"Don’t use my name to grab traditional lands" - says the long serving President of Uganda as he campaigns for democratic re-election for a 6th term in office.


Posted  Tuesday, December 1   2015


President Museveni has ordered for the arrest of any person found using his name or that of State House to grab land in Karamoja region.

President Museveni said this last Thursday at a press conference held at Morulinga State Lodge in Napak District.

The President’s orders came after he was asked by a journalist whether he was aware his name was being used by land grabbers claiming to be working in State House.

The Presidents replied: “I have never sent any one to get land in Karamoja. Whoever wants the land should follow the right procedures,” he said.

According to the survey carried out by the Ecological Christian Organisation (ECO), 97 per cent of the land in Karamoja has been licensed to 147 investors who are holding exploration and mining licenses ranging from 10 to 30 years but the community does not know yet the land in the region is owned communally. The President said he would write to the ministry of land to cancel some of the licenses acquired illegally.



Over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja

Publish Date:

May 01, 2014

The First Lady and Minister for Karamoja Affairs, Mrs. Janet Museveni

By David Lumu


The frantic jostle for minerals in Karamoja by companies has caused a problem of large scale land acquisition, a preliminary report by the Center for Basic Report has revealed.


Prof. Josephine Ahikire, the executive director of the Center for Basic Research (CBR) said that the concentration of mining companies in Karamoja has a direct implication on women rights and how communities interface with companies that have acquired land to establish mineral industries.


“It is not really about pin-pointing, but identifying communities that have experienced the large scale land acquisition problem and looking at how women are interfacing with the process,” she said.


Land policy experts also argue that the quest for land acquisition in Karamoja is raising a puzzle of land development versus the protection of individuals and communities.


Dr. Rose Nakayi of Makerere University Law School told New Vision that although large scale land acquisitions are not an accident of contemporary time, government must come up with a clear delimitation between government and public land.


Nakayi said that what is spanning out in Karamoja is “a challenge of international capitalist players and the desire to have Uganda develop.”


“Acquisition of land by foreigners must be explained to the local communities. Foreigners cannot acquire customary land, they can only acquire leases,” she said.


Eng. Simon D’ujanga, the state minister for energy said that ever since the country’s remotest area was pacified by disarming cattle rustlers, over 100 mineral companies have been set up by investors.


“In the recent past, we have tried to market the region and the country at large. We now have over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja and we are encouraging more investors,” he said.


First lady, Janet Museveni, the minister for Karamoja affairs is credited for championing the transformation of Karamoja by courting donors to invest in the region.


A 2011 survey by the Uganda department of geological survey and mines at the ministry of energy found that Karamoja has gold, limestone, uranium, marble, graphite, gypsum, iron, wolfram, nickel, copper, cobalt, lithium and tin.

The survey indicated that land in Karamoja is owned communally, which makes it difficult for the mining companies to identify the rightful owners for compensation or consultation.


Prof. Ahikire said that as companies begin to explore the minerals in Karamoja, voices of land grabbing, environment damage, limited information of land laws and marginalization of women are starting to come out.


D’ujanga said that land in Karamoja is acquired by investors according to the law. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) puts the population of Karamoja at 1.2 million people.

Agambire oba agambye: "Nga mu mpalampye! Where do you want me to go. I have lived in the State House now 30 years. What does the Land Act say about bona-fied occupancy

Sijja kugenda.

Ono omusajja anyumirwa entalo. Mujjukire: ENSI EGULA MIRAMBO NGA NO TEMULI WUWO.

Kyankwanzi now place for wicked decisions - Fr Gaetano


Posted  Sunday, February 15  2015



The parish priest for Kitanga in Kabale Diocese, Fr Gaetano Batanyenda, has said whereas the NRM/NRA high command used Luweero to liberate Uganda, they are currently using Kyankwanzi to bring down all they promised Ugandans.

Fr Batanyenda was on Thursday addressing the press in Kabale Town where he said all the undemocratic decisions that do not have popular support such as the lifting of presidential term limits, endorsing President Museveni as sole candidate and the proposed lifting of the presidential age limit are always first taken to Kyankwanzi for endorsement during NRM party retreats.

“It’s as if Kyankwanzi has been turned into a place to turn down all the democratic ideals that were hatched during the NRA/NRM liberation struggle in Luweero. All religious leaders in Uganda should join us in preaching against the negative trends our country is taking to avoid disastrous situations,” Fr Batanyenda said.

“Kyankwanzi has become a place of condemnation where negative seeds about hatred, nepotism, sectarianism and other forms of injustices are being sown, contrary to the spirit of the Luweero Bush War struggle...,” Fr Batanyenda added.

He said if the information that MPs are demanding Shs300m to allow President Museveni rule for life are true, it would prove how greedy our leaders are, instead of demanding better salaries for health workers and teachers and ensuring enough drugs in government hospitals.

