 8 guns have been recovered at the old property of a dead fighter that gave up his life to bring President  Museveni into State power during 1977/86:

The military equipments that former President of Tanzania provided to Uganda rebels that were fighting  former President Idi Amin of Uganda

29 August, 2018

By Robert Muhereza


UGANDA, KABALE- Eight guns and fifteen empty magazines have been recovered from a plot of land of late James Karambuzi, a fallen fighter of the Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) who was killed by firing squad, on orders of President Idi Amin in 1973 in Kabale.

Mr Elly Maate, the Kigezi sub region police spokesman said on Tuesday that two rusted sub machine guns and six SAR guns were recovered by the workers who were hired to dig a house foundation in the land that belonged to Karambuzi in Igabiro Cell, Mwanjari Ward Southern Division, Kabale town.

“The police fire arm specialists will examine the recovered guns to establish whether they are working or otherwise,” Mr Maate said.

Igabiro Cell Local Council I chairperson, Mr Athanasius Mujaasi said four guns were recovered on Sunday by the site engineer, Mr Victor Byaruhanga.

Mr Maate said four more guns and a magazine were recovered on Tuesday afternoon.

Karambuzi was in March, 1973, publically executed by firing squad together with Joseph Bitwaari and David Kangire on orders of President Amin.

They were accused of being collaborators of the FRONASA, a rebel outfit that was led by President Yoweri Museveni.

 The three were buried in one grave in Kabale Main Stadium.

President Museveni, in 2015 visited the family of Karambuzi and promised to construct for them a commercial structure on the land in Kabale Municipality.

Mr Museveni writes in an autobiography ‘Sowing The Mustard Seed’ that around that time, they had smuggled into the country about 100 guns.

Mr Museveni says that Kangire, who had been deployed in Gulu to carry out recruitment and training, was betrayed by a one Latigo, who they thought was supporting the cause.

According to Mr Museveni, Sgt. Lino Owili who was mobilising ex-soldiers and policemen in Acholi to fight alongside FRONASA, informed Latigo about the presence of Kangire and others without knowing that he was a traitor.

Mr Museveni writes: “This same Latigo later betrayed Kangire, Labeja and Obwona when they were trying to move some guns from Atiak to Awere. It seems Lino had not headed my caution about Latigo because he was a relative of his. When Kangire arrived in Gulu to begin his work, Lino briefed Latigo about our group’s movements. Since Latigo had a car, he was even asked to transport Kangire and his colleagues, but he instead handed them over to Amin’s agents. Once Kangire was arrested he was asked about his contacts and it was he who mentioned (James) Karuhanga’s house at Kyambogo which we were using.”

Armed with this information, according to Mr Museveni, Amin soldiers, a few days later, surrounded their house in Kyambogo and arrested some of these FRONASA fighters including Karuhanga.

“In March 1973, James Karuhanga was publicly executed in front of his parents in Mbarara, although he had been captured in Kyambogo, near Kampala. On that notorious day in March, public executions were carried out in several towns around Uganda. People who had been captured in Kampala or Gulu were taken to their home areas to be executed before their families-such was mentality of the regime,” Mr Museveni writes. “Joseph Bitwaari and James Karambuzi were arrested and publicly executed in their home town of Kabale. In Gulu, Obwona from Atiak and Labeja from Awere were executed as a result of Latigo’s betrayal.”

President Amin was ousted in April 1979 by a combined force of Ugandans who were backed by  President Julius Nyerere.


The Inter Governmental Authority on Development wants free movement of persons among member states on the continent of Africa:

By Benjamin Sabila


Added 21st August 2017


Igad 703x422


A cross-section of delegates attending an IGAD meeting on free movement of people at Entebbe. (Credit: Wilfred Sanya)


The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) began Monday a consultative process within member states which is expected to lead to a pact that will enable free movement of people in the region.

According to the IGAD secretary general, Amb. Mahboub Maalim, when the body was established on January 16, 1986, one of its core objectives was to enable free movement of people among member states. 

“One of the core ambitions of IGAD was to enable migration. Unfortunately we have been dogged by many challenges such as internal conflicts in member states. We were thus forced to focus on priority areas such as peace, security and disaster management,” he said.

He added that regional co-operation has been vital in solving conflicts in Somalia and South Sudan, citing Uganda’s contribution as key in stabilising both nations. 

“Migration is not about to stop anywhere. People cross borders every minute. It is unfortunate that many of the migrants dying in the Mediterranean Sea are from the IGAD region, yet we could have worked out a mechanism to help them by easing intra-migration. And that is why the entire world is concerned about migration,” said Maalim.

The three-day consultative meeting (August 21-23) dubbed The Protocol on Free Movement of Persons in the IGAD Region, brings together key players in the migration sector, including civil society, academia, private sector, the media,  the Police, the military, and the ministries of health, internal affairs and foreign affairs.


The stakeholders are expected to give their views on free movement of persons and recommend a way forward on the subject.

The IGAD team is also expected to visit the border towns of Malaba and Busia to meet with migration officials and other stakeholders about the general landscape of migration. They intend to study on reducing barriers and expose the benefits of free movement of persons in the region.

Uganda's state minister for regional cooperation Philemon Mateke, who opened the meeting at Premier Best Western Garden Hotel in Entebbe, said Uganda joined IGAD to foster regional co-operation and it welcomes the idea of free movement as enshrined in the 1991 Abuja Protocol, establishing the African Economic Community.

“We shall borrow experiences from the East African Community that has to some extent succeeded in establishing free movement of persons and a customs union. There are also great lessons from the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) as stated in the ECOWAS protocol of 1997 and the 1998 COMESA protocol on free movement of persons,” the minister said.

Mateke called on IGAD member states to promptly pay their contributions to the regional body and not default, adding that free movement of persons will create more opportunities for the citizens of the region and enhance trade and investment among member states.

Meanwhile, Maalim said the consultations are expected to last until June next year. He said they are going to first have to interact with all member states before giving a final stand on the findings. Uganda was their first stop, from where they will proceed to other member states.


IGAD was established in 1996. 

It succeeded the earlier Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD), a multinational body founded in 1986 by Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and Kenya, with a focus on development and environmental control. 

IGADD's headquarters were later moved to Djibouti, following an agreement signed in January 1986 by the member states. Eritrea joined the organization in 1993, upon achieving independence.

Refugees and pastoralists

Uganda is already burdened with an almost full-blown refugee crisis as the IGAD region faces multi-faceted migratory patterns and member states are home to internal displacements and refugees. 

Uganda hosts an estimateD 1.3 million refugees as by the end of June 2017, mostly from South Sudan after violence erupted in the world's youngest nation in December 2013. 

The Burundi crisis has also resulted to major refugee influxes. Approximately 190,000 Congolese refugees are hosted in south west and mid-western Uganda. 

The protocol, therefore, intends to protect the freedom of refugees and pastoralists due to their seasonal mobility and climate variability.


IGAD has received a grant from the EU emergency Trust Fund with the intention of facilitating the establishment of a free movement regime within the IGAD region. 

It is aimed at promoting the regularization of the high volume of informal movement and increase opportunities for legal mobility.

The United States Army is pulling out from the Central and East African region after failing to arrest the African Christian freedom fighter and a Uganda government rebel, Joseph Kony:

The former Uganda Army soldier and a leader of a faction of the African Christian Resistance Army, Mr Joseph Kony. 

The United States of America military is wrapping up operations against the Lord's Resistance Army in central Africa, even though its leader Joseph Kony is still at large, a top US general said Friday.
"This thing is coming to an end," said General Thomas Waldhauser, head of the US military's Africa Command.
A self-styled mystic and prophet, Kony launched a bloody rebellion three decades ago seeking to impose his own version of the Ten Commandments on northern Uganda.

