Londoba (-londobye, nnondobye)

v.i. select, choose, pickout; enumerate. Cg. Londa.

Londobala (-londobadde, nnondobadde) v.i

Stare stupidly, look around in a foolish manner,

Sit with a vacant look.

Ekibuga kyali kirondobadde. The city had a hopeless look.

Londobereza (-londoberezza, nnondoberezza) v.i ramble on, chatter,

Talk incessantly.

Luwonko, o- (lu/n ravine, valley, depression.

Cf. Ekiwonko.

Gabunga (la) arch. Title of the chief of the Kabaka’s canoes , admiral;

Title of a high-ranking chief of the Mmamba (Lungfish) Clan.

Taliimu. He is stupid or He is not at home.

Baama or Bama (-baamye, -bamye) v.i. become wild/fierce;

Go wild, act wildly.

Gen Olara Okello given 15-gun salute: 


Posted  Monday, February 16  2015

At Kitgum, Gulu Acholi, Uganda - 

A Gun fire shook the serene flat plains of Madi Opei, Lamwo District, in whose midst many sons and daughters of Acholi lie.

To the passerby and residents in far flung villages, the deafening gun sound could have been mistaken as resumption of the ebbing Lords Resistance Army rebellion that ravaged Acholi several years ago.

But this was the culmination of ceremonies by the Special Forces of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces to send off another of Acholi’s sons, Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello, with full military honours.

Under the command of Capt Moses Kaniini, the army accorded Lt Gen Olara Okello a 15-gun salute, in a reburial on Saturday afternoon.

Gen Olara Okello died in exile in Sudan on January 9, 1990, and was buried in Omdurman near Khartoum.

His remains were returned to the country last Thursday.

The reburial was attended by some UPDF top brass and local politicians.

The casket draped in national colours was heavily guarded by the military police, the same force that forced him into exile in 1986. A military drum was sounded 15 times before a red flag was raised to flag off the 15-gun salute.

Clad in ceremonial military attire, eight colonels “stood to attention”, tightly holding onto their swords. They drew them, pointed them into the sky as pallbearers led by Brig Charles Otema Awany carried the casket to the grave.

As the casket was lowered, a soldier sounded the bugle- the last post-to announce the demise of a general as part of the military burial ceremonies. The clergy led by Vicar General of Gulu-Archdiocese Mathew Odong led prayers for the repose of his soul.

The reburial invoked emotions among relatives and residents who lived when Gen Olara Okello and his men were in charge of the nation.

However, by granting him a befitting send off by his former adversaries, was a sign of reconciliation between his family and the current government.

Gen Museveni commanded the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels, now UPDF, that toppled the UNLA troops commanded by Gen Olara Okello. When the NRA took power in January 1986, Lt Gen Olara Okello fled to Sudan where he sought asylum. He later succumbed to diabetes and was buried in Omdurman, Sudan.

Speakers described Gen Olara Okello as a courageous fighter.

Gen Olara Okello commanded troops that staged a coup against former president Milton Obote and was in charge of the country as de facto head of state between July 27 and 29 before handing over power to the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa.

Gen Olara Okello left behind two widows, 19 children and 31 grandchildren.

The salutes

According the commonwealth military burial customs, a four-star general is given 17 gun salute, 15 for a three-star (Lieutenant General), 13 for a two-star (Major General), 11 for a one-star (Brigadier). A President is given 21-gun salute.



African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.



An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

In Uganda, the Archbishop Janani Luwum's widow has succumbed to cancer:

August 8, 2019

Written by URN

RIP: Mary Luwum

The late Mary Luwum


Mary Luwum, the widow of the former Archbishop of Church of Uganda, Janani Luwum has died. The 93-year-old breathed her last at International Hospital Kampala (IHK) on Tuesday afternoon where she had been admitted for adrenal cancer treatment. 


Tributes from Christians and leaders in the Northern Uganda district of Kitgum has been pouring in since the news of the death of her death broke. Church of Uganda Archbishop Stanley Ntagali said the deceased was a faithful witness to the Lord for many years.

He added that like her husband, Mary Luwum’s testimony has inspired many and will live on. The Church says Mary Luwum will be remembered as not being ashamed of the gospel and supporting her husband’s decision to not flee Uganda when threatened by then-President Idi Amin. That decision ultimately led to his assassination on February 16, 1977. 
Mary was transferred from Yot Kom Hospital in Kitgum district for treatment in Mulago hospital in June this year from where she was later referred to the Uganda Heart Institute. She was cleared of heart complications and referred for surgery for two weeks.     


Luwum says she was diagnosed with gall bladder stones which obstructed the proper functioning of her gall bladder.    

“She was then referred to IHK where the equipment for removing the stones were available. After two separate operations, she was diagnosed with gall bladder cancer which later claimed her life” Ben Luwum, the deceased’s first son explained. Ben said the country should celebrate his mother's life instead of mourning her death.

McLeod Baker Ochola, the former Bishop of Kitgum Diocese says Mary will be missed for her great love for the Church, family and the country. He says Mary taught the nation the true values of perseverance.         



“Mama Mary Luwum and her husband set a good foundation for the family to stand firm in the truth. I recall that the European Union, the US and even the British High Commission approached Archbishop Janani Luwum to flee into exile at the height of persecution. They both resolved to stay and die with Ugandans,” Bishop Ochola stated.    

According to Bishop Ochola, Mary Luwum had deep faith in family, love for the people and remained very faithful even in the absence of her husband. He says the deceased continued attending Church undeterred whenever she was in Kitgum.  

Awich Yose Olel, the chairperson of Mucwini Community, says Mary’s death leaves a big vacuum in Kitgum diocese where she has been serving as the mother of the Church.   

Luwum, the then Archbishop of the Church of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Boga-Zaire, was murdered on February 16, 1977, in Kampala on the orders of President Idi Amin Dada, after he was suspected of plotting to overthrow the government. 

He was hurriedly buried at his ancestral home in Wii Gweng Village in Mucwini sub-county in Kitgum district. Killed together with the archbishop were two government ministers, Charles Oboth Ofumbi for Internal Affairs and Lt. Col. Erinayo Oryema the minister for Culture. 

According to Church of Uganda and the family, on Wednesday next week at 10 a.m., there will be a funeral service at Church of the Resurrection in Bugolobi, Kampala. Her body will then be transported to Wii Gweng village, Mucwini sub county, Kitgum for burial on August 15. 
This is a family that has proved to all the citizens of Uganda that the State of Uganda always gets it all wrong when it arrests and takes to court suspects of treason. 

The state also gets it very wrong when it kills those it suspects to oppose it just because the military rulers of the State of Uganda want to stay put in power for life.

It is unfortunate that despite the Uganda Military Supreme Council allowing President Amin to rule this country until he dies in 1976, it failed to happen. God bless this Acholi family.

 In Uganda, the late Prime Minister, Mr Nsibambi had it that when he met the President of Uganda for the first time, the Presient looked older than him:

By Bobby
5th  June, 2019
How did Nsibambi establish that he was younger than Museveni at their first meeting? Every human being thinks he's younger than the next person. 
And we use inconsequential features to confirm our own bias: receding or gray hair; prominent laugh lines and wrinkles, or even reduced mobility. So, Nsibambi's own estimation of his age verses Museveni's, should be taken with a grain of salt.
The late Professor Apolo Nsibambai said  when he first he met Kayibanda, he was younger than him.  How come when  he died he was older? Thats one of the greatest mysteries of life.
Image may contain: 2 people, meme, text that says TUSWALEKO IN HIS OWN WORDS I MET HIM WHEN IS YOUNG ,BUT THE YOUNGER IS 78 the old one is 74 I thought leaders speak only the truth 74vrs 78yrs

A French European oil and gas industry, Total E&P, is trying to convince Uganda to go on and sell its crude oil abroad before this African country can construct its own oil refinery:

The simple chemical diagram about the oil and gas industry of refining crude oil before thinking of transporting fresh crude oil over 7000 miles for the same process.

This is an Indian oil and gas processing plant the country of Uganda can try to achieve.

Total E&P France SA operates an oil reservoir complex and a gas plant in southwestern France. The company was incorporated in 1996 and is based in Lacq, France. Total E&P France SA operates as a subsidiary of TOTAL S.A.

February 1, 2019

Written by Jeff Mbanga

An engineering Section of a copy of a cheaper refinery that Uganda can try to construct so that it can sell off its oil products at its own economic pace.


Two sticky points that were at the centre of the deadlock currently holding back investors in Uganda’s oil industry from making huge financial investments appear to have been resolved after Patrick Pouyanne, the chairman and chief executive officer of French oil major Total E&P, and President Yoweri Museveni had a closed-door meeting at State House Entebbe on January 18.

The two points are holding back the signing of a $3.5 billion final investment decision for the crude oil pipeline between Uganda and Tanzania. In November 2018, we reported that the three main oil companies in Uganda, led by Total E&P, had asked government to channel all the available oil resources towards the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline, and delay building the government-preferred oil refinery until the year 2026.

In arguing its case then, Total E&P, which is leading the construction of the crude oil pipeline from Hoima in western Uganda to the Chongoleani peninsula in eastern Tanzania, said that if all the available all resources – the country has about 1 billion barrels of recoverable oil – are not channeled to the pipeline, the tariff they would charge for exporting the crude would go to at least $16 per barrel, higher than the earlier agreed $12.7 per barrel.

These demands appeared to have rattled some government officials, some of whom called for Museveni to come in and offer leadership. But now, The Observer has seen a copy of an internal memo to Total E&P Uganda staff, where Pierre Jessua, the general manager of the company, says the “discussion between Patrick Pouyanne and President Museveni was warm and fruitful and has led to significant progress in view of sanctioning the project [the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline.]

Jessua’s memo goes on to say: “On the refinery, Total reiterated its commitment to support a 60,000 barrels per day refinery and take a participating interest in the project.”

The memo, which did not specify the exact interest Total would take in the refinery, continued: “On the pipeline project, Total agreed on a fixed tariff of $12.7.” The French company said their target is to sign the final investment decision by June 2019. The final investment decision is expected to spark off huge cash investments into the industry.

These resolutions are an interesting turnaround for a company such as Total E&P, which some experts had thought would be able to get a higher tariff for the crude oil pipeline at the least.

On the other hand, the January 18 meeting is a massive achievement by Uganda’s government, especially for those officials who have put in a lot of sweat to get the oil refinery project moving ahead.

Pouyanne and Museveni, according to the memo, also “agreed to smoothly work on translating into a law all the elements of the Inter-Governmental Agreement” which Uganda and Tanzania signed in May 2017 “in order to create the necessary framework for the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline.”

Another key item that was on the agenda during the State House meeting was the failure to come to some common agreement that would lead to the closure of Tullow Oil’s $900 million farm-down of 21.5 per cent of its Uganda interests to Total and Cnooc. A capital gains tax bill of $167 million, which Tullow Oil disputes, has delayed the completion of this deal.

Tullow Oil argues that the proceeds from the sale of part of its Uganda interests will be invested in the crude oil pipeline as a share of its of its capital investment and, therefore, should not attract a capital gains tax. The Uganda government, on the other hand, says Tullow Oil has benefitted from the sale and, therefore, the deal should attract a tax.

Jessua said that Pouyanne suggested to Museveni “a pragmatic approach” to achieve the closing of the Tullow transaction, which Museveni agreed to. It is not clear what this pragmatic approach is all about, but our sources say Total E&P suggested that it would pay about $80 million to $85 million of the tax bill. We could not independently verify this because of the sensitivity of the State House meeting.

On November 21, 2018, Irene Muloni, the minister of Energy and Mineral Development, gave a conditional consent to Tullow Oil to complete its farm-down pending resolution of the tax issue.

At the completion of the deal, Total E&P will operate the oil fields in the northern part of license area two while Cnooc Uganda Limited would operate the southern part. Pouyanne and Museveni agreed to meet regularly to ensure the success of the pipeline project.







The Uganda's public debt has hit Shs 41.3 trillion:

This is a very poor African country that deserves HIPC if it can change its long time ruling government:

October 3, 2018

Written by URN

Minister David Bahati

Minister David Bahati

Uganda's domestic and external debt has hit Shs 41.3 trillion. This is according to Uganda's indebtedness status report presented by State Minister for Planning David Bahati to parliament on Tuesday.  


According to Bahati, the external debt accounts to about Shs 27.3 trillion while domestic debt alone is Shs 13.3 trillion.  
Bahati explained that a greater share of the country's outstanding debt is sourced from multilateral creditors like World Bank, African Development Bank and the Islamic Development Bank. Bilateral creditors including Japan, France and others account for 31.1%. Commercial banks contribute 0.7% of the total external debt portfolio by the end of June 2018.

"The four largest biggest beneficiaries of debt financing by sector are; energy, works, agriculture, which is consistent with the government strategy to reduce the cost of doing business, develop infrastructure to boost growth, energy for support industrial development," said Bahati.

Over the last ten years, the stock of public debt has increased by $7.8bn from $2.9bn in FY 2006/2007 when Uganda benefited from the multilateral debt relief initiative (MDRI) to the current $10.7bn as at June 2018. 


Bahati explained that the increase in public debt reflects the increased government budget priorities which he said have necessitated an increase in the level of government debt since Uganda's tax revenue efforts have remained stagnate.

"It has left no option for government to finance its programme in order to achieve its objectives as set out in the national development plans and the NRM manifesto other than by debt. The increase in external borrowing has been mainly to fund infrastructure projects in energy, and transport sectors," Bahati added.

He, however, said that government is committed to ensuring that debt does not exceed the 50% threshold that Uganda agreed under the East African Monetary Union convergence criteria. The debt currently stands at 38.6%.

"As you have seen, when you compare situation with other countries, you can clearly see that Uganda over the years, is almost the lowest. And we intend to maintain this even up to 2023 and hope by then we would changed because by then we would have started getting oil from the ground. The figure shows where we’re with Burundi, with South Sudan, Kenya, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania and Ethiopia and we’re at the lowest." said Bahati. 


Opposition chief whip, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda asked whether government is comfortable with the increased borrowing given that a lot of borrowed money is mismanaged.

"The question I want to ask is the question of prudence. Hon Bahati…I want to ask the question that taxpayers in the UK were asking; whether you as a person, you’re comfortable with a government that is borrowing left and right? Because…just on the money we have borrowed from commercial banks…in the budget we’re going to pay back about Shs 2.7 trillion interest on the money we’re borrowing from commercial banks. After borrowing this money then we see a head of state throwing money at every youth group - money you can’t account." Ssemujju said. 


Budadiri West MP Nathan Nandala Mafabi sentiments were not different from those of Ssemujju, saying the borrowed money is often abused by people in government. 