UPC calls for Reconci-liation Commission 


Posted  Thursday, February 19  2015

Kampala- Uganda:
Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), another old dictatorial political party has demanded the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, describing as opportunistic, the way NRM government is forgiving past political leaders it demonised yesterday.

“One minute a leader is labelled a swine and before you know it, he is turned into an eminent hero.

The NRM government should stop the ad-hoc forgiving of political figures, it is an opportunistic way of handling a very traumatic period of our past,” Mr Joseph Bbosa, the UPC vice president, said yesterday.

Mr Bbosa’s comments come in the wake of Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) taking over the reburial of the remains of the late commander of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello.

Lt Gen Okello was exiled to Sudan in 1986 when the National resistance Army (NRA) under the command of President Museveni toppled the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa government. Lt Gen Okello was then commander of the UNLA.

He is said to have succumbed to diabetes in 1990 and was buried in Sudan.

Mr Bbosa said the commission will be charged with investigating and forgiving every political crimes offender and would be comprised of eminent persons in and outside Uganda.

He pointed out the war in northern Uganda from 1986-2008, the September 2009 riots in Buganda and the Luweero triangle war of 1981-1986 that brought President Museveni to power as some of the incidents that need to be investigated by the proposed commission.

However, the government spokesperson, Mr Ofwono Opondo, said government does not see any need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

“The UPC has all the platforms to express their issues including the media, courts of law and Parliament which has a Human Rights committee. Let UPC first tell Ugandans why it abolished kingdoms and made Uganda a one-party State,” he told the Daily Monitor on phone yesterday.



The International

Criminal Court says that it is on a visit to the Continent of Africa on invitation by its member states:


ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for Disaster Preparedness Musa Ecweru (C) and other Soroti leaders yesterday. Photo by Simon Peter Emwamu

Posted  Tuesday, March 3  2015


Soroti, UGANDA- The Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court has said the ICC is in Africa on invitation by African countries that are state parties to the Rome Statute and not by choice.

Ms Fatou Bensouda, who finalised her visit of northern and eastern Uganda to acquaint herself with the effects of the LRA war yesterday, said the attack on the court by African heads of state is unfair.

“Leaders should not expect to commit atrocities and expect to be above the law. Those days are over; ICC was created to help the victims,” Ms Bensouda told a gathering comprising civil society, security and political leaders in Soroti Town.

She said African Union and ICC share the same values on human rights and are both against impunity. She said Uganda ratified the Rome Statute in 2003, and requested for help on LRA war crimes. She said investigations are also on going in DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic and Mali.

“It’s very clear we work in transparent manner,” she explained.

Ms Bensouda said the ICC believes in fact-finding, the reason she came to listen to the victims of the LRA. One of the LRA commanders, Dominic Ongwen, is at the Hague awaiting trial in January 2016.

Ms Bensouda promised that more ICC officials will be coming to take statements from LRA war victims to help her office table a solid case before the judges. This, she said, is the reason why she asked judges to adjourn the Ongwen case to January 2016 as opposed to August 2015 as earlier indicated.

Mr Musa Ecweru, the state minister for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, thanked the prosecutor for coming to listen to the war victims.

The background

President Museveni has often bashed the ICC. During the Independence Day celebrations last year, Mr Museveni described the ICC as “a biased instrument of post-colonial hegemony.” The President was unhappy with the ICC for indicting two sitting African presidents; Omar Bashir of Sudan and Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya. Mr Bashir was indicted for war crimes in Darfur while Kenyatta was accused of fanning election violence in 2007. Mr Kenyatta’s charges have since been dropped.



Museveni turns coat and apologises to ICC: "We are on same side".


President Museveni shakes hands with ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the President’s country home in Rwakitura.



Posted  Wednesday, March 4  2015  


Kampala, UGANDA,

President Museveni has said he is still on the same side with The Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) notwithstanding his .misgivings.

“Despite our differences, we are on the same side,” Mr Museveni told ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on Monday night, according to a statement issued by State House. The ICC Chief Prosecutor has just concluded a five-day tour of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war-affected areas in northern and eastern Uganda.

“We had to hand over Dominic Ongwen because he was arrested from a different country and had committed crimes across several countries. If he was arrested in Uganda, we would have charged him here,” the President said.

The remarks come less than three months after the President; while speaking at Kenya’s 51st Independence Day in Nairobi last year, said he was “done with this type of court justice"

President Museveni, accused the court of being a tool of Western powers to witch-hunt African leaders. The court handles major war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, for which a couple of African leaders have been indicted.

“People of the West should leave their foolishness. I am done with the ICC,” the President told a cheering crowd at Nyayo Stadium in Nairobi.

However, in Monday’s meeting, the President further stressed that Uganda will cooperate with the court and avail it all the necessary information and access to witnesses that it may need.




Ettaka litabudde munnamagye Brigadier Kasirye Ggwanga ne mwannyina
May 18, 2015
Kasirye Ggwanga. 