The UN says the LRA has slaughtered more than 100,000 people and abducted 60,000 children since it was set up in 1987.
Waldhauser said "several hundred, maybe thousands" of Kony's footsoldiers had been killed in operations against the LRA, and that only about 100 now remain.
"This operation, although not achieving the ability to get to Kony himself, has essentially taken that group off the battlefield," he said.
"For the last several years, they've really been reduced to irrelevance."
The operation to hunt Kony and his bandits has cost between $600 and $800 million since 2011, the general added.
Kony is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.

One of his top lieutenants, child soldier-turned-warlord Dominic Ongwen, is currently on trial there.
A concerted campaign by activists in the US led Barack Obama to sign a law in 2010 that allowed the deployment of around 100 special forces to work with regional armies to hunt down Kony.
One of the groups, Invisible Children, went on to produce a video two years later called "Kony 2012" that went viral with 100 million views in a matter of days, raising awareness of the rebel group's activities and its fugitive leader.
Waldhauser said America would remain engaged in the region to make sure the LRA doesn't make a comeback.


The number of people who have fled Burundi and sought shelter in neighbouring states has passed the 250,000 mark.

The average rate of new arrivals per week has been more than 1,000 in Tanzania, 500 in Uganda, 230 in Rwanda and 200 in Democratic Republic of the Congo, according to a report released this morning by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR).

UNHCR's latest figures show that 250,473 people have been registered as refugees in Democratic Republic of the Congo, 21,186 in Rwanda, 73,926 in Tanzania and 131,834 in Uganda (22,330 since November 2014). Another 1,197 have sought refuge in Zambia since early April last year, when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced plans to run for a third term in office.

Some 1,700 Burundian refugees have arrived in Democratic Republic of the Congo so far this year. Many are living in poor rural areas, where conditions are harsh, and about two-thirds (14,772) are in Lusenda camp, which is nearing its capacity of 18,000.

Uganda is now home to thousands of Refugee Immigrants

As more and more people continue to escape the tension in the country and small numbers of spontaneous returns, UNHCR fears the figure could go higher. Although there has been a lull in violence recently, refugees arriving in the host countries continue to report human rights violations in Burundi and difficulty in leaving the country.

“Despite recent high-level efforts to engage the government, we have not seen significant improvements in the security and human rights situation on the ground. The deteriorating economic situation is also a cause for concern and could trigger further displacement,” UNHCR said in the statement.

It adds that cool heads and continuing international attention are important for averting a further deterioration of the situation. However, overcrowding is a problem in all host countries, including Tanzania, which has taken in more Burundians than any other.  Nyarugusu camp hosts some 143,000 people, including almost 80,000 who have arrived since last April.

In Rwanda, close to 48,000 Burundian refugees are living in Mahama camp, the largest camp in Rwanda, and more than 26,400 in Kigali and other towns.

As the insecurity persists in Burundi they are running out of savings, which will increase their need for assistance. The government, meanwhile, has clarified that it has no plans to relocate Burundian refugees and will keep its doors open.
In Uganda, about two thirds of Burundian arrivals in the past year are being hosted in Nakivale Refugee Settlement (14,876) in the South-West Region, 21 per cent in the capital Kampala, and the remainder in Kyaka II, Oruchinga and Kisoro settlements.

UNHCR requested $175.1 million for the Burundi humanitarian response in 2016 and has to date received only $4.7 million, or about 3 per cent

Clashes erupt as an African country of the Central African Republic votes in a referendum for a new country' s constitution:


Publish Date: Dec 13, 2015

BANGUI - Violence broke out in the Central African Republic capital Bangui Sunday as people voted in a referendum aimed at ending the nation's bloody sectarian strife.

Five people were wounded in Bangui's volatile Muslim-majority PK5 district where clashes broke out between supporters and opponents of the referendum on a new constitution.

Two were seriously wounded, according to a Red Cross employee who said fighting was continuing near the district's main mosque.

Gunfire and grenade blasts were also heard in the Gobongo district, a stronghold of the Christian "anti-balaka" militia, a security source said.

Voting had yet to begin in the PK5 district, where a UN peacekeeping source said gunfire had erupted overnight.

Authorities were setting up an alternative polling station after the unrest forced the closure of a school where voting had been set to take place.

After more than two years of fighting that forced 10 percent of the population to flee the country, Sunday's vote on a new constitution is seen as a test run for presidential and parliamentary polls in two weeks.

If adopted, the Central African Republic's new constitution would usher in the country's sixth republic since independence from France in 1960 but mark its 13th political regime in as many years.

The constitution would, among other things, ban "all form of religious fundamentalism and intolerance".

The ballot comes two weeks after Pope Francis appealed to Muslims and Christians in the former French colony to live as "brothers and sisters".

Despite the presence of 11,000 UN and French peacekeepers, part of the impoverished country remains out of bounds, under the control of either rebel chieftains or bandits.

UN peacekeepers must escort convoys of trucks carrying voting slips that leave every day from Bangui for the interior, given the volatile situation in parts of the country.

The widespread chaos has hampered organisation of the ballot by the country's interim authorities, with few election posters visible on the streets just 48 hours beforehand.

More significantly, only 15,000 copies of the new constitution have been printed, meaning that few voters are fully aware of its contents.

Almost two million Central Africans have registered to vote in a population of 4.8 million -- spurring hopes the election will be the first step in a return to peace and normalcy.

UN chief Ban Ki-moon appealed on the eve of the vote to ensure "that the referendum is conducted in a peaceful and credible manner" and called it a "significant milestone towards the end of the transition in the Central African Republic".

Many of the 5,600 polling stations are located in remote areas accessible only by dirt roads.

And of the 460,000 people displaced by the unrest living in camps across Central African Republic's borders -- many of them Muslims -- only 26 percent have been able to register.

In Bangui, which has been far quieter since the pope's bold 24-hour visit, peacekeepers are on edge. "Here things can blow up very quickly," said a security source who declined to be identified.

"The conditions are not right for an election," said Maxime Mokom, a leader of the anti-balaka militia set up to battle the mainly Muslim Seleka rebel force.


The military of Uganda is secretly buying arms for Southern Sudan:

UN investigates Shs143bn deal involving South Sudan

Uganda is once again under UN investigations surrounding the alleged purchase of classified military equipment from Russia, including four Mi24 attack helicopters that ended up in possession of the South Sudan government.  Details indicate that Uganda may have bypassed parliamentary objection and acquired a $170 million loan from a Russian bank to fund the arms deal.

It will be recalled that in late February this year, the UPDF Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Katumba Wamala, the Minister of State for Defense; Jeje Odongo, and the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Defense, Rosette Byengoma went to parliament seeking permission to acquire a loan of that amount.

Gen. Katumba told members of the Committee on National Economy that the country needed to acquire the sophisticated equipment because of the volatile situation within the country and the region, especially in Congo and Somalia.

In that meeting, the legislators declined to approve the loan. But somehow, the loan was later acquired, a military source claimed. The Independent could not verify the details of the specific batch weapons Uganda received as part of the deal.

But our investigations found that the end user certificate used to purchase the helicopters under investigation was provided by Uganda. It is not the first time such is happening. In 1997, Uganda signed a purchasing agreement for four helicopters from Belarus supplied by UK-based Consolidated Sales Corporation (CSC) owned by Emanuel Katto. Of these, Uganda received two—the infamous junk helicopters. The other two, which were in much better shape but were also over-priced went to Rwanda.

In the recent deal, it would appear that the helicopters under UN investigation in Juba were acquired using Ugandan taxpayers’ money.  If so, it is unclear why that is the case because South Sudan is said to have money ready to finance its military expenditure. It had set aside a whopping $850 million war-chest to crush the rebellion shortly after it broke out.

Asked to comment about the arrangement under which Uganda helped South Sudan acquire the helicopters, Ambassador James Mugume, the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told The Independent that he did not have the details of the said deal.

“We have an agreement with them (South Sudan),” Ambassador Mugume said, “I have heard about the helicopters but I do not have the details, I need to ask our technical people.”