"As soon as we pass a loan here [parliament], the first people to celebrate are those [government officials] that sit on the bench behind there that money has come in. Then the sharks [businesspeople] out there who bid and now days they do a cartel. And the people who lose are the people of Uganda because we pay for that money in form of taxes. That is why you’re even taxing mobile money to fund such leakages in the budget." Nandala said. 


Pian County MP Achia Remigio supported a move by government to borrow for development purposes but appealed that the purposes for borrowing should be fulfilled. He cited an $85m loan borrowed in November 2013 to construct the Nakapiripiriti-Muyembe road, but five years later, works on the ground are yet to commence.  

However, Finance minister Matia Kasaija said that government has not yet received the money for construction of that Muyembe-Nakapiripiriti road because one of the conditions for borrowing the money was that the Uganda government has enough money to compensate the land owners which at the time government lacked. But now that the compensation money has been found, Kasaija revealed that he just came back from signing for the money in Australia. 

Deputy speaker Jacob Oulanyah sent the report to the National Economy Committee for discussions with stakeholders and make recommendations to parliament. 


This is to explain to the man or woman living on the streets of Uganda:
Over the last ten years, the stock of public debt has increased by $7.8bn from $2.9bn in FY 2006/2007 when Uganda benefited from the multilateral debt relief initiative (MDRI) to the current $10.7bn as at June 2018.
And then:
The Multilateral debt relief organization cannot provide relief to the same government. It needs to wait until this current government resigns so that a new government can negotiate new economic terms for Uganda under the HIPC(Highly Indebted Poor Countries).
And then:
"It has left no option for government to finance its programmes in order to achieve its objectives as set out in the national development plans and the NRM manifesto other than by DEBT. The increase in external borrowing has been mainly to fund infrastructure projects in energy, and transport sectors," Bahati added........This therefore is a long term ruling government that is not going to resign but will continue to borrow and continue to tax its citizens so that its political programme are done with.






Why policemen in Uganda do not want to risk their lives to keep  guard of terrified Members of Parliament:

12 July, 2018


Any police officer who deliberately refuses to protect a member of parliament now faces the risk of unspecified action being taken against him or her, authorities have warned.

The warning follows reports that a number of police personnel are absconding from bodyguard duties, citing poor treatment by MPs they were assigned to protect.

But even as the warning was being sounded days ago, some MPs observed that close protection officers are not the answer -- given the rising wave of insecurity sweeping through the country.

Deputy police spokesman Patrick Onyango told The Observer last week,  “If anybody withdraws from guarding the principals they are supposed to guard, the unit commanders are supposed to take action against them”.

“An officer when going on duty is supposed to prepare so as they are guarding the MPs, they should be prepared with all the necessary equipment and logistics. Logistics means food,” he said.

“In police training schools, there is a whole topic on officers’ survival skills; how do you survive in an environment? So, they should go back to the basic lessons they were taught at the training school; they know they are supposed to be equipped for whatever condition.”

Minister David Bahati (C) with an army bodyguard

Onyango was responding to reports coming out of a June 28 security briefing between MPs and President Museveni. At this meeting, the president reportedly warned that whoever refused to work with MPs would be sacked.

The police publicist also said that the top management of different security agencies will come up with appropriate measures to enhance MPs’ security.

The briefing held in the prime minister’s office ended with Museveni directing that MPs be assigned military guards after learning that police personnel were absconding over lack of facilitation, among other reasons.

Interviewed separately, one guard said: “You see some of our people [MPs] go to expensive places to shop or eat. You are guarding them and you can’t go elsewhere to buy yourself something to eat. Even at their homes, they don’t care whether you have eaten or not. Some of them can’t even buy water for a person guarding them; how do you continue with such work?”

“Many of our colleagues are suffering with the MPs they guard. Some of them have requested to be redeployed because they find it very hard spending most of their time with selfish people,” the officer said.

Museveni also directed the chief of defence forces, Gen David Muhoozi, to liaise with the Parliament Division Police commander Anabella Nyiramahoro to enhance MPs’ security.

On June 20, The Observer reported that Government Chief Whip Ruth Nankabirwa, state minister for Privatization Evelyn Anite, MPs; Raphael Magyezi (Igara West), Jacob Oboth-Oboth (West Budama South), Grace Balyeku (Jinja Municipality West), Simeo Nsubuga (Kassanda South), Peter Ogwang (Usuk) and Doreen Amule (Amolatar) had had their security beefed up by soldiers from the Special Forces Command, an elite presidential protection formation.

Aringa South MP Alioni Yorke Odria informed the president that his colleagues were living in fear over purported death threats sent through text messages and social media.

Alioni’s concern echoed what Usuk MP Peter Ogwang said during the burial of Arua Municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga on June 11. A vociferous supporter of the ‘age limit bill’, Abiriga was shot dead on June 8.

Obongi MP Hassan Kaps Fungaroo last week confirmed these MPs’ fears and reservations about the usefulness of riding in the same car with their guards.

“MPs admitted that they are living in a state of fear. Even those given security by the president said police are running away. That the [police] say instead of escorting MPs, they better stay at home because escorting an MP is a very risky business for them,” he said.

“The president said they shall make a provision for  separate vehicles for the escorts which means there are going to be over 452 escort vehicles loaded with soldiers and police because the police feel that they cannot protect the MP properly when they are in the same vehicle,” Fungaroo said.

A slightly different account of this proposal was given by the secretary of the ruling party’s parliamentary caucus, Joseph Kasozi Muyomba (Bukoto Mid-West), who said it was agreed the National Security Council would decide the issue of separate vehicles.

“Because if you are together with the guards in the same vehicle, you are all vulnerable; so, it will be either to have a separate vehicle behind or ahead. But it will be for a short time, like four to five months, due to the difficulty in mobilising logistics to facilitate the guards,” Kasozi said.

“There were reports that police escorts were in fear so the president ordered that the police can be withdrawn from those who feel they should be guarded by the army… But it’s not mandatory that all MPs will have soldiers guarding them,” Kasozi added. 

Separately, some MPs have criticized the push for military guards and separate vehicles.

Ruhinda representative Donozio Kahonda, who supported the bill, said: “…when I was campaigning, I never had any security, why should I go now to my constituency with guards, for what? I am aware there is insecurity in the country but having them is insecurity whereby even somebody who didn’t have interest in knowing who is having escorts will target you.”

Gulu Municipality MP Lyandro Komakech also chided colleagues.

“Some people feel too big because there are two guns around them,” he said. “This disease of bigness has infiltrated parliament. MPs saw it from ministers, now they have also been caught up in this disease. Next they will say we need to be escorted the way ministers are escorted; so, it is a fashion”.

Instead, Komakech advised the president to look into the root causes of insecurity.

“How about other Ugandans? Arming MPs to the teeth like we are going for war is going to be like South Sudan where everybody is escorted to his small hut. It’s going to be a theatre. It’s a vote of no confidence in MPs,” Komakech added.

Characteristically, Lubaga South MP Kato Lubwama saw the lighter side to things, pointing out that “some MPs have no vehicles, they move on foot. Will they have guards driving while they are walking because they supported the age bill?”

Kisoro Woman MP Rose Kabagyeni, Kaberamaido MP Veronica Isala Eragu Bichetero and Ruhinda MP Donozio Kahonda argued that it was unbecoming behavior for some of their colleagues to mistreat their escorts.

Kabagyeni said it is inhuman for an MP to have lunch and leave his or her guard to go hungry.

“It’s unfortunate that some people always tend to forget that we do what we do because of the people around us who help. This person must motivated to do their work so you are able to do your work as well,” Kabagyeni said on Monday.

“I urge all those who use these categories of support- guards, maids, messengers and drivers that whatever you are doing, just know that this person adds almost 60 per cent to your success. It is sad and inhuman for someone to mistreat the people around you…,” Kabagyeni added.

Kahonda, a retired army officer, said, 

“Those [police guards] who leave their duty stations should be charged with cowardice in action. That means they did not train well, they didn’t grasp what they were trained for. But I regard my subordinates as part of my family; therefore, even if they are guarding me, they must share the same meal we eat at home and if we go to a restaurant, they must eat from the same restaurant..,” Kahonda said.

Isala- Eragu said, “It’s really shocking and shameful. Personally, I will never deny an employee anything they deserve. I cannot come out with a stomach full when my staff are famished.” 

She urged the Parliamentary Commission to intervene.

Chris Obore, the director for communications and public affairs at parliament, said, “Parliament does not have a budget for MPs’ escorts. That is the duty of the police and if I remember, police has VIP [Very Important Person Protection] Unit,” Obore added.



Indeed it is high time these African policemen or policewomen had an opinion of themselves as citizens of Uganda. It seems their training is all about being an African silly robot on 24-hours duty every day and every week until the end of the month. No life insurance. Guarding what so that you loose your life and never see your children and wife or husband again?






In Uganda, the Governor of the Bank of Uganda has come out to explain how Shs 478bn in Crane Bank takeover was properly spent: 

18 September, 2018

Written by The Observer Team

Governor Tumusiime Mutebile

The long time Governor of the Bank of Uganda, Mr Tumusiime Mutebile


Bank of Uganda has responded to the Daily Monitor story headlined "How BOU blew Shs 478 billion in the Crane Bank takeover". Bank of Uganda took over the management of Crane Bank in October 2016 before the bank was sold to a rival bank, DFCU in January 2017. 
Governor, Emmanuel Tumusiime Mutebile in a press statement issued today says the blowing of Shs 478 billion story is "seriously misleading." According to Mutebile, claims that Bank of Uganda (BOU) spent Shs 478.8 billion from an undisclosed account in the Central Bank under the cover of liquidity support is erroneous. 

"First, the BOU did not take Shs 478 billion from an "undisclosed account". The BOU provided a loan to Crane Bank and this money came from the BOU's own resources. The BOU is a Central Bank and like any other Central Bank it can create financial assets and liabilities. In this case the BOU created a financial asset (the loan to Crane Bank) which was matched by an equivalent liability (an increase in the money supply)." the statement reads. 


"Secondly, the claim that the BOU spent Shs 478 billion "under the cover of liquidity support" implies that the money was actually used for something else besides liquidity support. In fact, the vast majority of this money - Shs 466 billion - actually was liquidity support. Crane Bank had been losing liquidity for months prior to its takeover by the BOU. 

This was because a large share of its loan portfolio was not being serviced by the borrowers and because customers were losing confidence in the bank and withdrawing their deposits. Between the end of June 2016 and the end of September 2016, Crane Bank's deposits fell by Shs 148 billion."

Mutebile says as Crane Bank's liquidity drained away, the bank requested liquidity support from the BOU, before the bank was taken over by BOU.
He added that at this point, BOU had two possible courses of action; either to provide liquidity support to Crane Bank or not.
"If the BOU had chosen the latter course of action, Crane Bank would have been unable to honour its liabilities. It would not have been able to pay depositors who wanted to withdraw their money from the bank or repay the money it had borrowed from other banks in Uganda through the interbank market."


"In effect Crane Bank would have collapsed. Because Crane Bank was such a large bank, its collapse would have risked chaos in the financial system, possibly causing contagion to other banks and bank runs by depositors. That would have caused a huge amount of economic damage. No responsible Central Bank could allow this to happen. Apart from the Shs 466 billon of liquidity support to Crane Bank, the BOU also spent Shs 12 billion in resolving Crane Bank." 


According to the governor, these were expenses that were necessary to ensure that the assets and liabilities of Crane Bank could be transferred to another bank, thereby allowing Crane Bank's customers to continue having access to normal banking services."

The Shs 478 billion was a cost of ensuring that Crane Bank did not collapse in a disorderly manner, threatening chaos in the banking system and the wider economy and ensuring that its customers retained access to their deposits and to banking services, Mutebile said. 


In any case, BOU, Mutebile says is recovering the Shs 200 billion of the Shs 478 billion through the sale of assets and purchase of assumption transaction which transferred assets and liabilities of Crane Bank to DFCU Bank.

The rest of the money (about Shs 278 billion), according to Mutebile will be recovered from Crane Bank's shareholders, who BOU says were responsible for the bank's huge losses. 


For the simple Uganda citizen on the street of Kampala, this Bank Governor has agreed that 478 billion shillings was spent properly to rescue Crane Bank so that DFCU can take it over. That is Bank of Uganda provided the bankrupt Crane Bank with a financial soft landing. And this money will be recovered gradually from Crane Bank's  available Assets and then deposited back into the disclosed account(national consolidated fund) of the Bank of Uganda.







 The Audit General's commercial banks report puts blame on Bank of Uganda mismanagement for the  major financial closure of 7 banks:


Banking sector stabilising non-performing loans reduce

The building that used to house the defunct Crane Bank which was brought down by, among other factors, high levels of non-performing loans (NPLs). FILE PHOTO 

By Yasiin Mugerwa


UGANDA, Kampala, A confidential special audit report of the Auditor General (AG) has revealed weaknesses in the management of Central Bank and questioned the Governor and his team for the hitches in the closure of at least seven commercial banks. 
In his new report to Parliament, the Auditor General, Mr John Muwanga, queried BoU officials on the flaws in the closure of Teefe Bank (1993), International Credit Bank Ltd (1998), Greenland Bank (1999), The Co-operative Bank (1999), National Bank of Commerce (2012), Global Trust Bank (2014) and the sale of Crane Bank Ltd (CBL) to dfcu (2016). 
“I observed that there were no guidelines/regulations or policies in place to guide the identification of the purchases of the defunct banks. There were also no guidelines to determine the procedures to be adopted by Central Bank in the sale/ transfer of assets and liabilities of the defunct banks to the identified purchaser,” the AG report reads. 
The AG has also poked holes in the Purchase of Assets and Assumption of Liabilities (P&A) deal BoU officials signed with Dfcu on January 25, 2017 for the purchase of Crane Bank Limited, formerly owned by tycoon Sudhir Ruparelia and others. 
“I was not provided with the negotiation minutes leading to the P&A agreement. In the absence of the minutes, I could not determine how BoU selected the best evaluated bidder and how the terms in P& A were determined,” the report adds.