Ministry of Defence Spokesperson, Lt. Col. Paddy Ankunda could not comment. Apart from the Mi24s, South Sudan has since the war broke out in December 2013 made numerous weapons purchases.

The UN Panel investigating says China, Sudan, Israel and other countries had supplied South Sudan.

Kenyan connection

In another twist to the saga, The Independent has information that money that could have moved from South Sudan ended up in a commercial bank in Kampala.

Apparently, between March and April, this year, South Sudan paid about € 40 million (about UGX143 billion) through a Ugandan-based commercial bank to a Russian Company for the acquisition of four Mi24 attack helicopters.

An investigation by The Independent has found that South Sudan first paid € 20 million and later another €20 million. The payment was in the Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA), owned by among others the family of Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta.

A highly placed source privy to the details of the deal told The Independent that amongst the transaction documents show that South Sudan Minister of Defence, Kuol Manyang Juuk, handled the transaction.

South Sudan’s preference to transact through Kampala and not Juba is being cited as an indication of the South Sudan’s determination to keep under wraps its acquisition of the fighter helicopters. If that is the case, then it appears that the choppers cited by the UN in Juba might have been part of a bigger consignment split up between Uganda and South Sudan. The CBA money transfer also appears to show that South Sudan reimbursed Uganda. The Independent was unable to establish if the money was returned to the Consolidated Fund.

The purchase has come under investigation because the UN suspects that the Uganda aided South Sudan in the acquisition of the weapons which are suspected to have encouraged South Sudan President Salva Kiir to prolong the war in his country and hold back from signing a peace deal with rebels led by his former Vice President Riek Machar who are fighting him. The weapons are alleged to have been used in committing war crimes.

The secret operation and the stealth acquisition of fighter helicopters offer a rare window into how far Kiir’s government was willing to go in the struggle for power in a conflict that has claimed 10,000 lives, made over half a million flee the country and over 1.5 million get displaced internally.

The accusers point to a number of events to allege that Uganda provided the end user agreement South Sudan used to get helicopters.

Kiir is suspected to have delayed to sign the peace deal because after the new weapons acquisition he felt in better position to defeat the rebels.

This is the reason he twice snubbed signing the peace deal defying calls by the African Union and the entire international community. Kiir finally signed the accord on Aug.26 following intense pressure and a threat of sanctions from the UN.

At the height of the war, UN members led by the U.S. and the UK had suggested that an arms embargo is slapped on South Sudan. But the Security Council did not impose the embargo meaning that the South Sudan remained free under international law to acquire arms, ammunition and other military equipment and parts, as well as any related training in their use, maintenance or repair.

Before this saga, Uganda in mid-October, 2014 signed a long-term agreement on military cooperation with Juba that enables it to buy weapons and technological support on behalf of South Sudan.

The agreement was signed by Juuk and his Ugandan counterpart, Crispus Kiyonga. This followed a visit by President Salva Kiir to the Uganda where he together with other regional leaders attended a summit on the Standard Gauge Railway.

Uganda’s Defence ministry officials appeared before parliament requesting approval of the $ 170 million loan February 2015, four months after the agreement was signed.

Those who suspect that Uganda bought for South Sudan cite the loan and the source of the arms—Russia—and the fact that Uganda was looking for a loan approval just a month before the South Sudan transaction.

Other reports claim that the purchases were made from Ukraine. Uganda is reported to have secured and end user certificate for helicopters from Ukraine.

Uganda has in the past also purchased weapons from Ukraine. According to a Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) report, between 2005 and 2009, Ukraine supplied second-hand combat aircraft and helicopters to Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea and Uganda.

Just last year, according to a report by the Ukrainian State Export Control Service on international shipments of certain types of weaponry in 2014, Uganda acquired 3,000 rifles. The name of the supplier being mentioned as having supplied South Sudan is the same as that of an old supplier of Uganda.

Other sources claim the two countries could have both acquired arms from both Russia and Ukraine.

UN investigates

A highly place diplomatic source has told The Independent that all these claims are being investigated by the United Nations Panel on South Sudan. The panel also indicated as much in its Aug.21 brief to the Security Council.

“The Panel is investigating the involvement of regional States in arms transfers, including the possibility of acquisitions made by neighbouring countries on behalf of the Government of South Sudan,” the Panel noted.

The Panel is also interested because the government of South Sudan has signed security cooperation agreements with both Egypt and Uganda under which it could acquire arms through these countries.

South Sudan has a right to acquire arms but it is obligated to ensure that arms, ammunition and equipment are not used in violation of international humanitarian and international human rights law, the Panel added in its report.

Most importantly, the panel is looking to find out if Uganda aided the Juba establishment to breach the ceasefire agreements that prohibited them from acquiring arms.

South Sudan government and the rebels had continued to acquire arms and ammunition that the international body said were instrumental in prolonging and escalating the war.

“Both sides have continually violated their commitments to cease resupplying their forces with arms and ammunition,” the UN reported. The Panel noted that it would continue looking into the transfers, including their sources and the trafficking networks behind them, their impact on the war and their role in violations of human rights and humanitarian law.

Uganda is free to acquire on behalf of South Sudan or sell weapons directly to the country. But the trouble, according to experts, is when such weapons are used to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity as is suspected to have happened in South Sudan.

Uganda has already been accused severally in South Sudan. The United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) accused the two countries of using cluster bombs during the two year war.

If it is established that Uganda aided the acquisition, it will be blamed for having enabled President Salva Kiir’s government to prolong the war.

As part of their investigations, the Panel has obtained evidence of the presence in South Sudan of at least four Mi-24 helicopters flying the South Sudanese flag.

It noted in its report that the helicopters, which have eight-person transport capacity and ground-attack capacity, were used in an attack support role by SPLA in recent fighting in Upper Nile State, including around Kodok and Doleib Hill.

“SPLA did not possess operational helicopters with ground-attack capacity before the outbreak of the war,” the report noted.

Imagery obtained by the Panel shows an SPLA Mil Mi-24 fitted with two B8V20 launch pods on the two missile attachment points located on the left stub wing, the report notes, each capable of firing twenty 80mm S-8 unguided rockets. It adds that it is likely that the same launch pods are located on the right stub wing, making the total allowance of the helicopter up to 80 rockets.

However, on closer scrutiny of the acquired pictures, the UN Panel noted in the same report that it was likely that “this helicopter is not newly acquired by South Sudan”.

As such, the UN did not confirm whether the helicopters had been acquired and when.

The Independent’s investigation, however, confirmed that the helicopters had been newly acquired and reveals how exactly the deal was sealed. South Sudan government spending on its military sector rose to $1.6 billion in the current year’s budget, the experts report. Decreasing sums are meanwhile being spent on economic and social development in one of the world’s poorest countries.

According to the Panel, new Mi24s cost $10 million each. Going by this rate, the four would have cost South Sudan $ 40 million. This, however, would not cater for the brokers of the deal.

Apart from the helicopter deal, reports indicate that Juba had also obtained $21 million worth of arms, ammunition and related materials from a Chinese weapons maker last year. However, China is said to have later halted military sales to South Sudan.

As for Israel, the Panel reported that Israeli-produced IWI-ACE automatic rifles were in the possession of South Sudan soldiers, national police and bodyguards of high-ranking officials and army officers. Some of these weapons, the report noted, were delivered prior to the outbreak of fighting in late 2013.

The Panel did not say whether the weapons came directly from Israel to South Sudan.

Uganda arms dealers’ haven

It also seems some weapons agents get weapons from suppliers with documentation claiming they were for Uganda and sell them to buyers in the region.

There have been reports showing that weapons ordered for Uganda have been finding their ways in the hands of rogue elements in DR Congo, CHAD and South Sudan.

At one point, a member of the UN Panel reported to the international body that they had recovered from rogue elements in CHAD, Central African Republic (CAR) and DR Congo weapons made in Israel.

Israel officials suspected Ugandan officials were orchestrating such deals.

It appears, therefore, that arms dealers have turned Uganda into their regional base, according to some players.

For instance, in July this year, private security contractors based in Uganda trained fighters, comprising Ugandans and South Sudanese, to fight in the South Sudan war. They also had mercenaries from other countries in a deal said to be worth millions of dollars allegedly paid for by the Juba establishment. The deal included training of pilots at a private airfield a few kilometres from Entebbe called Kajjansi Airfield. From here, and after the training, the fighters would be airlifted to South Sudan, sources familiar with it revealed.

The secret operation was exposed after the contractors failed to deliver the agreed upon number of the mercenaries at the agreed time, leading to disagreements. Observers said the mercenaries were meant to launch a thorough onslaught against the rebels after Kiir’s government realised that the Ugandan army that had deployed in the country at the height of the war and repulsed the rebels was only keen on keeping stability and not fighting the rebels into defeat. The UPDF troops have since left South Sudan but its interests remain.


Indeed the right to protect itself from external aggressors is paramount for every nation on this planet. Trouble comes when the leader of a nation becomes the internal aggressor and human lives and property are lost and destroyed in that nation. Because again the citizens themselves of that nation seem to have chosen that very path of Hell on Earth for their nation.

The Sudan Military peace talks have failed in Ethiopia:

Publish Date: Nov 24, 2015


Peace talks between Sudan's government and rebels have adjourned without a deal after a week of negotiations in Ethiopia, African Union mediators said Tuesday.

Rebel factions from the war-torn western Darfur region as well as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), fighting the government in the southern Blue Nile and South Kordofan states since 2011, met with government delegates from Khartoum.

Mediators had hoped both sides would declare a ceasefire, including to allow aid in for civilians in rebel areas.

African Union teams, led by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, adjourned talks late on Monday, an AU official said.

No date was given for when the next round of talks may start again.

Darfur has been mired in conflict since 2003, when insurgents rebelled against President Omar al-Bashir's Arab-dominated regime, complaining of marginalisation.

Rebels in Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan, areas bordering South Sudan, are fighting for similar reasons.

Some 300,000 people have been killed in Darfur and nearly 2.5 million displaced, the UN says, while the International Criminal Court has indicted Bashir for alleged war crimes committed during the conflict.


The Uganda Army has been forced to withdraw from South Sudan by the United Nations:

Uganda Army soldiers guard a base in South Sudan

By Risdel Kasasira

Posted  Sunday, October 18   2015 

When Uganda Army deployed in South Sudan 22 months ago, three reasons were given for intervention, including evacuating Ugandans caught up in the fighting.

The second reason was that UG had been invited by a legitimate government to ensure order and the third reason was that the regional bloc, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), had sanctioned the intervention following a request by the UN secretary General, Mr Ban Ki-moon.

What government didn’t say was Khartoum’s invisible hand in the conflict and also the need to protect Uganda’s economic interests.

According to military sources, President Omar Al-Bashir has been close to Riek Machar whom the regime in Kampala sees as an adversary.

Despite the war, South Sudan remained the biggest market for Ugandan products such as cement, beverages and agricultural produce.

Therefore, it was not a surprise that as the conflict escalated, Ugandan troops started fighting on the side of forces loyal to President Salva Kiir.

In the end, UA become a protagonist in the conflict and was accused of propping up Kiir’s regime. And indeed, If Uganda Army had not intervened, President Kiir would probably not be president todate.

What next?
However, with Uganda Army leaving, are Uganda’s security and economic interests protected? Is President Kiir’s interest to remain president secure?

Answers to this question depend on the internal political, economic and security dynamics in South Sudan, regional and international community interests.

But majorly, its regional and internal politics will be critical in determining the internal politics in world’s newest nation.

“There is a very big shift in geopolitical interests. President Museveni has reconciled with President Bashir who has been hostile to Uganda.

Therefore, even if Machar comes to Juba as President, his government may not be hostile to Uganda,” says Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, the Shadow minister for Defence and Internal Affairs.

Historical relations between Uganda and Sudan have been tense, with both countries backing armed proxies fighting over the status of South Sudan.

But in September this year, President Museveni made a rare visit to Khartoum that represents a significant shift in the relations between the two countries.

It was a smart diplomatic move by President Museveni to reach out to President Bashir because Kampala will now have less control over events in South Sudan without a presence in Juba and other parts of the country.

If regimes in Kampala and Khartoum are close allies, they can easily compel Juba to do what they want because South Sudan majorly depends on the two countries for survival.

LRA issue
South Sudan’s economy entirely depends on oil with the refineries located in Sudan and almost all food and other goods like beverages consumed coming from Uganda. Therefore, reconciling with Khartoum is not only good for Uganda but also for South Sudan and Sudan.

Anyone who wants to economically and politically distabilise Uganda will first distabilise South Sudan for it to be a safe haven for negative forces like the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels under Joseph Kony.

Northern Uganda is peaceful because South Sudan is Uganda’s buffer zone and that’s why Kony who was allegedly getting support from Khartoum was pushed out and later fled to the Central African Republic (CAR).

Some have previously argued that LRA can come back and attack Uganda and South Sudan with the help of some hostile regimes but no government or regime would want to be associated with a person like Kony who is being hunted by Americans and also wanted by the International Criminal Court.

Another critical factor that will determine South Sudan’s security situation is the 12,600 strong-UN force that is replacing the UA.

The force will be deployed under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter and it authorises the force to use “all means necessary” to protect civilians and deter violence.

If “all means necessary” includes carrying out targeted offensive operations to neutralise parties that violate the peace deal like Force Intervention Brigade in DR Congo, the UN force could help to bring peace.

But the challenge with such UN force is that it’s drawn from different countries with different interests and it’s not always cohesive.

“It might be business as usual where you have these UN troops getting good salaries and all the benefits but the local people are suffering.

It has been happening in DR Congo and other parts of the world,” says Sam Mwebaze, a Master student of International Relations at Makerere University.

It should also be understood that President Kiir in January 2014 accused the UNMISS, which is replacing UPDF of supporting the opposition, an allegation the UN strongly denied and dismissed.

Even last week South Sudan’s information minister Michael Makuei Lueth, told reporters in Juba that Salva Kiir was not attending the September 29 UN meeting because the UN had been treating Kiir like a “schoolboy.”

Role of UN
Therefore, there is already lack of trust between the UN and president Kiir.

More worrying, Juba is supposed to be demilitarised, and all government forces, according to the Addis Ababa agreement signed on August 26, are supposed to move 25km out of the capital and therefore president Kiir will be first hand at the mercy of this UN force.

However, Mr Ateny Wek Ateny, the government spokesperson, says the president will remain with about 5,000 presidential guards, fire brigade, police and wildlife warders.

“There will be no security vacuum. With these presidential guards and police, the city will be safe and the president will also be safe,” he said.

Mr Ateny also says government has more than 100,000 soldiers that can be deployed to defend their country.

But what he does not explain is why the government has failed to defeat Machar who now controls a swathe of territory with an intact fighting force.

A Uganda Army retired captain, who doesn’t want to be named because of the sensitivity of the matter, currently working for a European security firm in South Sudan, describes SPLA, as “ a disorganised and poorly trained force”.

“They cannot stand and fight an organised force,” he says
He says when Uganda Army deployed in December 2013, it was not only fighting Machar but also reorganising the SPLA at the frontline.

“They have guns needed to fight any war in this terrain. But they are disorganised. They are poor at command, planning and war execution. They really need training,” he says.

Another problem president Kiir is facing is the ailing economy. And with this big number of soldiers, it might be hard for him to raise the money to pay the soldiers.

In May this year, Mr Kiir acknowledged in his speech that South Sudanese have been hit hard by the ailing economy.

He blamed the fighting and falling crude prices for hobbling his country’s oil industry, which is South Sudan’s economic lifeline.

In the same month, a team of South Sudan officials led by vice president Wani Igga was in Kampala to seek financial help but government sources say Uganda only promised it would offer financial advice.