On the valuation of assets and liabilities of CBL before the dfcu took over the bank in a Shs200b deal, the AG complained to Parliament: “On April 10, 2018, I requested for P&A agreement, including details of the assets and liabilities transferred after taking into account the requisite valuation. I noted that BoU did not carry out a valuation of the assets and liabilities of CBL. In the absence of the valuation, I could not establish how the terms for the transfer of assets and liabilities in the P&A were determined.” 
In a meeting with the BoU’s outgoing executive director of supervision held on June 13, 2018, at BoU offices, the directors admitted that the BoU did not carry out a valuation of the CBL assets and liabilities but relied on inventory report and the due diligence undertaken by dfcu to arrive at P&A agreement. 
“I also noted that the P&A did not have complete details of assets and liabilities transferred to dfcu with their corresponding values; I was therefore, unable to establish the status of assets and liabilities transferred to dfcu.” 
The AG, however, says BoU officials gave him a soft copy of details of assets and liabilities although the information lacked details of loans and advances transferred to dfcu and evidence of valuation of assets before sale hence it was insufficient to respond to his observation.
The 94-page special audit report was yesterday laid in Parliament and the Speaker forwarded it to the Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) for scrutiny. 
At an appropriate time, BoU officials and other stakeholders/witnesses will be summoned to the committee to answer queries raised by the AG before a committee report is sent to parliament for debate.
Mr Mutebile and his team have also been questioned on the expenditure of more than Shs478.8b they say was for liquidity support and other interventions in CBL after they took over the management on October 20 2016. 
The AG enquired into the source of the money BoU injected in CBL and wondered how Mr Mutebile’s team arrived at Shs478.8b. 
For compiling the inventory report, forensic review and investigations, IT support and hiring of external lawyers, BoU officials spent Shs12.2b. 
This money is part of the Shs478.8b they say was injected in CBL. The AG, according to sources, has requested Cosase to investigate the expenditure of these funds. 
Although the AG wondered how the taxpayers’ money will be recovered, in the exit meeting with AG officials held on June 22, 2018, Mr Mutebile’s team explained that the money in question was sourced from within BoU budget and that it will be recovered from the CBL shareholders. 
However, CBL shareholders have accused BoU officials of writing off loans with collateral and other supporting documents.

Other defunct banks
In the report, the AG says BoU sold assets of ICB, Greenland, Cooperative, GTB and NBC worth Shs164b at a discount of 80 per cent, yielding only Shs32b. 
In the case of ICB, Greenland and Cooperative Bank, the total loan portfolio sold at Shs135b included secured loans of Shs34.5b which had valid legal, or equitable mortgage on the real property and were supported with legal documentation but were sold to Nile River Acquisition Company at a discount of 93 per cent.

Outstanding liabilities
It was also noted that the liabilities amounting to Shs503.7b were still outstanding at the time of writing the report (August 2018) from a total liability of Shs1.6 trillion held at closure. 
For instance, the process of settling liabilities for ICB, Cooperative Bank and Greenland Bank has taken more than 17 years. The AG noted that this has affected the winding up process of these banks. 
The AG preliminary report to Parliament also indicated that at least Shs23b from the sale of only Global Trust Bank (GTB) remained unaccounted for, 25 land titles missing, and customer loans inherited from closed banks were sold at an undervalued rate. GTB was closed in July 2014.


The audit into the defunct banks was prompted by petitions from Crane Bank shareholders and Central Bank employees. They petitioned Cosase chaired by Mr Abdul Katuntu and demanded investigation into undisclosed BoU/dfcu deal and other issues in the closure of other banks.
Two whistle-blowers also petitioned Parliament and the IGG on the same matter, calling for an independent audit into the agreement BoU signed with dfcu Bank. In one of the petitions, the former Crane Bank shareholders allege that they were excluded in the negotiations of the bank’s sale contrary to provisions of the Financial Institutions Act. They also argued that the agreement did not state the value of liabilities or assets taken over by dfcu. In exercise of its powers under Section 87(3), 88(1)(a) & (b) of the Financial Institutions Act 2004, BoU took over CBL because it was insolvent. 
The bank and Mr Sudhir are in court over the controversial sale of CBL to dfcu and recovery of about Shs397b BoU says went missing from CBL before liquidation. 
Although MPs led by Budadiri West MP Nandala Mafabi wanted to table a motion to investigate BoU/CBL saga, Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanyah had ruled that any such inquiry would be stayed until all related cases have been disposed of in court. 
Quoting Mr Oulanyah’s letter, BoU Deputy Governor Louis Kasekende also on April 19 wrote to the Attorney General protesting the audit into the liquidation process of Crane Bank, saying the matter was in court. 
The Solicitor General wrote back on May 2 telling BoU not to cooperate with either the Auditor General or Parliament regarding the investigation into the sale of Crane Bank. He said any such inquiry would be subjudice.
But On May 10, the Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rebecca Kadaga, wrote to the Auditor General, Mr John Muwanga, and asked him to ignore the Attorney General’s guidance on sub-judice rule. Ms Kadaga instructed Mr Muwanga to proceed with the audit as previously instructed by Mr Katuntu.







President Museveni has been criticised for wasting tax payers money on unproductive farming programmes:

December 5, 2016

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

MP Mathias Mpuuga

President Museveni on Friday found himself in the middle of a political ambush in Masaka, when the municipality MP Mathias Mpuuga dragged him into a heated exchange over the government’s anti-poverty programmes.

Before an audience that turned up for the commissioning of the newly-constructed Shs13 billion market at Nyendo in Masaka Municipality, Mpuuga openly criticised NRM’s flagship project, Operation Wealth Creation (OWC), which he said was unlikely to get people out of poverty.

“As a leader, I don’t understand it when I see OWC trucks bringing orange seedlings to Masaka. You can’t fight poverty in Masaka by promoting the growing of lime and tangerine. Traditionally, we plant such on the boundaries of our gardens for the children to eat,” Mpuuga said.

The country was divided into 10 agricultural production zones during the 2008/09 financial after government developed the Prosperity for All (Bonna bagaggawale) framework.

The zoning was intended to provide information and guidance for agricultural investment to local governments and individual farmers, but Mpuuga said NRM vulgarised the programme.

“I was planning to notify the Speaker of Parliament about a petition against this [OWC] project... About 10 years ago, Uganda was divided into agricultural production zones but I don’t remember seeing Masaka in the zones for growing citrus fruits,” the opposition MP said.

The agricultural production zones were re-confirmed in the National Agricultural Policy, developed in July 2011. However, according to Mpuuga, the plan misallocated resources to Masaka which was a coffee and banana growing area.

“When you came in the 1980s you didn’t find orange stores in Masaka. This place is a known coffee and banana-growing area. The money you waste on OWC should instead be spent on helping farmers to fight the [banana] wilt disease that is eating up their plantations,” he said.

Mpuuga’s blunt speech excited the crowd. Some people in the largely NRM gathering clapped and cheered on the MP who went as far as reminding the president about the activities of his NRA guerrillas that looted Masaka cooperative Union.

“In 1986, Masaka’s economy was flourishing because of the cooperative societies. It is surprising, Mr President, that while you have compensated the other cooperative societies, Masaka Cooperative Union, which was the biggest contributor to your [rebel] activities because it gave you cash and cars, has been left out,” Mpuuga said.


While earlier speakers sung praises to Museveni for the construction of the market that will accommodate 2500 vendors, Mpuuga’s message was different.

The Democratic Party (DP) politician told the vendors that instead of singing the president’s praises, they should look at it as an addition to the country’s debt burden.

“While it is true that this is a government programme, we borrowed this money through Parliament and all of us, including our grandchildren, will have to pay back this money. It is not his [Museveni] personal donation,” he said.

Mpuuga’s persistent challenge to Museveni caused discomfort among the presidential protocol staff that had earlier wanted to strike the MP off the list of speakers at the function. In the past, State House would exclude Mpuuga and ask the district Woman MP to speak in the slot allocated to the area legislator.

However, this time round, this trick became difficult to deploy since all the Masaka MPs, except the Vice President Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi, belong to DP.

Mpuuga and the State House team were involved in an exchange in which he told them that while they had the capacity to deny him an opportunity to speak, he had the ability to disorganise the event. It took the intervention of Local Government minister Tom Butime for Mpuuga to get the go-ahead to speak at the event.

After the re-admission of his speech, Butime then engaged Mpuuga asking him not to embarrass the president. Organisers had in mind Mpuuga’s role in the Walk-to-work protests that followed the 2011 elections, and being that this was the first time Museveni and Mpuuga were appearing at a public event in the Municipality, a stingy attack on the was expected.


True to their fears, Mpuuga succeeded in diverting Museveni from his prepared speech. The president instead spent most of his time rebutting the opposition MP’s statements.

“It seems that this boy [Mpuuga] is out of touch with reality, but it is good that he has made [his] lies in my presence and therefore I have chance to respond,” Museveni said.

“He [Mpuuga] is only good at making fun of and ridiculing operation wealth creation. He doesn’t know that in some parts of Masaka like in Kyannamukaaka, pineapples do well. He only stops on the tarmac,” Museveni added.

The president defended his four-acre-model of farming, which he said is the best approach to household poverty. At some point, Museveni admitted that Mpuuga whom he frequently called a boy, had got some facts right. However, the president claimed that Mpuuga’s politics had been spoilt by the political ideology that DP follows.

“I was also in the DP, and our DP was strong and powerful under Ben Kiwanuka not this current weak DP under [Norbert] Mao where this boy and [Bukoto East MP Florence] Namayanja spend most of the time criticising me,” Museveni said.  


As fights erupt over president’s city tours

President Museveni’s recent cash-laden charm offensive on a Kampala city hitherto hostile to him could amount to pouring money down the drain, if the latest revelation is anything to go by.

An investigation by The Observer has established that the savings and credit cooperative (Sacco) at Mulago Kubbiri that Museveni gave Shs 100 million and eight car washing pumps on September 6 is not formally registered.

When contacted for comment, the chairman-elect of the ‘Mulago car washers Sacco’, Henry Ssegujja, conceded that the organisation did not exist before the president’s visit to the area.

“We formed it the day before the president came,” he said.

Segujja added that by the close of business last Friday, nearly 10 days since the president’s visited, they had not registered the Sacco. He said they are a little confused about Sacco registration procedures.

President Museveni hands over a Shs 100m dummy cheque to Mulago car washers

“We don’t know whether we will register it,” he said.“Those who register are confusing us. Someone from the city council [KCCA] told us they are the right people who register, but then someone from Kawanda also came here and said they are the ones who register Saccos. We don’t know who will help us.”

To receive the money, a Sacco must be registered. Officially, Saccos are registered by the city division councils and the ministry of trade’s cooperatives desk is notified.


But even before they formalise their existence, the recipients have started fighting among themselves over the money. The money is meant to go to Sacco members in form of soft loans.

Some of the car washers interviewed on Friday said their chairman has suddenly got new friends, including some big people. They said they were afraid their chairman could be hoodwinked and the money swindled.

Richard Kiberu, a car washer, said when the president visited the area, they saw “new faces of people they have never seen washing cars” receive the dummy cheque.

“This money thing is going to cause us problems; wherever we go, now people tell us ‘you people of Mulago received pumps and money’ but we haven’t received anything,” Kiberu said.

Zilbah Kamusiime, who leads Wandegeya Trust jet car wash but did not receive the pump, said the people who got it had been selected secretly and “others did not know the president was even coming”.

Some car washers are also up in arms over the pumps. From Mulago roundabout in Wandegeya to Kubbiri, next to Pastor Samuel Kakande’s church, there are about 10 washing bays. And whereas four of them told The Observer they had received the pumps, there was no pump in use or display when this reporter visited the area on Thursday.

Meddie Ssebunya of Fire Fire washing bay said they received the pump. When we asked to see it, he said “since it is new, we have kept it so that people don’t spoil it.”

The chairman of Mulago Business Centre washing bay, a one Ambrose, said they had received the pumps, although he declined to show them to us. A few metres away at Kayembe washing bay, car washers there said they were not invited for the president’s visit and they did not get the washing pumps.

Museveni (with hat) handing over a jet pump to car washers of Mulago washing bay ‘Sacco’

The Kayembe washing bay chairman, Ali Ssekadde, said: “The president should scrutinise people who reach him to ask for help and establish whether the people he gave things truly get them.”


Over the last couple of weeks, the president has toured parts of Kampala, giving out Shs 100m to each Sacco –car washers, garage owners and carpenters, among others.

The Observer reported last week that in three weeks, President Museveni has given out more than Shs 600m in cash and over Shs 1bn in tools to win over hearts and minds in Kampala. The president’s undeclared objective is to loosen the opposition’s grip on the capital given his poor showing in the during the last elections.

Museveni has insisted on delivering his gifts and pledges personally since in the past, government officials have misappropriated them. These revelations are likely to punch holes in Museveni’s mode of operation, with the president likely to fall victim to unscrupulous characters in the city.

Both the minister for Kampala, Beti Kamya, who has toured Kampala with the president, and her deputy Benny Namugwanya Bugembe were unavailable for comment when contacted on Saturday.

Incidentally, the president is not moving with the KCCA executive director Jennifer Musisi as he endears himself to city dwellers. After the February 2016 polls, Museveni accused Musisi of losing him supporters in Kampala due to her high-handed handling of city dwellers.

However, Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago told The Observer on Saturday that the fact that some of the Saccos that Museveni is giving money are unregistered did not come as a surprise to him.

Lukwago explained that the city authority had channels like the Community Driven Development(CDD)fund and the youth livelihood programme, which could have been used to deliver the money after thorough scrutiny of the recipients.

“If the money is to develop the people of Kampala, let us use the right channels,” Lukwago said.  “This system was circumvented using avenues outside the law. We were not contacted in the selection of the beneficiaries of that money.”


The President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni has ordered the Uganda Army to guard Members of Parliament as Members of the Ruling Military Council:

 Army officers guard Parliament during the de

Army officers guard Parliament during the debate on age limit last December. PHOTO BY ALEX ESAGALA 

By Solomon Arinaitwe

Kampala- President Museveni has directed the Finance Ministry to immediately buy escort vehicles for all the 456 MPs while the army will provide them with “sharp shooters” to protect them from what he called “terrorists.”

He ordered Finance minister Matia Kasaija to immediately set aside money to acquire a fleet of escort vehicles for MPs which will be boosted by marksmen from the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF).

“MPs have been singled out for intimidation and possibly attack. I have decided to protect MPs as we wait for the putting in place of these security measures. MPs already have some police guards. Those will stay with them. I will, however, add two elements; the sharp-shooters of the army and follow-pickups that will be used by these against small arms bullets,” Mr Museveni said in the letter to Mr Kasaija.

“I therefore direct you to immediately acquire a fleet of new 4-wheel drive pick-ups with open carriage beds. Provide additional money for these vehicles quickly. The army will use them to guard the MPs and when the new systems are put in place, these vehicles will be given to army officers as part of the UPDF fleet,” he added.
Mr Museveni said the UPDF sharp-shooters will get personal body armour and helmets that are bullet proof. He concluded telling Mr Kasaija: “Act fast. I thank you and I expect speed.”

His letter is copied to the Vice President, Mr Edward Ssekandi, the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen David Muhoozi, the Minister of Defence, Mr Adolf Mwesige, and Mr Keith Muhakanizi, the Secretary to the Treasury.

In his June 20 letter, Mr Museveni stated that crimes like the killings of six Muslim sheikhs, State prosecutor Joan Kagezi, the kidnap and murder of Susan Magara and the killing of Assistant Inspector General of Police Felix Kaweesi “were committed with the possible collusion of the police.”

In many of the killings, the officials under attack have been seated with their bodyguards in the same car. This, perhaps, is why the President has chosen a separate vehicle for bodyguards.

The legislators started raising alarm bells over their security in December last year following the passing of the contentious Constitution Amendment Bill that amended Article 102(b) and removed age limit on the presidency to allow Mr Museveni contest for reelection as many times as he wishes.

Fears over MPs’ safety were heightened when Arua Municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga was gunned down in Kawanda suburb in Wakiso on June 8, 2018.

His murder followed a wave of high-profile assassinations and killings which sent the country into a state of trepidation, prompting Mr Museveni to unveil a 12-security master plan that he touted as the magic bullet to the spiral in crime.

When MPs met Mr Museveni on June 28 to discuss escalating insecurity in the country, they voiced skepticism about guards from the Counter-Terrorism Police and requested for army escorts instead.
Finance ministry spokesperson Jim Mugunga declined to comment on where the Treasury will get the money to enforce Mr Museveni’s directives on MPs’ security. He referred all inquiries on the matter to Mr Kasaija.

Some car dealers we talked to say on average, such vehicles cost $46,000 (about Shs173 million), implying that the government will have to fork out Shs78.8 billion

Mr Kasaija could not be reached for a comment as he did not pick up our calls.
Butambala MP Muwanga Kivumbi, however, expressed worry on what implications such heavy deployment of military guards around Parliament will create for the country.

“That kind of security is bad for the economy and will ultimately affect investor confidence. Imagine Parliament Avenue with 500 lead cars with snipers! Which investor would like to invest in such a country? Security measures should not only deal with the hardware issues but must also address the software issues. Those measures will create pandemonium in the country,” Mr Kivumbi said.

His Igara West counterpart Raphael Magyezi differed and welcomed the military guards, saying they will boost MPs’ security.

“I think I have every hope in the President to secure the MPs and every Ugandan if it is what it takes because these wonderful cars which we have are closed. And if you have soldiers seated inside, it is a death trap. The point that the President is making as a head of security to ensure that there is a pick up for MPs, the soldiers seated outside there, they are able to respond whenever they see something,” he said.

The Parliament’s Director of Communication and Public Affairs, Mr Chris Obore, did not pick up our calls.



According to a recent Daily Monitor investigation, in just seven years, the strength of the Very Important Person Protection Unit (VIPPU) has grown from 1,746 officers to 3,500-4,500. The VIPPU is supposed to protect people entitled by law to close police protection such as the Speaker of Parliament, ministers, diplomats, judges, senior security officers and top managers of government agencies.
Another police unit whose numbers are increasing is the Presidential Protection Group (PPG) that protects the Vice President, Prime Minister, relatives of the First Family and specific individuals close to the presidency.
The PPG now protects people such as Ms Jennifer Musisi, the executive director for Kampala Capital City Authority, and Ms Allen Kagina, the executive director for Uganda National Roads Authority, Mr Bryan White, a city socialite, and Ms Persis Namuganza, the State Minister for Lands. The two major units make up more than 10 per cent of the entire police force strength to secure a privileged few.
Police spokesperson Emilian Kayima says many, who are given police guards, are entitled because of their status and the office they hold.
The numbers of police personnel guarding each head of institutions, like Uganda Revenue Authority, UNRA, KCCA and Chief Justice ranges from 15 to 30 officers.
There are close to 80 judicial officers entitled to police protection and they are given a total of about 560 and 600 police officers a day to secure their lives and property.

It is nearly the same police strength deployed to police districts of Arua, Masaka and Hoima combined that have a total population of 1.5m people.
About 10 years ago, the Commissioner General of Prisons, Governor Bank of Uganda, deputy Inspector General of Police, head of Kampala City Council (now KCCA), Director of Public Prosecutions, ministers and police directors, each travelled with only one close bodyguard and no escort cars.
But since the 2010 terror attacks in Kampala and a string of assassinations of government employees, the officials entitled to security were given more police numbers at the expense of security of the general public.
In 2011, the then Kampala Metropolitan Police commander Andrew Felix Kaweesi even widened the scope by attaching officers from General Duties that are supposed to protect the general community to business people.
The former Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura, put the number of officers, who had been illegally deployed to guard business people and the famous in Kampala Metropolitan Police, to half the strength of that territorial command, which was then around 4,000 to 5,000 officers.
Lately, police are providing similar services to a section of people, who are not entitled to them, such as MPs, some political party leaders, business people, religious leaders, artistes, among others.
Mr Kayima says people in this category write to the IGP detailing reasons why they should be given police bodyguards.
The recipient pays Shs24,000 for each officer per day. For escort duties that doesn’t go beyond eight hours, the recipient pays Shs12,000.






General Kayihura, the Inspector of Police, who has been arrested, is a real test to the Uganda Army:

Kayihura celebrated his promotion to the rank of a Military General by marching through the streets of Kampala.

July 4, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

Gen Kale Kayihura is not a member of the UPDF Historical High Command.

The command comprises of generals Yoweri Museveni, Salim Saleh, Elly Tumwine, David Tinyefuza, and Matayo Kyaligonza. The late Eriya Kategaya, Tadeo Kanyankore and Fred Rwigyema were the other members of this body permanently inscribed in the UPDF Act.

Kayihura is neither a member of the Historical Army Council which comprises; Jim Muhwezi, Kahinda Otafiire, Mugisha Muntu, Ahmed Kashilingi, Julius Chihandae, Samson Mande, Kibirango Gyagenda, Andrew Lutaaya, etc.

How then did he join the club of the generals when historically he is not one of them? I will answer this question later in this article which will help you understand why we are in this mess.

Kayihura is in his own right a historical having joined the war, which brought Gen Museveni into power, at its infancy. He was part of the group sent to Libya for military training, I think, about one year into the 1981-86 bush war.

This Libya group, as it came to be known, had its leaders who included the late Brig Livingstone Kateregga and Col Nuwe Amanya Mushega. Col Fred Bogere Makanga was also part of it.

None of the Libya group members has risen beyond the rank of brigadier except Kayihura. Mushega remained a major until his retirement around 2005 when he was promoted to full colonel.

Somehow, Kayihura, maybe because of his family background, “fluked” the party when Museveni took him to his residence and appointed him military assistant. That is when he promoted him to brigadier and asked him to head the Special Revenue Protection Police (SRPS).

Museveni has built his kingdom using money and military. When he entrusts you with one, you know that he really loves you. Recently, I toured Uganda’s major border points and was surprised that most of the Uganda Revenue Authority officers there are from the West.

So, appointing Kayihura to protect revenue was a big statement. His appointment as inspector general of police (IGP) in 2005 did not surprise me.

Maybe what surprised me was the fact that he continued receiving military ranks as if he were an active soldier. From brigadier to major general in 2005, to lieutenant general and finally to full general towards the 2016 general elections.

Kayihura celebrated his promotion to the rank of general by marching through the streets of Kampala. The truth of the matter, Museveni had dropped Kayihura and appointed him minister of defence. Crispus Kiyonga, the then minister of defence, had been taken to the docket of East African affairs.

Eventually, Museveni decided to retain Kayihura but, to make matters worse for him, he appointed his “enemy” Gen Aronda Nyakairima, his supervisor, as new minister of Internal Affairs. Kayihura lost morale and, as a way of rehabilitating him, Museveni put him at the same rank as his supervisor.

Instead of crying, Kayihura celebrated. This is his third week in detention at Makindye military barracks. He can’t be taken to the General Court Martial because Lt Gen Andrew Guti, its head, is of a lower rank.

The Court Martial issue is easier to solve as Museveni can simply assign Tumwine an additional role by appointing him its chair. Trouble is: who will stand surety in case Kayihura wants to apply for bail? Ordinarily, an officer at the same rank or above should be the surety.

If I am not mistaken, this country has nine generals; Museveni, Saleh, Tumwine, Tinyefuza, Katumba Wamala, Jeje Odong, Moses Ali, David Muhoozi and Kayihura himself. Other than Tinyefuza, the rest of the generals cannot stand surety for Kayihura unless cleared by Museveni.

And that is the gist of this column! The continued abuse of the military by Mr Museveni. The British invested heavily in the professionalization of the UPDF project. A white paper was prepared when John Patrick Amama Mbabazi was still defence minister and many good proposals on training, recruitment and general administration were adopted.

The army was supposed to begin retiring its very senior officers to give room to the young and energetic ones. I think that is the point Lt Gen Wilson Mbadi, himself a beneficiary of fraudulent promotion and appointment, made recently.

While speaking about the impending retirement of the likes of major general Kasirye Gwanga, Mbadi said the military is like a snake; it must keep shedding off its old skin. What he didn’t explain is why Kasirye Gwanga, Ssebaggala or Gyagenda are the old skin and not Tuwmine, Tinyefuza or Mugume.

Kayihura must be feeling sad to be questioned by his juniors such as Brig Kandiho (CMI) and the CDF himself, Gen Muhoozi. The truth of the matter is that by the time David Muhoozi rose to the top, all the old skins should have been retired long ago. Imagine if you are Kayihura and you are asked to report to Muhoozi.

I sympathize with even more senior people like Pecos Kuteesa and Ivan Koreta. Just imagine if you are Koreta and you receive summons from Lt Gen Wilson Mbadi, who was a junior officer in the logistics directorate when you were already senior!

That is the military that Museveni will bequeath to the nation. The Kayihuras celebrated this fraud; now it is haunting them.


The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.






The Government of Uganda is trying to find out why the late famous politician's house has been razed down:


In ruins. A cleared section of the land that

In ruins. A cleared section of the land that accommodated the late Benedicto Kiwanuka’s home in Nalukolongo, Rubaga Division. PHOTO BY ALEX ESAGALA 

5th June, 2018

In Summary

Residents allege that Mr Kagimu mortgaged the home to get a loan, which he failed to pay.

This claim could not be independently verified by Daily Monitor. We tried to contact Mr Kagimu since Sunday about the allegations, but he could not be reached.

God knows what he is doing. You cannot hobnob in peace with the very people who abducted and murdered your own father. We even see that the late Mme Ben Kiwanuka who added salt in the press that Amin killed her husband, also had her remains summarily exhumed and her grave demolished by the auctioneers.
Where are all those who have been pretending to value his legacy? All these newspapers, their columnists, the politicians and the rest who for years have been stating huge false eulogies? Where are they at this time when Ben Kiwanuka's home has already been demolished and his wife's remains unceremoniously kicked out from her grave? Kitalo.
The late Kiwanuka was a man who was released from Obote's prisons by President Amin in 1971 and even appointed Chief Justice by Amin. He was later abducted by the same Oboteists of the Mbarara attack of 1972, but for some reason, probably political and financial, people pretend they didn't hear what Amin said. That Obote and his team of rebels in exile conducted covert operations of sabotage and abducted Ben Kiwanuka and possibly murdered him. Actually the Amin police file on the disappearance and abduction of Ben Kiwanuka ends with the words "Whereabouts still unknown". And that is the official status of the case to this day.
But for political reasons they all hurriedly put all the blame on Amin so as to gain cheap political capital. Of course they would. Even after two commissions of inquiry looked into the matter and one in 1974 even found Wanume Kibedi possibly suspect in organising the crime so that he Kibedi could become president. The motive was simple: President Idi Amin had promised the country to return the presidency to civilian rule in 1972 and he had pre-selected Ben Kiwanuka as the top most civilian in the Amin government to be handed the interim presidency. Ben Kiwanuka would then also be responsible for organizing the country's elections. Kibedi was Amin's foreign minister but reportedly had wanted the interim presidency for himself. He was counting on the fact that his sister First Lady Mama Mariam Amin was married to President Idi Amin.
But when Amin summoned Kibedi and Kiwanuka, the president was incorruptible. He stated to their faces that as Chief Justice, Ben Kiwanuka was a more senior official in the government hierarchy than Kibedi who was Foreign minister. It was therefore Kiwanuka to become the interim president.
The 1974 inquiry heard how Kibedi then organized the elimination of Ben Kiwanuka so that he automatically became next in line. The first person Kibedi had hired to do the assassination was brought before the court and he is the one who disclosed Kibedi's sinister plot against Ben Kiwanuka. That question was again put to Wanume Kibedi in 1986 when he was summoned to appear before an NRM Commission of Inquiry on the matter. He denied being responsible for the abduction and disappearance of Ben Kiwanuka, but then fled again to exile til his recent death in the UK for fear of some establishment Baganda from Mento who continued to accuse him of murdering Ben Kiwanuka.
It is that abduction and disappearance to-date of Chief Justice Ben Kiwanuka that put in the shelf the matter of Amin returning the country to civilian rule as the search went on. It is also later that same year that the people of Kabale/Rukungiri signed a petition coming up with a new suggestion that Amin become Life Presidency. Everyone feared that with civilian rule it would be easier for Oboteists to return and revenge on Ugandans for supporting Amin. Something that Obote ultimately did when he returned 8 years later in 1980 when Amin was in exile in Libya.
For some reason you won't read about this in the history of Uganda that is written by the former Ugandan exiles under Obote, all those who came from Tanzania in 1979. Understandably so.
Many others have also told all sorts of lies about Ben Kiwanuka's remains. There was a story in the Daily Monitor of his remains buried at Luzira prisons ground. Then another story in the Observer that they were at Nakasongola.
Other people have come with their own other variants about Namanve forest, River Nile or wherever else they can imagine. One even said that "Ben Kiwanuka was shot by Amin himself in a meeting at Nakasero State House."
That is the place I lived at that exact time and never heard a single bullet ever during my time their.
A few opportunistic parasites creating stories of persecution and murder just for the sake of benefitting from the anti-Amin regime of the day. Even if it was the very assassins of their beloved relatives. That is what has generally been going on since 1979 when Amin left the country.
Greed can make people do funny things. Now look what is happening to a great man's legacy. God knows Ben Kiwanuka's true killers. God also knows his true shining place in the history of Uganda. Wherever they put his remains, the late Ben Kiwanuka's soul might actually find peace in this current development rather than see his own family enjoy with his very killers.
Assassin's who have been hiding for decades and craftfully blaming someone else. Their level of hypocrisy, lies, and outright greed is just at quantum proportions. It is impossible for such people to be believers in God.
May the late Chief Justice Ben Kiwanuka's Soul Finally Rest In Heavenly Peace, and may the liars, murderers and hypocrites carry their own cross.
By Hussein Lumumba Amin
Kampala, Uganda.
6th June 2018.



All the litigants in the case of the Government of Uganda passing the Presidential age limit bill under parliamentary covert means, are about to begin their court case:


age limit litigants

The aggrieved MPs are; Gerald Karuhanga (Ntungamo Municipality), Jonathan Odur (Erute County), Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West) and Ibrahim Ssemujju (Kira Municipality). FILE PHOTO 

16 March, 2018

By Anthony Wesaka and Juliet Kigongo

UGANDA, KAMPALA. The registrar of the Constitutional Court has sent out notices, inviting all parties involved in the three petitions seeking to annul the age limit law to come for their median court reading.