With these changing dynamics, Mr Fungaroo argues that the regional leaders are “ditching” President Kiir because he has failed to solve governance problems within SPLA/M and they are tired of continuously supporting his government from falling.

“There is a shift in geopolitics. Salva Kiir is being ditched” he says. But spurning President Kiir would not be easy.

It’s also risky because edging him out would be opening another frontline that could divide the country that is already ethnically and tribally divided.

Russia weighs UN arms embargo on South Sudan

Publish Date: Aug 21, 2015

      Some of the military hardware Southern Sudan is proud of

The expensive Amison military hardware and personnel


Russia said Thursday it needs more time to study a draft UN resolution on imposing an arms embargo and sanctions on South Sudan if President Salva Kiir refuses to sign a peace deal.

The United States presented the draft resolution to the Security Council late Wednesday, hoping to schedule a quick vote, possibly as early as Friday.

But Russia's Deputy Ambassador Petr Iliichev said "it's a complex draft. We need time to think about it."

The draft text would impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on individuals deemed responsible for the failure of the latest effort to end the 20-month war that has killed tens of thousands of people.

Rebel chief Riek Machar met a Monday deadline to sign the power-sharing agreement, but Kiir only initialed part of it and said he would return to the table in early September to finalize the accord.

According to the State Department, Kiir told US Secretary of State John Kerry that he planned to sign the deal.

Russia and China, both veto-wielding powers in the 15-member council, have expressed reservations about resorting to sanctions to turn up the pressure on the warring sides in South Sudan.

Iliichev noted that UN sanctions imposed on six generals last month had prompted two commanders to break away from the rebel forces, complicating the situation on the ground.

"Instead of helping the peace process, we have another obstacle," he told AFP.

"We should be very careful about those radicals hanging around Kiir and Machar and how they are going to react," he said.

The Russian envoy said the United States had yet to circulate a new list of names to be added to the UN blacklist.

The draft resolution calls for a travel ban and assets freeze to come into effect from September 6 against "individuals, including the senior political leaders of the government of South Sudan, as well as individuals or entities that violate the terms of the ceasefire."

The international arms embargo would also go into effect on September 6.

But both measures will be scrapped if Kiir signs the peace deal by September 1 and all sides implement a ceasefire, according to the draft.

The world's youngest nation, South Sudan has been torn by fighting between forces loyal to Kiir and rebels allied with Machar, his former deputy, since December 2013 and the violence has imploded along ethnic lines.

Nearly 70 percent of the country's population facing food shortages and some 200,000 terrified civilians are sheltering in UN bases.

South Sudan peace deal welcomed as many Arabic and African refugees swarm international cities of Europe to seek asylum:

Publish Date: Aug 27, 2015

A deal signed by South Sudan's president aimed at ending 20 months of civil war was given a cautious welcome Thursday, with both sides in the conflict urged to show good faith.

At least seven ceasefires have already been agreed and then shattered within days or even hours since war began in December 2013.

African Union Commission chief Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said Thursday the deal was "a critical step in the efforts aimed at ending the conflict" but said the agreement must be implemented.

"Seize this unique opportunity to open a new chapter," she said, calling on all sides to "scrupulously abide by its terms and faithfully implement its provisions."

Serious concerns remain. President Salva Kiir signed the peace accord on Wednesday at a ceremony in Juba, but he annexed a list of reservations that would have to be addressed for the agreement to take hold.

Both sides traded blame Wednesday for attacking each other. Under the deal, a permanent ceasefire must come into force by nightfall on Saturday.

The UN Security Council has given Kiir until September 1 to get fully behind the agreement or face possible sanctions, and the United States has circulated a draft resolution that would impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions on those who undermine peace efforts.

Key aid agencies, that are struggling to stem a humanitarian crisis in the devastated nation, said in a joint statement that even if implemented the deal was "only the beginning of a long, hard journey towards peace and reconciliation."

Tens of thousands of people are thought to have died in a war marked by ethnic killings, gangs rapes and child soldier recruitment.

"The value of the peace deal will only be seen on how it is implemented on the ground," the International Rescue Committee (IRC) said.
'More than words' 

"The people of South Sudan need more than words," said John Hoare from CARE aid agency. "They need real commitment from their leaders to ensure that this is a lasting peace, that the violence has ended and the reconciliation process can begin."

The deal was brokered by the regional eight-nation IGAD bloc, along with the UN, the African Union, China, Britain, Norway and the United States.

The conflict has been characterised by ethnic massacres and rape.

"Much more needs to be done to ensure lasting peace and stability," said Oxfam chief in South Sudan Zlatko Gegic.

"With millions of people hungry, it is crucial that all warring parties respect the agreement, stop fighting immediately and allow life-saving aid to reach people where they are."

Before signing, Kiir himself warned of the risk of failure, saying there were "so many things we have to reject" in the deal, and that "such reservations, if ignored, would not be in the interests of just and lasting peace."
He also called on regional leaders at the signing ceremony -- including Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda -- to support the deal.

"Stand with us in the implementation," he said. "Otherwise we may spoil it, if it is left to us."


One wants to know what sort of arms America and Russia are selling to these African military War Lords so that they can successfully settle their African differences. Many African citizens are fed up of being branded economic refugees when in actual fact they are running away in fear of death from such unending civil wars on their continent.

Brig Arube’s failed coup plan during the rule of Idi Amin in Uganda, 1974:



Late Brig Charles Arube

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted  Saturday, October 24  2015 

Faustin Mugabe sat down with an ex-army official who remembers what went wrong.

On February 5, 2013, the remains of Brig Charles Arube were reburied at his ancestral home in Lombe village, Koboko Town Council in Koboko District.
Less than a kilometre from Arube’s grave, Idi Amin’s father was buried. President Museveni, who facilitated the exhuming and reburial of Arube also attended the burial.
Brig Arube had been buried at Burma military cemetery in Jinja District in March 1974 following his mysterious death shortly after the failed March 23 - 24, 1974 coup against Idi Amin.

The attempted coup was instigated by Arube’s desire to rout all foreigners in the Uganda Army (UA) and Amin who were brutalising people, especially Ugandans.
The foreigners, who had infiltrated the army, were from Rwanda, Zaire (DR Congo), Kenya and Sudan not only belittled Ugandan officers and soldiers, but also brutalised civilians.


Retired Uganda Army officer, Lt Col Moses Galla narrates the events surrounding Brig Arube’s death. PHOTO BY FAUSTIN MUGABE

Amin and Brig Malera caused Arube’s to attempt a coup. It was Gen Amin’s indecision to act on Brig Hussein Malera’s misconduct particularly towards Brig Arube and his close friend Lt Col Elly Aseni that prompted Arube to attempt to instigate a coup which he thought was the only solution to end the injustice Ugandans faced. So how did it start? From Koboko Town, Uganda Army UO: 606 retired Lt Col Moses Galla told Witness how Brig Hussein Malera, a Sudanese, had provoked Arube to attempt to stage the coup.
Galla, born on July 2, 1948, and joined the UA in April 1966, was a close friend of both Arube and Aseni. “I knew Arube and Elly [Aseni] very well. Amin was related to Elly – and he [Aseni] joined the UA in 1963. Arube joined the King’s African Rifles (KAR) on September 12, 1959, with my elder brother Khemis Poru. They were recruited from Koboko, trained in Jinja and later taken to Nanyuki in Kenya,” Galla vividly recalls.


While he could not remember where Arube was posted before 1971, he recalls: “When Lt Col Arube was appointed army chief of staff, he was transferred from Gaddafi Garrison [in Jinja] to Kampala where he had been the commanding officer of the School of Infantry”.
He went on: “So after that, he was sent to the USSR [Russia] for a military High Command course for about six months and returned around March 1974. While on course, Col Hussein Malera was appointed acting chief of staff and promoted to Brigadier. When Arube returned, Malera, who had been the commanding officer of the Military Police, refused to hand over the office [of the chief of staff]”.