According to the notice of the court issued out by Esta Nambayo, the invited parties are to meet the Deputy Chief Justice, Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, next week on Tuesday.
The petitioners are; the Uganda Law Society, six opposition MPs and a city lawyer, Mr Male Mabirizi.

The Attorney General who is the respondent in the three petitions is equally invited.

The parties are expected to have a scheduling conferencing, a session where parties agree on some facts and the sticky ones are then forwarded before a full Bench of five justices for hearing

To avoid multiplicity of petitions challenging the scrapping of the 75-upper cap of candidates to contest for presidency, the court may consolidate the three petitions into one petition since they are all about one issue.

Briefly, the Law Society in its petition filed in January this year, lists nine grounds on which they want court to base on to annul the age limit Act.

The petition is supported by affidavits of the ULS president, Mr Francis Gimara, Prof Frederick Ssempebwa and Prof Ogenga Latigo.

Following the constitutional amendment, now anybody aged above 18 can contest for presidency, a prized position previously ring-fenced for persons above 35 years but below 75 years old.

The Act also extended the tenure of the current Parliament and the local government councils from five years to seven.

The tenure of the President was also expanded from five to seven years but this has to be first subjected to a referendum.

The petitioners say the implication of the amendment will see the Electoral Commission holding elections in 2021 and 2023, which move they say is unconstitutional and expensive to the country.

Likewise, six opposition MPs led by the Leader of Opposition in Parliament, Ms Winfred Kiiza, are equally challenging the scrapping of the age limit clause from the constitution.

Core to their petition is that they will adduce evidence at the hearing to show that the events and process leading to and the actual enactment of the purported constitution (Amendment) Act, 2017 were inconsistent with the Constitution.

The aggrieved MPs are; Gerald Karuhanga (Ntungamo Municipality), Jonathan Odur (Erute County), Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West) and Ibrahim Ssemujju (Kira Municipality).








The Uganda tax payer needs to pay 13 million dollars per kilometre of road on the Trans-African Eastward route from Kampala to Jjinja:

By Apollo Mubiru


Added 6th February 2018


Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) has clarified that it has not sued the Kabaka of Buganda Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II over a chunk of land required for the construction of the Kampala – Jinja expressway.

In a statement sent to New Vision today, UNRA executive director, Allen Kagina clarified that the application filed by the roads’ authority last week was in line with an agreement they had reached on with the Kabaka, the Buganda Land Board and the Daudi Chwa family.

UNRA was responding to story: “UNRA sues Kabaka” published in New Vision yesterday. The story said UNRA had sued Buganda royals including Kabaka Mutebi over the land dispute that has stalled the Kampala-Jinja Expressway project.

Kagina explained that in the process of implementing the Jinja Expressway project, UNRA has to acquire land comprised in Kyadondo Block 273 and compensate the affected persons where the project traverses land. The land is occupied by over a thousand ‘Bibanja’ owners. 

However, the land in question is also subject of an ongoing protracted court dispute between the Kabaka, the Buganda Land Board, Daudi Chwa family members led by Prince Kalemera H. Kimera, Prince David Namugala Mawanda, Prince Moses Luswata, Princess Nalinya Nandaula and the commissioner land registration.

“On 10th August, 2017, Prince Kalemera H. Kimera secured a temporary order of injunction in the above suit, against Kabaka of Buganda and Buganda Land Board restraining them or their agents/servants or persons claiming under them from acquiring compensation payment from UNRA in respect of the Kampala-Jinja Expressway Project pending final determination of Civil Suit No. 535 of 2017 or until otherwise ordered. UNRA therefore stopped paying compensation over this land,” Kagina explained.

“In the interest of the project, UNRA has sought court to vary the order to allow for paying the Bibanja holders to get out of the right of way and avail land for the road construction.”

“We have engaged both Buganda Land Board and the family of the late Kabaka Daudi Chwa’s family to seek consent to vary the temporary court injunction filed by Prince Harold Kalemera blocking UNRA from compensating Bibanja holders,” Kagina explained.

“UNRA accordingly reached out to all the parties, held engagements with both Buganda Land Board and the Daudi Chwa family to seek their concurrence to vary the court injunction,” she added.

“The parties did in principle agree to vary the order and have exuded support towards UNRA in implementing the project, UNRA is extremely grateful to both parties for their support to the project,” Kagina said

She clarified that UNRA is not party to the court case between Daudi Chwa family and the Kabaka, but filed the application in court to “achieve variation of the court order.”

“UNRA had to file an application against all the parties in the main suit who include the Kabaka of Buganda. It is this application that has been misconstrued and represented as a suit against the Kabaka,” Kagina clarified.

Construction of the Kampala-Jinja expressway will cost an estimated $1.1b (sh3.9 trillion), according to the roads authority projections.

The expressway will start at Nakawa go through Namanve and Mukono and end at the New Jinja Bridge in Njeru. It will be a four-lane, dual carriageway expressway with limited access.

The section between Jinja and Kampala is the busiest and most congested road in Uganda. It is the main import/export route for land-locked Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and eastern DRC.

For a distance of 77km, it means the average cost per kilometre will be about $13m (sh46b), making it arguably the most expensive road project ever built in Uganda.





The United States of America Army is using mothers to get Kony’s soldiers to defect from an African Christian Revolution:

March 15, 2017


American special forces deployed in the Central African Republic (CAR) to support the hunt for Joseph Kony and his LRA rebels have switched from using bullets to blaring recordings from mothers and fathers, aunts and uncles to persuade the militants to defect.

According to a report by Wall Street Journal (WSJ), US commandos are relying more on psychological operations to lure die-hard militants out of the bush using their families as messengers.

American helicopters roam the skies deep in the centre of CAR, blaring recorded come-home messages. They have also created personalized leaflets with photos of LRA fighters’ families, which are dropped into the bush by their hundreds of thousands. American soldiers also produce individualized family pleas to broadcast on jungle radio stations, according to the report.

One message from a mother directed at one Obira said: “I am asking you to be strong and not to worry about anything,” she said. “Please come home.”

The WSJ report says Obira, long after he heard the message, ran away from the rebels. Obira, now 19 years and back in Uganda, recalled the moment he realized his family wanted him back, no matter what he might have done as a rebel: “I cried on the inside, because I didn’t want anybody to see me cry.”

LRA rebel leader Joseph Kony

Obira’s defection marked a victory in one of the most unusual American special-operation missions anywhere in the world. The Americans are using rebel defectors to identify rebels that are still loyal to Kony.The rebels’ relatives are then tracked down in Uganda to record messages appealing to them to defect.

American charity group, Invisible Children, says the LRA has been weakened significantly that its force is not more than 300 fighters hence reducing significantly its capacity to fight.

“They’re basically in survival mode; the only way you’re going to get this type of individual to come out is with a personalized message,” WSJ quotes Lt Col Matthew Maybouer, commander of US Special Operations Forces in CAR.

The efforts to use psychological warfare to deprive Kony of followers are led by one Eloise, a 29-year-old psychological-operations officer with a reputation as the rebel whisperer. Eloise, the story says, enlists mothers and fathers of the rebels to beg their children to abandon the bush and return home.

“We’re trying to tug at those heart strings, let them know what they’re missing,” Eloise told WSJ.

The story adds that at least 44 rebels have so far defected from Kony as a result of the specialized messages. The American team also largely depends on David
Ocitti, who himself was a former LRA abductee captured in 2002 after his home was attacked and his father killed.

Ocitti, who escaped from LRAafter six months, is tasked with tracking down the families of the rebels still loyal to Kony, who he convinces to record helicopter messages appealing to their children to return home.

Eloise “gives me the names, I give her the voices,”Ocitti told WSJ. He also delivers family photos that allow Americans to produce personally targeted leaflets that are also dropped in the rebel-held areas.

Over half a million leaflets have so far been dropped in CAR in the last six months. It is said that Kony tells his followers the leaf- lets are poisonous and shouldn’t be touched. He also warns them that the Americans can spy on rebels through the leaflets.

Also among the leaflets that are dropped are those showing former rebels enjoying themselves after abandoning the rebellion.

“Eloise aims for the rebels’ weak spots. During the dry sea- son, when food is scarce in the forest, the Americans carpeted the bush with leaflets showing a well-known defector enjoying a Margherita pizza. “Hungry?” the leaflet read.

While in the bush, Peter Kidega, a former LRAmachinegun operator, says he once picked up a leaf- let with the words, “We Are Free” written across the top. The photo showed six men laughing together.

This, according to Eloise, is done to show that the would-be defectors would be safe if they returned home. Many of those that have actually returned have been granted amnesty and are now re-settled with their relatives.

“When I saw that leaflet, I realized the propaganda Kony had been feeding us on—that we’d be killed—was a lie,” Kidega said.

The US has at least 100 soldiers working with their Ugandan counterparts in the CAR to eliminate Joseph Kony.


Uganda People’s Defense Forces spokesperson, Brigadier Richard Karemire, told The Observer yesterday that the method of using personalized messages is not new although it has been successful.

“Fighting is not just about shooting. We have been using that method to guide our brothers who have refused to come out of the bush. It is through such methods that we have had so many people leaving the bush and denouncing rebellion,” Karemire said by telephone. He added that those who normally respond to the messages are the fighters whose hands are not “so much tainted with people’s blood.”

Karemire also added that LRA’s capacity to wreak havoc across the region has been largely crippled.

“They can no longer recruit or have gardens of crops like they used to; in short, the LRA have been defeated so to speak,” he added.


                             Kizza Besigye surprisingly appeared in the city on 11th May 2016

Col Kizza Besigye’s dramatic escape from a police siege at his Kasangati home on Wednesday jolted President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni into ordering Gen Kale Kayihura, the police chief, to investigate whether some of his top police officers connived with his political archrival.

Insider sources said the investigating team will include officers from the presidential guard unit called the Special Forces Command (SFC) and some officers from the Police Professional Standards Unit (PSU). The team has less than two weeks to report its findings.

SFC spokesperson Maj Chris Magezi says: “This [investigation] is police work and if at all SFC officers are investigating, they follow police orders.”

Interviewed on Saturday for a comment, police deputy spokesperson Polly Namaye said she wasn’t aware of any ongoing investigation.

“Police officers are not under arrest as people say because their role was to closely monitor Besigye and his movements, but not to keep him under arrest. When he [Besigye] caused chaos in town, he was arrested and taken to court.”

According to sources, the senior officers under investigation include James Ruhweza, the operational commander of Kampala Metropolitan Police (KMP), Wesley Nganizi, the KMP North regional police commander, Emmanuel Bamuzibire, the KMP field force police commander, the Kasangati district police commander, OC station Kasangati, the KMP crime intelligence officer and head of security at Besigye’s home.

President Museveni, sources said, ordered the investigation after he was informed that Besigye’s escape could have been aided by some disgruntled police officers.

Besigye beat the heavy security surveillance at his home and ended up in downtown Kampala in the embrace of huge crowds of adoring supporters just a day to the inauguration of President Museveni. He was later arrested and flown to Moroto, out of reach of his relatives, lawyers and supporters.


Insider FDC sources said that on Wednesday, the day Besigye was supposed to be sworn as the people’s president in protest at the February 18 presidential election result, which he disputes, he summoned his boda boda rider in Kasangati town to his home. Before the boda boda rider arrived, Besigye alerted the policemen at his gate to let the cyclist through.

The police at the gate reportedly obliged and allowed the cyclist into Besigye’s home. Sources said that on reaching inside, Besigye dressed like the cyclist complete with a head helmet and rode back, through the gate and into Kasangati town without police detection.

His empty car, according to sources, followed him minutes later. Besigye used some shortcuts to avoid heavy traffic and ended up near Mukwano arcade where he found his car and proceeded to Mini Price where he addressed a rally before his arrest.

Sources add that when Kayihura learnt of Besigye’s presence in the city centre, he ordered the police special operations unit to take over. The arrest of Besigye was commanded by Nixon Asingwire, the commander special operations. Afraid that Besigye could disrupt Thursday’s inauguration ceremony, Kayihura, according to sources, ordered Asingwire not to detain Besigye in Kampala.

Asingwire moved Besigye to Moroto. The trip to Moroto was a closely-guarded secret. Many police officers were told Besigye had been taken to Naggalama police station and later Kasangati. Some police officers and FDC supporters learnt of Besigye’s incarceration in Moroto the following day at around 2pm.


Sources said that Kayihura wants his under fire senior police officers to explain why they allowed the boda boda rider into Besigye’s home yet they were under strict orders not to let anyone in because most of the retired colonel’s would-be visitors had been placed under house arrest at their respective homes.

“I want someone who gave the order allowing that rider inside Besigye’s home,” Kayihura reportedly said.

Kayihura also wants his officers to explain why they did not escort the rider up to Besigye’s sitting room after allowing him inside the compound. Insiders added that the police chief wants his cops to explain why they did not check the rider on his way out.

“If the rider was checked before entering, why wasn’t he checked when leaving?” a fuming Kayihura reportedly said.

Other sources said the officers on guard duty could have aided Besigye to flee his home because they had not been paid their daily allowances. When Besigye was put under house arrest after the presidential election, the men and women on guard were paid daily allowances to keep the retired colonel at his residence. Sources added that every officer used to get at least Shs 20,000 daily and the force spent over Shs 8m a day.

That operation was under the watch of Andrew Felix Kaweesi, the director of research and training. However, according to insider sources, no allowances were paid in the run-up to Besigye’s escape on Wednesday.

“Police got more than Shs 300m for the swearing-in operation but we have been on duty for five days and we have not seen any coin; where is our money going?” one policeman asked.

He added that officers at Besigye’s home could have let him loose out of frustration. This is not the first time Besigye is beating heavy security surveillance at his home.

Two years ago, he escaped when Sam Omala, then commander of the police field force, was in charge of keeping him under lock and key at Kasangati.


These African police officers are getting wiser by the day and changing that Kiswahili colonial mentality of basirukali(basirukale)(Lowly educated law enforcers). Modern day Police Officers are just a volunteer force of respectable African citizens trying to enforce a humane law of the land on the Ancient continent of Africa. Mind you Africa, BC, is where Civilized human communities begun!


In Uganda after the rigged General Election of 2016 and after 60 % of Members of Parliament have failed to make it back, the ruling party is struggling to take over the Parliament of Uganda again:























The Legislature House of Uganda




Posted  Saturday, April 9   2016 


Six out of 10 MPs in the current Parliament were voted out as the ruling party tightened its grip on the house and Opposition parties’ representation declined, a Saturday Monitor analysis of the results of the February 18 parliamentary election shows.
Out of 231legislators who held direct seats in the current Parliament whose term ends next month, only 96 were re-elected, with the rest replaced by 121 first timers while 14 politicians who were once in Parliament but were defeated rebounded to the house. This translates into 58.4 per cent attrition rate for direct seats.
Of the 112 female MPs in the out-going Parliament, only 43 per cent retained their seats as 64 fresh women made it to the 10th Parliament and five politicians who had been out in the cold having been to Parliament and lost rebounded, giving an attrition rate of 61.6 per cent for women MPs.

The combined attrition rate for women MPs and representatives on direct seats was 59.5 per cent – approximately six out of 10 MPs losing their seats in the last election. This, if the 66 per cent attrition rate often quoted for the last Parliament is accurate, is a reduction in the average number of MPs who lose their seats.
Mere figures, however, do not tell the whole story of the major casualties, rebounds and failed rebounds of the just-concluded parliamentary election, which was largely overshadowed by the controversy surrounding the presidential election that took place simultaneously and the third election petition against President Museveni that followed.

Ruling party strongmen Kahinda Otafiire (minister for Constitutional Affairs) and Dr Crisus Kiyonga (minister of Defence) were among the host of key figures who lost their seats, just like Information minister Maj Gen Jim Muhwezi. First Deputy Prime Minister and minister for Public Service Henry Kajura, the octogenarian politician, who President Museveni once referred to as the “natural leader of Bunyoro”, was also swept aside in the NRM primaries as voters exhibited hostility towards long-serving incumbents that in many places did not seem to extend to Mr Museveni.
With the departure from the NRM of former prime minister Amama Mbabazi, who according to many, was Mr Museveni’s remaining solid colleague from the bush war days, a renewal of sorts seemed inevitable if Mr Museveni continued in power.

Bush war losers
And this point, going by the results, seems to have been seriously taken up by the voters, who threw out the remaining members of the bush war period and other strongmen in the parliamentary election.
It, therefore, remains to be seen how Mr Museveni will approach the selection of his new cabinet. There is already a number of ex-officio members – those who are not MPs – including Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda, Deputy Prime Minister Kirunda Kivejinja, minister for General Duties Prof Tarsis Kabwegyere and minister for Agriculture Tress Bucanayandi. It remains to be seen whether Mr Museveni will appoint more ex-officio members to cabinet without axing some of the current ones, or he will turn to the new and younger generation in Parliament.
Opinion is split on whether the ministers should be appointed from among parliamentarians, with some arguing that having ministers who are also MPs blurs the separation of powers that was envisaged between the Legislature and the Executive. The argument goes that by MPs expecting to be appointed ministers, their legislative work is compromised as they look to please the appointing authority.

On the other side of the fence, Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in Parliament was defeated for the second consecutive time, with the bad omen this time falling on Mr Wafula Oguttu, who only served one term as MP for Bukooli Central in Bugiri District. In the last Parliament, it was Prof Ogenga Latigo, then LoP and MP for Agago County, who took the fall.
With Prof Latigo making a strong comeback to the 10th Parliament to perhaps lay claim to the LoP slot, Mr Oguttu will embrace his fate with hope. Joining Mr Oguttu on the way out of Parliament is Ms Alice Alaso, the first secretary general of FDC who chairs the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament. Also voted out are FDC strongmen Kassiano Wadri, Geoffrey Ekanya and Amuriat Oboi, and DP secretary general Mathias Nsubuga.

More returnees
Prof Latigo will be joined on the way back to Parliament by former ministers James Nsaba Buturo and Tom Butime, as well as former legislators Sam Bitangaro, Maj Guma Gumisiriza and Israel Kayonde, plus 13 others.
But rebounding to the house is not an easy task, as Federal Alliance president Beti Kamya, former minister Omara Atubo and UPC stalwart Livingston Okello-Okello learnt in the last election. Other notables whose bids to rebound to Parliament failed include FDC’s Salaamu Musumba and former minister Aggrey Awori.
Out of the 400 direct and district woman seats for which data is available, the ruling National Resistance Movement won 288 seats, independents won 57, the Forum for Democratic Change took 34, the Democratic Party won 15 and the Uganda Peoples Congress took six seats.

The Conservative Party’s representation was wiped out with the defeat in Rubaga South of its president-general and lone MP, Mr Ken Lukyamuzi, just like the retirement of Makindye West’s Hussein Kyanjo left Jeema with no representative in the house.
NRM’s 288 of the 400 direct and women seats translate into 72 per cent, which is above the 66 per cent – the magical two-thirds majority, which is required for passing major decisions in the house. The ruling party’s strength in the house, however, is even bigger than that.

Only one of the five youth MPs – National Youth MP Anne Adeke Ebaju – is opposition and all the workers MPs usually vote with the ruling party, just like the MPs for the disabled. The 10 army MPs, even though they are barred from being attached to any party, have also traditionally sided with the government side.
When, for instance, push came to shove as President Museveni sought to extend his eligibility beyond the two five-year terms that the Constitution allowed a president to serve then, two army MPs came under fire for going against the position of the ruling party.

Then Brig Henry Tumukunde was forced to resign his seat for arguing against open voting in Parliament in the debate to lift term limits, while Col Fred Bogere was castigated and sidelined for abstaining during the vote to lift term limits. He was not re-elected to Parliament and no army MP has since 2005 been seen to go against the government’s position.
One source of renewal for the NRM majority in Parliament over the years has been the creation of new electoral areas, and the approach did not disappoint even this time.
Of the 35 new constituencies for which data is available, 28 went to NRM, five came in as independents and FDC managed two.

Women and Parliament
Out of the 288 direct parliamentary seats for which data is available, only 19 seats, representing a paltry 6.59 per cent, were won by women. This speaks to how much progress, or indeed lack thereof, has been made regarding the much-vaunted women emancipation drive.

Of the 19 women who won direct seats, 13 belong to the ruling party, three are independents, two are DP and one is UPC. The Forum for Democratic Change, which for the third consecutive term will be the leading opposition party going by representation in Parliament, did not have any of the women it sponsored win a single direct seat.
Ms Beatrice Anywar, who has not renounced her FDC membership although she got into a quarrel with her party when she nominated Go Forward candidate Amama Mbabazi to run for president in the last election, won the newly created Kitgum Municipality seat but as an independent.

The small number of women winning direct seats brings into sharp focus the debate about women representation in Parliament on the affirmative ticket. Women MPs, some have argued, should be limited on the number of times they can stand on the affirmative ticket, so that having been in Parliament for say two terms on the ticket, they are deemed capable of competing with men for direct seats.
Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga, who has represented Kamuli District since 1989, and Ms Cecilia Ogwal, the veteran FDC politician representing Dokolo District, have been cited as examples of woman MPs who have since grown in profile and should now be competing for direct seats to leave room for up-and coming female politicians.

The argument in favour of encouraging women politicians to vie for direct parliamentary seats is premised on the theory that woman MP seats were not meant to be a permanent feature of Uganda’s politics, but an affirmative measure to facilitate women’s involvement in politics so that once enough women can favourably challenge men the window for woman MPs is closed.
Scrapping the woman MP slots once the women draw even with men would, the proponents of this view argue, help reduce the size of Parliament, which will top 420 in the coming term due to the new constituencies that were created. The numbers will swell further after new districts that were approved to come into force in the next term kick in.

Also, the argument goes, the ruling NRM, and any party which will come after it, will be prevented from using woman MP seats to augment its representation in Parliament and exaggerate its majority. In the next Parliament, for instance, whereas NRM won 70 per cent of the direct seats, it won 77 per cent of the woman MP seats, pushing its majority two points higher to 72 per cent. And this is not a one-off; the ruling party has consistently won a bigger majority of woman seats compared to its majority in the direct seats.

The fruits of ‘rebellion’
For those who are concerned about the big majority NRM has always commanded, the key argument is that Mr Museveni in particular, the Executive and the party in general, then use the house to serve personal and group interests as opposed to serving the national interest.
But going by the results of the last election, and perhaps contrary to popular belief, voters do not necessarily punish ruling party MPs who during their parliamentary work, take positions opposed to those of President Museveni.
All the four “rebel” MPs – Mr Muhammad Nsereko (Kampala Central), Mr Barnabas Tinkasimire (Buyaga West), Mr Theodore Ssekikubo (Lwemiyaga) and Mr Wilfred Niwagaba (Ndora East) – were returned.
Whereas Mr Nsereko and Mr Niwagaba returned as independents, Mr Tinkasimire and Mr Ssekikubo returned on the ruling party ticket, with Mr Tinkasiimire sailing through unopposed.





Frank Mujabi  on the E- mail: frank.mujabi21@gmail.com

Sent: Date: Sat, Oct 24, 2015

Has sent the economic hope for the Country of Buganda:





 Let us hope for the better after the fall of M7 rule.



 The Sky is the Limit


 Many Ugandan and Sudanese citizens in Southern Sudan are becoming refugees again:


Some of the South Sudanese who fled into Uganda following the violence in their country

arrive at Madi-Opei immigration border post in Lamwo District recently.



Posted  Wednesday, December 16   2015 


At least 19 of 65 Ugandans who were reportedly trapped in clashes that erupted early last week between rebel forces and the South Sudanese Army (SPLA), have safely returned to Uganda, security officials have said.
The violence that erupted on December 8, in Ikotos, Eastern Equatorial State, about 60km from Ugandan border, saw a total of 343 South Sudanese fleeing to Ugandan territory in Lamwo District at the weekend.

South Sudanese who had camped at Madi-Opei border post in Madi-Opei Sub-County have since been relocated to Dzaipi Refugees camp in Adjumani District by United Nations High Commissioner for refugees (UNHCR).
Speaking to Daily Monitor in a telephone interview on Monday, Lamwo Resident District Commissioner (RDC) Jonathan Rutabingwa confirmed that 19 of the 65 Ugandan traders crossed safely into Uganda on Sunday.

More refugees
Mr Rutabingwa said 17 more South Sudanese have also crossed into the country and are being briefly kept at Madi-Opei immigration border post, waiting to be transported to Adjumani District.
“We are glad that our people have come back safely. We still understand that about 46 others are still weighing on the situation despite some normalcy returning into the area,” Mr Rutabingwa said.

The RDC noted that some South Sudan soldiers tried to stop the Ugandans and some of their own from leaving Ikotos County, fearing that it would send bad image of war happening in the country.
He said according to sources from Ikotos, both the government forces and the rebel groups have halted their fighting but noted the security was still fragile in Africa’s youngest nation’s Eastern Equatorial state.

Mr Timothy Senyonjo, a Ugandan trader who is still in Ikwotos County, told Daily Monitor in telephone interview that despite some normalcy that has returned, fears are high that another clash may erupt in the due course of the week.
“We are requesting our government to be on standby and ready to rescue some of us who are still weighing the situation in case fighting erupts,” Mr Senyonjo said.
Daily Monitor received information at the weekend that the rebel forces, who defected from the mainstream SPLA forces, last week attacked the government barracks in Ikotos, killing one soldier and injuring another.

The Riek Machar factor
There is looming fear that security in the country may be at stake as rebel leader Dr Riek Machar’s advance team enters Juba capital today to prepare ground for his reception to assume office as the ‘first vice president’ of the country.
There were reports that the government of South Sudan were opposing a plan by Dr Machar to send in 600 advance teams as opposed to the government’s suggestion of 20 men.

Both Dr Machar and President Salva Kiir in August signed a peace deal in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa to end months of bloodshed after conflict erupted between the two in December 2013. Dr Machar, then vice president, was sacked by President Kiir on allegations that he attempted to plot a coup to overthrow his government.




The President of Uganda demands a stop of violence in Burundi. Unfortunately he is the one who started the Pan- African political process of African leaders ruling their own without  term limits in the many modern African Repulican States:

28 December 2015:


President Museveni addresses delegates at the opening of Burundi peace talks at

State House Entebbe, Uganda.

Courtesy photo

By Monitor Reporter

Posted  Monday, December 28   2015 


Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni has asked warring parties in Burundi to put an end to extrajudicial killings in the country.
Mr Museveni also said he will personally investigate the said extrajudicial killings.
“African must stop being clowns. These extra judicial killings must stop. I will send a team privately as a mediator to investigate the alleged extra judicial killings [in Burundi],” he said.

Mr Museveni said Monday while opening Burundi peace talks at State House Entebbe, Uganda.
He said he was reluctant to mediate the Burundi crisis after being disappointed with earlier role in DR Congo crisis.
“I didn’t want to mediate because I had been annoyed with the handling of DR Congo where the parties involved went and did things contrary to what we had agreed upon and now the crisis there has persisted. But then I said if God has given me health, why not help people there. I had wanted to see these negotiations concluded before the election. Unfortunately, the election took place before the negotiations were over,” he said.

However, Mr Museveni emphasized that Uganda will not interfere with the sovereignty of Burundi.
“There is a problem in Burundi but due to sovereignty, we can't go in. One million people died in Rwanda due to the same issue. Our entry point is that we don’t want to interfere with the internal affairs of Burundi. During Idi Amin’s reign, Ugandans were dying but Kenya could not come in because of its sovereignty. But East Africa will not tolerate violence of this nature,” he added.

The talks are the first step towards ending tension in Burundi after months of political unrest in the capital Bujumbura with the worst killings three weeks ago that left nearly 90 people dead.
At least 240 have been killed since Burundi’s crisis began in April with more than 200,000 people having fled the country. The violence was sparked by President Pierre Nkurunziza’s controversial decision to run for a third term in office.

Two weeks ago, the African Union approved the deployment of 5,000-strong force but the Burundi government has opposed the decision, saying the deployment of any foreign force to the country would be seen as an act of aggression.
In July, President Nkurunziza was elected with 69 per cent of vote amid violence and boycott by the Opposition.
In the same month, President Museveni was later appointed by the East African Community to mediate the talks between the protagonists but the American government last week said President Museveni has no time to mediate the talks because he “was busy with the campaigns” seeking re-election.


Most probably the old spiritual advice is right. Do as I say but do not do as I do. 

In Uganda, The Primary Education curriculum or syllabus is very much in doubt:

15 January, 2015
Candidates from different schools sit for PLE at Spire

Candidates from different schools sit for PLE at

Spire Road Primary School in Jinja last year.

Photo by Moses Okeya



Kampala, UGANDA:
The Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb) has said they have not started assessing Primary Seven leavers on the revised curriculum, introduced nine years ago.

The out-going Uneb executive secretary, Mr Mathew Bukenya, said the board was still waiting for material from the National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC), a body mandated to develop and review the country’s education curricula, to enable them incorporate the changes into their Primary Leaving Examinations assessment.

“The changes are still with NCDC. They have not submitted to us what has changed. So we can’t examine the thematic curriculum at P7.

NCDC must come first and give us the material and Uneb can then assess,” Mr Bukenya said at the release of 2015 PLE results on Tuesday.