Arube reported the matter to president Amin, commander-In Chief, who told Arube that he would handle the matter but in vain. Frustrated by president Amin’s inaction to his concerns, Arube called his friends and colleagues for a meeting to seek their advice on the matter concerning Malera’s refusal to hand over to him the office.
While he cannot remember the day of the meeting, he recalls that he was on duty in Fort Portal when Arube called him to Kampala to attend a meeting. Where was the meeting I asked? “The meeting was held at the Officer’s Mess at Nakasero which was Uganda Club in Obote’s government,” Galla answered.

Brigadier Arube chaired the meeting. Lt Col Galla reveals that the meeting started after lunch. The following officers attended the meeting as far as Galla can recall. Lt Col Elly Aseni, Governor North Buganda Province, Lt Col Juma Ali Oka aka Butabika, commanding officer of Malire Mechanised Specialised Reconnaissance Regiment at Lubiri Kampala, Maj Moses Galla, acting commanding officer Mountains of the Moon Battalion in Fort Portal, Maj Amin Lomo, commanding officer of Air and Sea-borne Battalion in Tororo, Captain Steven Galla, General manager Kilembe Mines, Lt Enoc Maturima, tank commander of the Mechanised Specialised Reconnaissance Regiment, Lt Michael Akonyu, the acting commanding officer of the paratroopers school at Lubiri”.

In his opening remarks Arube said: “The reason for calling this meeting is, I am back from the course. I was given a 14-day pass leave; but when I returned, I found Malera in my office and when I asked him that ‘please hand over the office to me’, he refused”, Galla recalls Arube’s words.
“Lt Col Elly Aseni was the first to speak. He told him to report the matter to the commander-In-chief. Then Lt Col Juma Butabika told him that if Amin refused to listen to him, he should come to him and tell him. Mine was different. I said, sir you are the chief of staff, there is another Brigadier, Smuts Guweddeko, why don’t you approach him to see if he can talk to Malera. Arube accepted my advice and said he would give them the answer in the second meeting. I did not attend the second meeting. I was in Bugungu in Masindi overseeing the training of the mortal platoon. I was in Masindi when I received a telephone call from Juma Doka.

He said: “Galla, Arube has committed suicide”. Doka was in Tororo. But he said he did not know why and how it happened”.
Retired Captain Isaac Bakka who served in the UA recently told the Sunday Monitor in the series “attempted coups” that Amin shot Arube dead at his Command Post as the latter entered the house to arrest or kill Amin himself during the attempted coup. Amin and Arube were both Kakwa from the neighbouring villages in present Koboko District.

The Prime Minister of Britain is very much sure of the large number of  Syrian Islamic Rebels on his side as Britain joins the civil war of Syria:

Free Syrian Army fighter prepares launcher to be fired towards forces loyal to
Syria's President Bashar Al-Assad in Deraa countryside


Military officials warned the Government against saying 70,000 Syrian rebels were ready to join the fight against Islamic State (IS) in Syria, according to The Times.

The newspaper says there were fears it could make the Government a hostage to fortune and turn into David Cameron's "dodgy dossier".

Britain launched airstrikes on a Syrian oilfield on Wednesday after the Prime Minister won the backing of a large majority of MPs.

A key part of the argument was that there were 70,000 Syrians ready to battle IS on the ground once the US-led air raids had done their job.

That figure has been questioned by critics who argue many of the "rag tag" Syrians are likely to be Islamists and cannot be relied on.

But a No.10 spokesman said: “The 70,000 figure was produced by the Joint Intelligence Committee, which includes in its membership officials from the Ministry of Defence.

“The Ministry of Defence did not raise concerns with No10 on whether this figure should be included in the PM's response to the Foreign Affairs Committee.”

Tony Blair, who was haunted by claims made about Iraq's military capabilities in the "dodgy dossier", has meanwhile welcomed the "important" vote on British action against IS in Syria.

Mr Blair claimed European forces had to lead the response to the "threat at our door" and "within our home".

The former prime minister said it was also necessary to adopt a wider strategy that included tackling Islamist ideology.

He warned a continued failure to recognise the scale of the challenge would lead to terrorist attacks "worse than those in Paris".

Delivering the Kissinger Lecture at the Library of Congress in Washington, Mr Blair said defeating IS - also known as Daesh - was "only a necessary beginning" because "force alone will not prevail" and "the Islamist ideology has also to be confronted".

He cautioned: "A continued failure to recognise the scale of the challenge and to construct the means necessary to meet it, will result in terrorist attacks potentially worse than those in Paris."

This, he added, could produce "a backlash which then stigmatises the majority of decent, law-abiding Muslims and puts the very alliance so necessary at risk, creating a further cycle of chaos and violence."



In the country of Burundi, there are many corpses in the streets as the civil war in that country intesfies:

Publish Date: Dec 13, 2015
The Burundi Military personnel sits aboard a vehicle driving through the Musage neighbourhood
of the city of Bujumbura on December 11, 2015. as human bodies lay about the streets




At least 40 dead bodies were seen scattered in the streets of the Burundi capital, Bujumbura, on Saturday, witnesses said, a day after coordinated armed assaults on three military bases.

Witnesses and journalists in Nyakabiga, a hotspot neighbourhood for anti-government protests in recent months, reported seeing at least 20 corpses, some apparently shot at close range. Other witnesses reported further bodies seen lying in streets in other parts of the city.



The African consequences of removing Presidential term limits in an African Republican State.


Burundi forces are being accused of committing heinous human rights abuses


Burundi forces are being accused of committing heinous human rights abuses

By Kim Aine

Dec 11,2015

In a bid to block uncoordinated troop movement amid heavy explosions in Bujumbura, President Pierre Nkurunziza has directed that all battalion commanders must stay at their posts till next year.

The instructions provide that the commanders will not move from their bases until January 15, 2016.

The better part of the city has been shut down after heavy night fighting between rebels and government troops escalated on Friday morning.


There is heavy military presence in Bujumbura with civilians locking their shops and staying at their residences.

Jeome Uwamahoro, 26, a resident of Bujumbura said he heard not less than 30 grenade explosions in three hours today morning.

But presidency media advisor, Willy Nyamitwe moved to downplay the impact of the rebellion, saying “The Sindumuja insurgency ended up with a failed coup.”

He added: “The shots in the night conclude with today’s defeated attack.”

Nyamitwe said when international observers are around “we often get night gunfire. Tonight the Sindumuja tried to attack military camps but they failed.”

Rebels reportedly targeted two military camps including Muha and an army school.

The African Union observers are in the country to assess the security situation amid concerns of a possible slow genocide.

A normal day in Burundi starts with counting of dead bodies on Bujumbura streets.

The country slipped into anarchy after President Pierre Nkurunziza chose to seek a third term in office despite the expiry of his two mandatory terms.

While Nkurunziza said his first time was only by Parliament’s appointment and the other by adult suffrage, world leaders warned that attempts to cling to power would push the country to the edge of a civil war.

Opposition took to the streets in large violent protests which would eventually turn into an armed rebellion.

According to the United Nations, hundreds of people have been killed in the conflict.

Sources said the orders given to military commanders to stay at their stations came against the backdrop of fears of a possible coup.

But Nyamitwe said the “situation is returning to normal as firearms are seized.”

He further said many insurgents have been killed or arrested.



The African Union yesterday demanded an end to the violence in Burundi, warning it will not allow the country to descend into genocide.

The AU Peace and Security Council is concerned political violence in Burundi could trigger a civil war and the kind of ethnic conflict that led to mass killings in neighboring Rwanda in 1994.

The Council said on Twitter that “Africa will NOT allow another genocide on its soil.”

AU Commissioner for Peace and Security Smali Cherugi added that Council members meeting in Addis Ababa have a very clear message: “The killings in Burundi must end immediately.”

Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said Burundi, recently wracked by political violence, is on the verge of civil war. Zeid Ra’ad al Hussein told a special session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva Thursday, “Burundi is at bursting point, on the very cusp of a civil war.

He cited a campaign of political repression in which at least 400 people have been killed and almost 3,500 arrested. The surge of violence in Burundi has unnerved a region that remains volatile two decades after genocide devoured nearly a million people in neighboring Rwanda.

Zeid said the country is on a trajectory back to its “deeply troubled, dark and horrendously violent past.”

Burundi has been in turmoil since April when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would seek a third term. Critics said he was violating the constitution’s two-term limit as well as an agreement that ended Burundi’s 12-year civil war.

The president was re-elected in July, but violence has since escalated. Tensions have been running particularly high since gunmen attacked military sites in the capital Bujumbura last Friday.

The United States called Thursday’s special session of the Human Rights Council after at least 87 people were killed in attacks on military facilities. Zeid called for a robust response by the international community, including travel bans and asset freezes, and said Burundi’s borders should be closely monitored, perhaps by drones, to stop the reported flow of weapons into the country.

“The time for piecemeal responses and fiddling around the edges is over,” he said.

Burundi’s 12-year civil war pitted rebel groups of the Hutu majority, including one led by the current president Nkurunziza, against what was then an army led by the Tutsi minority. Rwanda has the same ethnic mix.




Interesting for the AU. This is the new breed of African leaders who have only recently changed the name of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the hope of a better continent of Africa. The OAU used to sit with old wild African breeds of leaders like the Mobutu, Banda, and the Kwame Nkurumahs, etc that caused so much deaths on the continent of Africa. This time round the counting of how many fatal civil wars are springing up all over the continent goes on. 


How in the history of Uganda a President was removed from power(1971)

















Soldiers stand guard near Radio Uganda moments before news

of the military takeover was announced on January 25, 1971.

Circled is Corporal Moses Galla who rammed an APC into the

armoury where mutineers got guns.



Posted  Sunday, February 21   2016 


The coup was the 27th in Africa and the second in Uganda. When it happened, Obote and his entourage of about 30 government officials were in Singapore attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting.

Several theories have been advanced to explain why the coup occurred and who plotted it. Authors have indicated that the immediate cause was because Obote had collided with then British prime minister Edward Heath and Israel over Uganda’s attempt to expel Indians as well as Israeli military expatriates from Uganda.

However, others have indicated that then army commander Maj Gen Idi Amin was the master planner and others have also claimed that Felix Onama, then minister of Defence, was the architect and involved Amin to execute the plot.

What caused the coup, who plotted it?
Last September, Sunday Monitor spoke to some of the former Uganda Army (UA) soldiers from Arua and Koboko districts who participated in what began as a mutiny and ended in a coup. And according to them, it was not planned. Neither Britain nor Israel was involved. Not even Amin or Onama had plotted it. In other words, the coup was accidental.

Former UA captain N0 U0:671 Suleiman Taban was born on June 12, 1949, in present day Koboko District, West Nile sub-region, and joined the army on May 17, 1967, at the military garrison in Jinja.

By January 1971, he was a corporal stationed at Malire Barracks in Mengo, Kampala. In April 1971, he was appointed Officer Cadet and on June 3, 1971, went to Mons Cadet School in Britain for a six months course.

‘Division in the army caused the coup’
It was divisionism in the army that led to the coup, according to the former soldiers.
Divisionism and nepotism, they say, sowed in the army by politicians in 1962 as Uganda got independence led to the coup that toppled Obote.
The division was largely between soldiers from northern and West Nile sub-regions.

“I first knew about it [divisionism] when Amin came in a pair of shorts to Malire in 1969 escorted by then Maj [David] Oyite-Ojok who was the assistant adjutant court master general. He went on to appeal to soldiers that while there was a wrangle in the army, he did not want bloodshed,” Taban recalls.

“He said if soldiers did not want him as the army commander, they should tell him and he goes away. The soldiers told him that they wanted him and were ready to die with him.”
Taban told Sunday Monitor that all this was done because there was a hidden agenda to eliminate Amin as they were later to learn.

Attempt to eliminate Amin
From 1962, Obote and Amin were allies who diplomatically opposed the link between army commander Brig Shaban Opolot and president Edward Muteesa II.
But when Obote became suspicious of Amin in 1967, a row slowly started emerging between the two.

The same year, “the Lango development master plan” was designed for the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) to rule Uganda for 50 years.

The document with details of the alleged plan was said to been revealed by former minister of Internal Affairs Basil Bataringaya after he was captured and tortured on the day of the coup. This was while he was making a telephone call to Singapore from Sheraton Kampala Hotel.

Worth to note is that the Lango development master plan was a proposal authored by the UPC supporters and elders from Lango sub-region to president Obote. Published in January 1967, the letter, among other things, suggested the immediate promotion of soldiers and police officers from Lango.

“We are well aware that there are more Acholi in the army, police and prisons than Langi. We should like more Langi to be recruited in the above Forces and this should be implemented immediately,” the document read in part.

“We note with great concern and fear that if Lugbara and Madi unite they might overthrow the government and therefore we must see that these Langi army officers (Arach Marcella Misesera, Oboma, Ogwang and Elyak) should be promoted quickly so that they take charge of the Uganda Army. As we do not trust other tribes, Marcella Arach should be Major General; Oboma and Elyak should be chief of staff.”

They also proposed that Odongo and Samson Ochen should be Inspector General of Police and Commissioner of Prisons respectively.

“We must be careful about Idi Amin. Although he is not bright, he might unite with the bright Lugwara who might overthrow the government,” the document added.

Mutiny at Malire ends in coup
Amin as army commander was popular and respected by the soldiers. Obote was aware of that but still wanted him eliminated.

But attempts to isolate Amin from the soldiers failed. Attempts to ambush him too failed since Amin knew that he was wanted dead. He often moved with some of the best trained escorts.

Finally, a plan was hatched to have him arrested by force. And if he was to resist arrest, he was to be shot dead in the “exchange of fire”, according to the plan.

To attack Amin from his command post at Kololo, the planners had plotted to first arrest all officers and soldiers in Malire Mechanised Reconnaissance Regiment (MMRR) in Lubiri who hailed from West Nile.

Malire garrison had the best trained and equipped soldiers and many were from West Nile. And in an event that Amin was entrapped in anyway, they would come to his rescue.

Col Akwangu locks up
soldiers from West Nile
At around 7pm on the evening of January 24, 1971, Lt Col Augustino Akwangu, the MMRR commanding officer who hailed from Acholi sub-region, had instructed Lt James Lokolomoi, who hailed from Karamoja sub-region, to withdraw all the 24 keys to the Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs) and tanks from their drivers and lock them in the Orderly Room mannered by a sergeant who also came from Acholi.

Another orderly sergeant had been ordered to withdraw all guns from the sentries and tell the officers to go for an evening rest.

Meanwhile, Lt Col Akwangu had called an impromptu meeting of senior officers of MMRR at Officers Mess (Basima House) at Mengo. The meeting was to start at 8pm.

However, none of the invited officers knew that the purpose of the meeting was to lock them up inside the mess so that they could not command soldiers to rescue Amin.

When about 200 officers had entered, Col Akwangu, accompanied by his adjutant, Lt Ngarombo and WOI Jacob Ojok locked them inside.
Lt Col Abdul Kisule, then a Lieutenant, was one of those who were locked inside the Officers Mess.

“I remember we were called to attend a meeting in the Officers Mess. But when we arrived and asked why the meeting had been called, Lt Col Akwanga and some soldiers started telling us that some of us will never leave that room alive,” Kisule says.

“They locked us inside and put soldiers outside the building to guard us.”

While Kisule does not know who opened for them, he recalls that there came a message saying they should go and rescue Lt Col Akwanga who was being beaten by the soldiers.

“When we reached the court-guard from the Mess, there were gunshots. It was night so we were not able to tell which direction they were coming from,” Kisule adds.