The primary cycle takes seven years and government revised the primary curriculum in 2007. The 2015 PLE candidates were the second group since the introduction of the thematic curriculum.

But Ms Grace Baguma, director NCDC, insisted in an interview on Wednesday that her organisation had submitted the changes to Uneb and should be included in their assessment.

“Uneb has to take care of the new curriculum starting from P1. We gave them sample questions to put in their question bank and these were looking at the entire primary curriculum and catered for the thematic curriculum. Uneb should be assessing children on these changes,” Ms Baguma said.

Under this curriculum, pupils are supposed to be taught seven subjects ; English language, Mathematics, Social Studies, Science, Local Languages with three independent learning areas of creative art and physical education, Music Dance and Drama, Technology, Religious Education including Christian and Islamic education . The teachers are expected to carry out continuous assessment.

The review emerged after research findings done by the Ministry of Education, Uganda National Examinations Board and the evaluation department under the NCDC indicated that children were reaching P7 without knowing how to read and write.

The findings informed the review of the curriculum. But government has received resistance from schools as some argue that the changes introduced like use of local languages are not examined at the end of their study.
Uneb Deputy Secretary in charge of Primary, Mr Chrysostom Kibeti seems to agree. He said children learn because of exams, a reason that partly explains why schools have shunned the new curriculum.

Ministry of Education commissioner in charge of primary, Mr Daniel Nkaada, admitted that: “We are still in the process. We encourage schools to do continuous assessment but it is not yet implemented at P7. Plans are under way to assess learners with continuous assessment from P1 to P7.”

Prof Anthony Muwagga Muggaga, Makerere University School of education deputy principal said that although the curriculum was reviewed, it needs to be re-done because the content is still detached from the different levels of education. He also wants teachers to be retrained on the new curriculum.

“What is taught in nursery is detached from what is taught in primary, secondary and it is worse at university yet these should build into each other. The relevance of the curriculum is still questionable. We, the teachers are failing to make it relevant. Science taught at primary should be practical. They have to re-review the curriculum. If it is not practical, no matter what you do, you will be like writing on water,” Prof Muggaga said.
However, Mr James Tweheyo, Uganda National Teachers Union general secretary warned government to stop introducing changes in the education system which they are not ready to implement. “The government does curricula reviews because of pressure from donor funding.

As long as you can’t implement the review, you are wasting resources which would have been used to improve the old curriculum,” he explained.



The citizens of South Sudan are slowly starving to death as their African civil war continues unabated:




















The chief of the ceasefire monitoring committee, said Tuesday, that

South Sudanese civilians are dying of starvation as warring forces

flout a peace deal.

By Agencies

Posted  Wednesday, February 3  2016 


South Sudanese civilians are dying of starvation as warring forces flout a peace deal, the chief ceasefire monitor said Tuesday, adding he was "staggered" at conditions after two years of war.
The United Nations say thousands have fled recent fighting in the previously peaceful southern farming region around Mundri in Western Equatoria, close to the border with Uganda.

"I am staggered that things have been allowed to get this bad, and I continue to urge you, the leaders of South Sudan, to do whatever you can to ensure the humanitarian effort is successful," said Festus Mogae, a former Botswana president, who is pushing efforts to form a unity government.
Mogae heads the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC), set up as part of a stalled August peace deal by the regional bloc IGAD.
Fighting continues, and the conflict now involves multiple militia forces who pay little heed to paper peace deals, driven by local agendas or revenge attacks.

East Africa's IGAD bloc last week called on rival forces to allow food into conflict zones on the brink of famine, where aid workers have warned tens of thousands may be dying of starvation.
"I was told this morning that one of the ceasefire monitoring teams, which recently visited Mundri, found people there are starving to death," Mogae said, in a speech read to government and rebel peace delegates in Juba.

Both the government and rebel sides have been accused of perpetrating ethnic massacres, recruiting and killing children and carrying out widespread rape, torture and forced displacement of populations to "cleanse" areas of their opponents.
A report by JMEC released on Sunday, the latest in a long list of atrocities, detailed how government forces suffocated some 50 people by stuffing them into a shipping container in baking heat.
South Sudan is the world's youngest country, breaking away in 2011 from Sudan after decades of war.

In 2012, the two nations battled in a six-month border conflict. In December 2013, civil war erupted in South Sudan.
"Every day we spend here, I think of the children I met growing up without the chance of education, the chance of bettering their own lives denied through no fault of their own," Mogae told leaders. "When will independence make a difference for these people?"


The Inspector General of the Police in Uganda explains to the International Human Rights' Courts the continued detention of Dr Besigye on the Territories of Uganda.

By Charles Etukuri
Added 25th February 2016











The European Union and USA Ambassadors in Uganda                                                         

The Military General Kale Kayihura, the

Inspector General of the Uganda Police.


This Police statement is to make clarifications, and inform the general public and the International Judiciary about the circumstances surrounding the continuing regulation, and close monitoring of the movements and activities of Rtd Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye, by the Police, since Monday, 15th February 2016 todate. This is because there is continued campaign of distorted information, speculations, biased, and unfounded, as well as unfair criticism of Police actions, as well as outright lies regarding the handling of Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye by the Uganda Police.

First of all, we wish to state, at the very beginning that the responsibility for the actions that Police has taken involving Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye during, and after the campaigns lies squarely on his shoulders and that of his unruly and indisciplined supporters. Indeed, contrary to propaganda in the media, in all our actions, Police have acted lawfully, professionally, conducted ourselves with utmost restraint in the face of incredible provocation. A case in point is the violent assault by two foreign journalists on the DPC, Kasangati, who, in spite of the attacks, kept cool, and a calm demenour, and by his conduct actually disproved the unacceptable insults they were hurling at him. We are reviewing the video footage of that incident, after which appropriate action will be taken.

Let us begin with the incidents of Monday, 15th February2016, in the City, when, in the morning, at Punjani roundabout, Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye, then a Presidential candidate with a rowdy group of supporters, attempted to force his way, into the City centre, in an illegal procession, moreover on a busy business day with very heavy traffic. Since he had no scheduled programme in the City centre, traffic police redirected him and the crowd to use alternative routes to Makerere university where he had a scheduled campaign rally. He refused the guidance of the officers, and, instead, together with the rowdy crowd, (who we, later, got to learn were the infamous Power 10 (P 10) group), illegally occupied the Punjani junction, and blocked the heavy traffic on Jinja-Kampala road.

The rowdy group pelted police officers, and members of the general public with stones forcing the Police to disperse them, and, after, engaging Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye, in vain, including offering to escort him to Makerere university, the Police escorted him to his home. Later in the day, he returned to the City from Kasangati, gathering rowdy crowds along the way, especially the youth, who must have been the P10 group, occupied Wandegeya traffic lights junction, after failing to force their way into the City centre claiming that they were headed for Nasser road!!

The Police had cleared the passage to Makerere university under the mistaken belief that Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye was headed for a rally. After the Police dispersed the rowdy crowd, allowing traffic to flow, and business life to continue, Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye was escorted back to his home in Kasangati by the Police.

Secondly, so as to prevent further confrontation with Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye, who was scheduled to campaign in Nakawa Division, the Police, on the night of 15th February 2016, met and agreed with the organizers on a detailed programme of his campaign in the Division. However, even then, although, generally, the movements of Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye through Nakawa division, the next day, Tuesday, 16th February 2016, was peaceful and smooth, in the evening hooligans who were part of his convoy attacked NRM supporters, who were returning to their homes from the NRM rally at Kololo, tore their party t-shirts, stole their properties, and stoned vehicles in Kinawata and in the Bugolobi area. Police arrested over 50 thugs.

Thirdly, again, on Thursday, 18th February2016, Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye and a group of his supporters stormed and trespassed on security premises in Naguru, and under the supervision of Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye, a senior Police Officer was assaulted and tortured by mob action. Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye demanded to enter and search the security premises together with the violent people he had gone with. He, falsely, alleged that it was a place where “rigging” was taking place.
Obviously, this was a pretext, as he clearly knew where and how voting, counting, and tallying had taken place or was taking place, transparently, in the open, and in the presence of agents of all candidates under the management and supervision of the Electoral Commission. The false claims by Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye were clearly meant to discredit the electoral process, cause confusion, and incite and enrage the public into violence. After that incident, Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye was escorted by the Police to his house in Kasangati.

Fourthly, on Friday, 19th February 2016, we received information that Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye and other leaders of FDC intended to declare and announce results of the Presidential elections. Obviously, since this was in violation of the Constitution and the law, and would cause confusion, the Police quickly acted and prevented it from happening. It should be noted that, under Section 57 of the Presidential Election Act, it is only the Electoral Commission that has the mandate to declare results.

Section 83 of the Presidential Election Act prohibits interference with any duty under the Act (including declaring results). Indeed, to confirm our information, we found Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye and other leaders at the FDC Headquarters at Najjanankumbi, with journalists, preparing a Press Conference.
Morever, through social media platforms and sms messages, the FDC had made their intentions known publicly. The Police officers I sent attempted to engage with the FDC leadership in vain. They were defiant. Their supporters attempted to block Entebbe highway prompting the Police to intervene and restore public order. Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye and other FDC leaders were then arrested, briefly held, and later released. Rtd Col Kizza Besigye was, then escorted back to his home in Kasangati.

Fifthly, on Saturday, 20th February, 2016, the Electoral Commission pursuant to its constitutional and lawful mandate, declared the results of the Presidential election, and the winner of the elections. Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye’s agents absented themselves and therefore did not collect their copy of the results. Subsequently, on 21st February, 2016 Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye released two statements and addressed the press at his Kasangati home.
The first statement was to the youths, inciting them and calling on them to “take over their country”. The second statement was an announcement calling all his supporters to accompany him to offices of the Electoral Commission along Jinja road, ostensibly to pick his copy of the results and to “claim their future back”. This procession was to occur on Monday, 22th February 2016. It is now, common knowledge that any procession, like any public meeting, must be carried out in accordance with the Constitution and the law, in particular the Public Order Management Act (POMA).

He had not bothered to notify the Police as required by the law. Moreover, it should be noted that on that day, schools were beginning and parents would be taking children to school, meaning there would be more traffic in the City. The Police released a public statement calling on Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye to respect the law as well as the rights of parents and their school going children, as well as the business community, and not go ahead with his planned unlawful procession that had the potential for violence, given our earlier experiences with rowdy youth accompanying his convoy.
Nevertheless, on 22rd February 2016, Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye attempted to leave his home and lead that procession prompting the Police to hold him under preventive arrest. Again, yesterday, Tuesday, 23rd February 2016, he attempted to go ahead with his plans, but Police stopped him.

Clearly, therefore, the Police actions regarding Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye are justifiable both in law and in fact. We have a duty to protect the people and their property, and ensure there is law and order in this country. Moreover, the Constitution is clear that individual rights and freedoms are not absolute. Article 43 states that in enjoyment of freedoms and rights, no one should prejudice the rights and freedoms of others and public interest, (in this case, public order).
Accordingly, therefore, the regulation, and close monitoring of the movements and actions of Rtd Col Dr Kizza Besigye is within the constitutional and legal mandate of the Uganda Police, and is a consequence of his utterances and activities that amount to incitement to violence and defiance of the law.

But even then, and contrary to propaganda in the media, we wish to make the following clarifications:

• Rtd Col Kizza Besigye is not under house arrest. He is allowed unlimited access to his lawyers, family and party officials, among others, and is not in any way hindered from preparing to legally challenge the results of the Presidential Elections if he so chooses to do so.
• FDC offices have not been closed, and their activities relating to elections are ongoing. Police has not, as is claimed in the media, confiscated FDC declaration forms or done anything to interfere with the legitimate activities of FDC.

In conclusion, since Rtd Col Kizza Besigye has not retracted his statements of defiance and incitement to violence, Police shall continue to regulate and closely monitor his movements so that he does not pose danger to public peace and national security. Moreover, we have information that his planned procession is not just a procession, but rather beginning of a planned and generalized campaign of violence in the City and select municipalities across the country.
Clearly, this is supported by the public utterances of Rtd Col Dr. Kiiza Besigye. As much as possible, we shall continue to constructively engage him and other FDC leaders urging them to cooperate with us to ensure that peace, law and order are maintained in our country, and advise them to seek legal redress rather than resorting to violence in addressing whatever grievances they may have.

General Kale Kayihura
Inspector General of Police
24 February, 2016



The Police Head is acting as the legislature, the prosecutor, the judge, the crime preventer, the standard journalist, the peace maker to justify tyranny in the country of Uganda. This sorts of African behaviour once named dictator Idi Amin as an African Village Pumpkin.



Mr Ssemujju Nganda

The arrest and impending trial of Gen David Sejusa has potential to expose and embarrass the institution of Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF).

The UPDF has eight generals, four serving and four retired. The serving four are David Sejusa, Elly Tumwine, Edward Katumba Wamala and Kale Kayihura. Aronda Nyakairima, who was the fifth serving general, died recently.

The retired generals are Yoweri Museveni, Moses Ali, Jeje Odong and Salim Saleh. In fact, these four have all been politically-promoted in retirement. It appears no soldier will ever enjoy a rank above Museveni and his brother Salim Saleh.

It is one of those things that we have learnt to live with, like we accepted to tolerate the wife of the president to also be a minister. Saleh was dismissed from the military because of his alleged social misconduct, including alcoholism. He has, however, been retrained and promoted to the highest Ugandan rank.

Tumwine was also retired from the army, I think at the time of Saleh’s dismissal. I don’t know how he crawled back. The general court martial can only be presided over by a person of the same or a rank above the one being charged there. This means one of the remaining seven generals must be appointed chairman of the general court martial in Sejusa’s case.

The surety of a suspect before the court martial must also be of the same or a rank above. The generals must discuss again who amongst themselves should stand surety for Sejusa if he must be released.

Kayihura and Sejusa are archenemies, which disqualifies the inspector general of police. The president, by virtue of his office, is disqualified as is Katumba Wamala. And Sejusa is obviously unavailable. The only generals available to play an active role are Saleh, Odongo, Tumwine and Moses Ali.

It is also important to note that Sejusa is a permanent member of the High Command, because he is part of the historical high command. His name is inscribed in the UPDF Act. In simple terms, he is one of the managing partners of the Ugandan army. The other partners are Saleh, Museveni and Tumwine.

The late Tadeo Kanyankore, Eriya Kategaya and Fred Rwigema Gisa used to be the other partners. Around 2005, James Tumusiime (the managing director/editor at The Observer) and I were arrested and charged with promoting sectarianism for writing about Bahima generals.

It didn’t occur to me that 10 years later, these generals will be eating each other up!

The British pumped in a lot of money to rebuild and professionalize this army. For me, this money was wasted. And that is why the big man continues referring to it as his army.

That is a big dilemma for those participating in running this army. First of all, these fellows should have retired and left the military long ago. Instead, some were retrained and redeployed.

I think Saleh is a presidential advisor on defence, with an office in Bombo. Tumwine has become a permanent member of parliament representing the UPDF. With the current state of affairs in Uganda, one of the institutions that must be prepared for a possible change of government is the army. Those running it must be prepared to welcome and respect a new commander-in-chief.

Instead of preparing the army, Mr Museveni has ordered the arrest of a soldier for siding with his biggest competitor, Col Kizza Besigye. That is what makes the arrest of Sejusa even more significant. The truth is that Sejusa has for long been demanding to be retired. He even went to court over the same matter.

But before court could determine whether UPDF is holding onto him illegally, the man has been arrested. And the reason given is a political one, that he is linked to the FDC Power-10.

Power-10 is no different from party structures. Its only extra assignment is the protection of votes to ensure we have credible elections. Sejusa’s arrest should, therefore, help us as a country to reignite the debate on our military. Without a professional army, we are just wasting our little resources and time organizing elections.

And that is why Col Besigye has used every campaign opportunity to preach about a revolution. What we are engaged in is no election, but a fight to free ourselves.

Let us, therefore, express solidarity with Gen Sejusa as he undergoes this politically-instigated trial. It is not his, but our trial. A trial to free our military as well.

The author is Kyadondo East FDC Member of Parliament.


Uganda's historical notes to remember:

When the transitional UNLA was being established, 1978/80, M7 wanted the Ministry of Defense to give military numbers to the Kagame and Rwegemas you mentioned herein.

But the temporary government refused on the ground that these are not bon-afide Ugandans, but Rwandese refugees registered with United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

This denial infuriated M7, which is why he recruited en mass, all the youthful adult Rwandese refugees into the NRA outfit.

And when he captured power, he promoted and placed them in strategic military and security positions; and the rest is history:

Rwegyema an O Level dropout, became the Minister of State for Defense; similarly Kagame an A-level dropout, became Director of Intelligence (Basiima House), etc.

And today Gen Kayihura is the IGP, swearing by his mother that they will not handover power to the Opposition (independence to Ugandans).

In other words, If Gen Sejusa is a Ugandan and Dr. Besigye also, they have a lot to explain to Ugandans, about the atrocities the Rwandese refugees he fought and worked with in the NRA.

E.g. we are told the Mukura train wagon inferno was the handiwork of one of the Rwandese, NRA Commanders. After the incidence and outrage; he was transferred and later went to Rwanda with the RPA.

And Rwegyema commanded the 1987 massacre at Kona Kilak, which M7 in bragged about, in the Daily Nation.

While in the Greater North, they urinated and pooped in the water, cooking and Marwa pots. That is what infuriated Alice Lakwena and her Cousin, Joseph Kony.

Illiterate as they were, they could not stand, watch and endure the humiliation. Hence they picked stones, sticks and whatever they could get to fight to the death these refugees, whom Ugandans accommodated, fed and educated.

In other words the list of crime against humanity, committed by the NRA including the famous Kandoya is excruciating.



In Uganda, The National Resistance Movement and the Uganda People's Congress political parties hate each other:

6 April 2016

Edward Pojim,

You make strong points and I kind of agree with you. Our Constitution is slowly being snipped to shreds by laws and amendments that take away our rights and our freedoms. If the government attempts to usurp powers over the People, which are not granted it by the Constitution. And if that usurpation threatens our life, liberty or pursuit of happiness, I would consider an extreme response not unreasonable.

However, I don’t think there will be a full scale war in Uganda as was the case after the 1980 elections. The population is quite comfortable with the amount of control that now exists. I am not saying that some do not spout off about it; they are just not anywhere near willing to trade their lives for more freedom. Apart from a few incidents in Kasese and Kapchora, we aren’t likely to see barracks being attacked or anything like that.

That said, what’s happening in Kasese makes you wonder what UPDF soldiers are up against. The video I first saw showed a soldier shooting dead a civilian who was armed with a stone. Regardless of the justifications for such a response, I think there is a very serious moral issue here. When is it moral to begin taking the lives of others that are throwing stones at you? Was it moral in Nazi Germany to shoot members of the Gestapo? Many people would say that it was.

Please correct me if i'm wrong but I remember reading something in the UPDF Act that says that a soldier could not be ordered to fire on unarmed civilians. A soldier does not have to obey an order contrary to the Constitution (i.e, if a president declared himself a dictator and other organs of the govt went along with it, he may find he has no military .. in fact, they could, under their leaders, attack and remove him and the parliament that supported him), military laws, or the Geneva Convention.

In case of the president’s removal by force, leadership then drops to the VP, who, if he follows his boss will lose it to the Speaker of the House (just follow the list of advancements for replacing the President in required), etc.


Museveni has given Ugandans plenty of legally-valid reasons to fight him, and even overthrow his government. 
Whatever evidence one would need to occasion such a move, the president himself has offered in abundance.
From chest-thumping speeches to self-serving books, Mr. Museveni has incriminated him numerously, and with abandon. 
In Sowing the Mustard Seed, the president cites incidents where he killed Ugandans without any provocations. Not to mention robberies committed in the name of liberation.
In a particularly scary interview in the 1987/8 time period, the president gloated about how "we massacred those people." He was talking about the mass murder of unarmed members of the Acholi community at a primary school, where they had been lured, on the pretext of a peace rally.
Even the 1995 Constitution has several provisions that one could use to justify taking up arms against his government.
If you wonder why he's fixated at detaining Besgye, it's because Museveni knows that law is on Besigye's side, not his.

We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes


The NRM and the Uganda People's Congress

by Yoga Adhola

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni. He recounts: "We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote's abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah's example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa  to contact Grace Ibingira's sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote's dictatorship. She, however, did not not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending peoples rights and we resolved to strike on our own." (Museveni, Y. 1997:19) 

Museveni does not give us the reason why they were staunchly anti-Obote. However, given the background of the three, it is not difficult to figure out. Museveni himself tells us the background of the three: "I had been with Martin Mwesigwa since primary days in 1953. He was quite outstanding in school work and was head prefect at Ntare School. He came from a cattle keeping background like myself, but his father had been a sub-county chief in Ankole, which put him in a slightly different social group from ours. People who became chiefs tended more towards Christianity than ordinary ants. He was very gentle and mild-mannered, with a quiet sense of humour, ,t also very determined and courageous, which is how he had managed to join us. When we had political debates within our group, he put forward a lot of ideas but he was not as effervescent as I was. I had not known Mwesigwa Black for as long as I had known Martin. We had met at Mbarara High School. Mwesigwa was nicknamed 'Black' because he was very dark-skinned, but his real first name was "William. Like Martin, he was quiet and mild-mannered. He was also from a cattle-keeping background and his parents were born-again Christians. By contrast, Valeriano Rwaheru was from a farming background, short and stocky, and he was Roman Catholic. He too was quiet but noticeably courageous in the skirmishes ,to come. He was, therefore, a very valuable person to have around in difficult times. All three of these men were to lose their lives in the 1970s, in the struggle against Amin. Eriya Kategaya, whom I have known since our first year in primary school, is the only one of the four who is still alive today. His origins are in a mixed background of cattle-keepers and cultivators. He is quiet and reserved, but enormously courageous, as he was to prove in his clandestine work in the years ahead." (Museveni, Y. 1997: 17)

From this quote it is clear that all the three were Bahima (or Bahima-related as in the case of Kategaya) a characteristic which Museveni seeks to obscure by calling it the cattle-keeping background. Museveni has cause to obscure the true character of their identity. As Bahima, they belonged to the dominant identity or better still caste 
in Ankole. In simple words, they were part of the oppressors. For millenia the Bahima had dominated the Bairu. When British colonialism came, it only rationalised the dominance of the Bahima and then used them as the administrators of Ankole. However, from around 1949 the Bairu began to resist this domination. They formed an organisation called Kumanyana which they used to demand equality with the Bahima. On the eve of independence, Kumanyana members became the leading figures in the Ankole branch of Uganda Peoples Congress. Because of this, much as virtually all Bahima were Protestant, the overwhelming majority of them joined the Democratic Party. The Bahima saw UPC as a threat to their privileges. It is in that vein that Museveni and his group hated both UPC and its leader Milton Obote. They might have had cause to dislike Obote and his UPC for eventually Obote got rid of the privileged position of the Bahima. (Doornobos, M.R. 1970: 1096-1109)
Police chief Gen Kale Kayihura with Gen Katumba Wamala

Jolted by a gun fight in Gulu town that led to the death of a soldier and a police officer, security chiefs on Monday met and discussed the growing number of attacks on security installations.

Since the February 18 general elections, the police have suffered three attacks on its top stations in Kapchorwa, Kasese and now Gulu. However, the police have hitherto publicly dismissed each of those attacks as separate, isolated incidents. Monday’s meeting was the first time that the force was attempting to connect the dots between the three attacks.

The March 6 attack on Kapchorwa central police station led to the death of one police officer while the March 23 attack on Kasese’s Kidodo police station claimed two. As the security chiefs met and, among other things, discussed the involvement of security personnel in subversive activities, tension reigned in northern Uganda with reports coming of another brief exchange of fire – the second in two days.

The four-hour security meeting at Naguru was chaired by police chief Kale Kayihura, who chairs the Joint Operations Committee (JOC). The meeting was reportedly attended by high- ranking security officers, including from the UPDF. It is after this meeting that Kayihura brought a new dimension to the attacks; the alleged involvement of senior army officers.

Kayihura told a press conference at police headquarters in Naguru on Monday that he has information tying Col Dan Opita, who was arrested on Sunday, as well as four UPDF officers and police officers to planned attacks on two police stations in Kampala.

He added that so far 30 security officers have been arrested, including airbase commander Opita, four UPDF officers arrested in Kyengera a week ago, and a Captain Ojala, attached to Bombo military barracks.

“All the security officers who were arrested are linked to subversive rebel groups and are now helping us in our investigations,” he said.

About the Gulu attack, Kayihura said police foiled the attackers’ mission of rescuing a suspect who is facing murder and terrorism charges. He said security recovered six AK 47 guns, one PK machine gun, 270 rounds of ammunition, one SAR rifle, three pouches and a bow and eight arrows.

The attackers killed Cpl Moses Edema and injured four other soldiers. Later yesterday, police announced that the injured ASP Moses Masaba had died. By Monday evening, the army spokesman, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda, was reporting that they had arrested five of the attackers, including the overall commander of the group. He would not name those under arrests.


With the police linking some of the jailed army officers and the attacks on its installation to alleged plots to overthrow the government, the military battles have taken an uncanny political twist.

Last week, the newly-elected Nakawa MP Michael Kabaziguruka was arrested, with police spokesman Fred Enanga only saying the legislator had been detained over “some very serious offences that involve other suspects as well.”

The FDC secretary for mobilisation, Ingrid Turinawe, told The Observer yesterday that police was trying to tie Kabaziguruka to rebel activity. FDC officials say at least 200 people have been arrested since February 18, in what police describes as a security operation aimed at calming the defiance campaign led by former FDC presidential candidate Kizza Besigye.

Some of those under arrested have now been roped into the alleged plot to overthrow government by use of arms. The suspects, arrested so far, include political leaders and security officers. But increasingly, according to security sources, the operation is fast morphing into a crackdown on subversive activity.

Besigye kicked off the defiance campaign after the February 18 presidential and parliamentary elections, which he claimed were rigged by the ruling NRM winning candidate President Yoweri Museveni.

“On 4th May, police in Jinja arrested 100 FDC supporters and charged them with being idle and disorderly yet that charge no longer exists,” she said, adding that many of the suspects were later released on bail.

Turinawe said other party supporters were arrested in Kireka, Entebbe, Bushenyi and Fort Portal.

“At the moment more than five people are still missing and among them are Kahemba Babi, the FDC secretary general for Mutundwe parish, Lubaga division in Kampala city,” she added.


However, insider security sources said many of the small defiance campaigners were released on police bond and the more influential leaders were charged in courts of law and released on court bail. According to security sources, tensions mounted after some armed people started attacking security installations, killing officers and robbing guns.

“When such incidents started happening in areas like Kasese, Kapchorwa, Gulu and Namayingo we suspected it was not defiance but something else,” a highly-placed security source said.

The source added that investigations have been widened beyond the defiance campaign.

“We all knew that defiance was based on politics but when security installations were attacked and guns taken, we got scared and widened our investigations,” the source added.

He said it is widely suspected that some security officers are involved in plots to cause disturbances.

“We started investigating our security chiefs who we highly suspected that they had a hand in these attacks,” the source said.

“What I can confirm to you is that in the last three months, more than 60 officers from the rank of lieutenant to colonel have been arrested in connection with the recent attacks on security installations and they are under serious interrogations but the public was not aware,” another security officer said.

More security personnel are reportedly under 24- hour surveillance.

“There are high-ranking security officers who are being investigated under cover after information leaked that they were behind the recent attacks on security installations,” the source said.

Security agencies are also investigating suspicious movement of people into the city suburbs such as Kasubi and Bweyogerere. When The Observer asked Kayihura specifically about this alleged ferrying of suspicious people, police Chief Kayihura said: “I have not got information about this. I welcome you if you have details. However, we shall crosscheck.”






Interesting comment of the times from an observing internet reader about the History of Uganda:


This is a reminder to the long serving President Museveni and his African devoted cronies that he has no monopoly on violence.

He has blocked all legitimate avenues of changing  another government of Uganda. The rebels have been left with no option.

Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And moderation in pursuit of justice is no virtue.


In Somalia there is a Delay in Somalia Election:

Somali Refugees  are Stranded in Somalia After Kenya Evicted them



The delay in Somalia's presidential election raises concerns of election manipulation and increased inter-clan disputes within the additional one month to November 30.

Some members of the National Leadership Forum (NLF) - the key decision-making body - are also candidates in the presidential contest. One of the candidates, Abdirahman Mohammed Farole, had objected to presidential contenders being NLF members.

The United Nations Special Representative to Somalia Michael Keating said the delay has raised concerns that the process is being politically manipulated, which contributes to more delays beyond the new date of November 30.

"The scope for political manipulation of the process remains high. But, having closely accompanied the work federal and state electoral teams, I believe that this further delay was not orchestrated by any actor seeking immediate political benefit," said Mr Keating while briefing the UN Security Council on September 27.


"What is most critical at this point is that the new extension does not create political space for manipulation or disruption by spoilers."

NLF members, who are contesting the presidency but who had promised a free and fair elections are President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke and president of South West Interim Admonition, Sheriff Hassan Sheikh Aden. Others are the deputy speaker and regional presidents of Puntland, Jubaland and Galmudug.

Among the key factors that forced the postponement are logistical and security challenges, insufficient resources, failure by some traditional elders to pick the electors, and the absence of the Election Dispute Resolution Mechanism. Some clans also disputed the 30 per cent quota for women.