He says he ran and hid in the nearby bush where he stayed until the following morning.
Asked who planned the coup, Kisule says: “I can say it was a counter coup. The ‘coup’ to arrest Amin failed and in the confusion, soldiers stage a coup.”

Taban told this reporter that: “Around 9pm, Corporal Philip Ayiko, who hailed from Moyo District, went to buy beer from Johns Mess (lower ranks Mess). He found only soldiers from Acholi and Lango being addressed by Lt Col Akwangu and he was not allowed to enter.

He got suspicious and ran back to the barracks to inform soldiers from West Nile, his home area. But from the officers mess, Lt Elly Aseani, a relative of Idi Amin, had been able to send a radio call to Corporal Michael Akonyu inside Malire Barracks.
Aseani asked Akonyu to tell soldiers from West Nile to use any tool, including machetes, knives and axes to defend themselves and come to their rescue.

When soldiers from West Nile assembled and accessed the situation, they decided to fight. Unfortunately, all the guns had been locked in the armoury: Its walls, doors and padlocks were too hard to break.

Corporal Moses Galla used a beef opener to start the APC engine and rammed the APC into the armoury door, forcing it to open.

Having secured guns from the armoury, soldiers from West Nile then went to the Johns Mess and arrested about 300 soldiers being briefed by Lt Col Akwangu to go and arrest Amin.

Angry soldiers beat up Lt Col Akwangu and he was rushed to Mulago Hospital where he died later. His adjutant, Lt Ngarombo, escaped to Tanzania. Ngarombo, an Alur from West Nile, colluded with Akwanga to arrest Amin.”

Asked who took Akwangu to Mulago hospital, Galla said: “That I cannot answer. But I know that he was put on a Land Rover driven by Corporal Henry Odama who took him to Mulago.”

The arrested soldiers were taken to Luzira prison the following morning.

Mission to rescue Amin
During interrogation, Lt Col Akwangu was tortured and he revealed how he got the order from president Obote to arrest Amin.

Since there was no communication with Amin, there was fear that he could have been already arrested.

WO II Musa Yauga from present Yumbe District, who had taken the command of tanks and APCs, sent one tank and two APCs to rescue Amin in case he was trapped at the command post at Kololo Hill.

Asked who drove the APCs and a tank to the command post, Lt Col Galla said Corporal Juma Doka was the commander and driver of the tank, while one APC was driven by Sergeant Andrew Yeka and the another sergeant, Ambrosio Adroki.

When the soldiers reached Amin’s compound, he was scared, according to captain Taban and Galla. He thought the soldiers had gone to arrest him at night. It was not until Corporal Doka, his former driver, came out that Amin got out of the house.

It must be noted that during the mutiny, Juma Doka, Moses Galla, Sulaiman Taban and Musa Yauga took a central role. While they had done that to defend themselves, after tempers had cooled, they realised that they were in danger.

“We were scared. We said it seems we have caused a coup,” Taban says. “And we decided to involve Amin to defend us for what we had done. And the only way to protect us was for him to be president, but at first Amin refused.”
Amin told them that he did not send them to do what they had done and that he did not want to be involved to the mess.

Soldiers force Amin to be president
When Amin on January 25, 1971, said it was the soldiers who asked him to president and promoted him from Major General to General, many doubted him.

But Capt Taban, then a Corporal, said at first Amin refused to listen to them.

“We said if you don’t want to be president to protect us, we will kill you as well. We were very scared for what we had done. And knew only Amin could save us from going to prison,” Taban says.

From the intimidation, Amin accepted the soldier’s plea and WOII Sam Aswa from the record office in Mbuya Barracks was called in to draft and read the document which gave the famous 18 reasons why Obote had been toppled.

The 18 reasons given why Obote was toppled

1. The unwarranted detention without trial and for long periods of a large number of people, many of whom are totally innocent.
2. The continuation of a state of emergency over the whole country for an indefinite period, which is meaningless to everybody.
3. The lack of freedom in the airing of different views on political and social matters.
4. The frequent loss of life and property arising from almost daily cases of robbery with violence and kondoism (thuggery) without strong measures being taken to stop them.
5. The proposals for national service which will take every able bodied person from his home to work in a camp for two years could only lead to more robbery and general crime when homes are abandoned.
6. Widespread corruption in high places, especially among ministers and top civil servants.
7. The failure by the political authorities to organise any elections for the last eight years whereby the people’s free will could be expressed.
8. Economic policies have left many people unemployed and even more insecure and lacking in the basic needs of life.
9. High taxes have left the common man of this country poorer than ever before.
10. The prices which the common man gets for his crops like cotton and coffee have not gone up whereas the cost of food, education, etc., has always gone up.
11. Tendency to isolate the country from East African unity.
12. The creation of a wealthy class of leaders who are always talking of socialism while they grow richer and the common man poorer.
13. The Defence Council, of which the president is chairman, has not met since July, 1969, and this has made administration of the Armed Forces very difficult.
14. The cabinet office, by training large numbers of people (largely from the Akokoro County in Lango District where Obote and Akena Adoko, the chief general service officer, come from) in armed warfare, has been turned into a second army.
15. The Lango development master plan written in 1967 decided that all key positions in Uganda’s political, commercial, army and industrial life have to be occupied and controlled by people from Akokoro County, Lango District.
16. Obote, on the advice of Akena Adoko, has sought to divide the Uganda Armed Forces and the rest of Uganda by picking out his own tribesmen and putting them in key positions.
17. It is a shock to us to see that Obote wants to divide and downgrade the army by turning the Cabinet Office into
18. We all want only unity in Uganda and we do not want bloodshed. Everybody in Uganda knows that. The matters mentioned above appear to us to lead to bloodshed only.


Five years on, the former doctor of Bin Laden still languishes in the jail of Pakistan:

1st May 2016 

                                A newspaper bears the photograph of this Pakistani surgeon Shakeel Afridi,

                                cruited by the CIA to help find Osama bin Laden, at a news stand in Karachi

                                on May 24, 2012. AFP


Photo  By AFP

Posted  Monday, May 2   2016 at  11:19
Five years after his fake vaccination programme helped the CIA track and kill Osama bin Laden, Pakistani doctor Shakeel Afridi languishes in jail, abandoned by the US, say supporters, in its bid to smooth troubled relations with Islamabad.

Afridi, believed to be in his mid-50s, has no access to a lawyer, and his appeal against a 23-year prison sentence has stalled.

"I have no hope of meeting him, no expectation for justice," his elder brother Jamil told AFP.

The former senior surgeon lives in solitary confinement in a small room, according to his lawyer, able to see his immediate family no more than six times a year.

Afridi's role in one of the most famous assassinations of recent decades is murky.

Details of how he was sought out by the Central Intelligence Agency are unclear -- Pakistani reports suggest officials at Save the Children acted as go-betweens, though the charity denies involvement.

What is known is that Afridi's job was to run a fake Hepatitis C vaccination program with the aim of obtaining genetic samples from Abbottabad, a garrison city and home to the Pakistan Military Academy, the country's answer to Westpoint.

It was there that Al-Qaeda chief bin Laden and his family had set up home in the mid-2000s, under the noses -- and some say protection -- of senior Pakistani military officers.

Deadly raid -


Supporters of hard line pro-Taliban party Jamiat
Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) pray for the slain Al-Qaeda leader
Osama bin Laden during a rally in Quetta .


In the darkness of May 2, 2011, two helicopters full of elite Navy Seals touched down inside the compound.

In a dramatic raid just one kilometre (half a mile) from the military academy, they fought their way in and surprised the terror mastermind.

They shot him in the head and fled with his body, abandoning a damaged Black Hawk helicopter.

The killing was a huge success for US President Barack Obama, whose country was profoundly scarred by the attacks on New York and Washington of September 2001.

It decapitated Al Qaeda, badly hampering the organisation's ability to carry out further atrocities.