MUNNAMAGYE  Brig. Kasirye Ggwanga akutte mukulu we n’amuggalira  ku poliisi ng’amulanga kugezaako kubba ttaka lya kika.

Ettaka lino liri ku kyalo Katakala mu  Mityana Town Council nga liriko yiika ttaano era nga kwe kuli ennyumba y’ekika ey’ekiggya eky’aba Kasirye.

Elizabeth Nabwami, 66, abadde yaakadda okuva mu  Amerika gy’amaze emyaka egisukka mu 10 ye yakwatiddwa.

Kiddiridde okugenda ewaabwe e Katakala ng’ayagala okulongoosa  awaka ng’eno Kasirye Ggwanga gye yamusanze n’amugoba  era  n’aleeta  poliisi n’agiragira emukwate era n’okusiba omuntu yenna anaagendayo okumweyimirira.

Kasirye Gwanga(wakati) nga akyali muvubuka mumagye ga Uganda Acholi, Uganda.

Wabula mukulu waabwe bonna, Edith Najjuuko yagenze ku poliisi e Mityana ne yeeyimirira Nabwami n’ateebwa.

Najjuuko agamba nti, “ettaka lino si lya Kasirye Ggwanga nga lyange nga Najjuuko, ne baganda bange abawala mukaaga kuba kitaffe omugenzi, Yovani Kasirye bwe yali tannaffa yandekera ekibanja  wabula oluvannyuma nneegula ne nkiteeka mu mannya gange. Kitaffe yagaana Kasirye Ggwanga okumusikira kuba we yafiira  Kasirye yali atandise okukola effujjo mu kika olw’okuba ye mwana yekka omulenzi  mu baana  b’omugenzi era ng’amannya ge ye Samuel Wasswa Gitta.”

Brig. Kasirye eyasangiddwa mu makaage e Makindye, yagambye nti,  “mwannyina yakomawo okuva mu Amerika n’ajingirira ekyapa oluvannyuma  lw’okugenda mu minisitule y’ebyettaka  ne kiteekebwa mu mannya ge ng’omuntu. Yatandika okuligabanyaamu bu poloti obwa 100 ku 50 era n’aleeta n’abaalirambula abaatandika n’okulipima n’atuuka n’okutema omuti ogwali ku biggya ng’ayagala kugutemamu mbaawo.  Mwannyinaze ono nnali namuwa yiika y’ettaka e Kyaggwe wabula nga yagaana okukolerako ekintu kyonna. Nange kwe kusalawo okumusibisa nga njagala yeesonyiwe ettaka lya famire akyuse n’ekyapa akizze mu ga famire kuba talina buyinza bukikyusa.”

DPC wa Mityana, Donald Ebunyu yagambye nti bagguddewo omusango ku fayiro SD: 37/16/05/2015 ogukwata ku by’ettaka wadde nga  Kasirye Ggwanga yaloopye gwa kwoonoona bintu bye, ogw’okutema omuti.


African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.



An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

Abanyarwanda Abakyali e Buganda tebakkaanya mu kukyuusa erinnya lyabwe:

By Dickson Kulumba


Added 25th March 2021

Kayitana (ku kkono) ng’addiriddwa Mutuluza mu lukiiko.

ENKAAYANA zeeyongedde mu Bannayuganda Abanyarwanda ku nkyusa y'erinnya lyabwe okuva ku kuyitibwa Abanyarwanda okudda ku kuyitibwa Abavandimwe ng'erinnya ettongole.

Oluyombo luno lwatandika March 15, 2021 ekiwayi ekikulemberwamu Frank Gashumba, Lawrence Muganga n'abalala bwe baavaayo ne basaba Palamenti ekyuse mu tteeka bave mu kweyita Abanyarwanda wabula batandike okuyitibwa Abavandimwe nga bagamba okusigala nga bayitibwa Abanyarwanda, kibaleetera okuboolebwa nga Bannayuganda nga bangi balowooza nti bagwira!

Ekirowoozo kino kyaleetedde obukulembeze bw'ekibiina ekibagatta mu Uganda ekiyitibwa Ugandan Banyarwanda Cultural Development Association (UMUBANO) okuvaayo ku Lwokubiri okuwakanya ekirowoozo kino ne bagamba nti Obunyarwanda tebukyusibwa na kintu kirala kyonna era ne balabula bonna abali emabega w'enteekateeka y'okukyusa erinnya ly'eggwanga lyabwe.

Baasinzidde mu lukiiko lwa Bannamawulire ku Mosa Courts mu Kampala era nga lwetabiddwaamu ne Ssentebe wa disitulikiti y'e Mpigi, Peter Clever Mutuluza eyasabye Pulezidenti Museveni okukwata ensonga z'Abanyarwanda mu Uganda n'obwegendereza kubanga abafuzi ba Uganda bangi bazze bagezaako okubanyigiriza naye ne kigaana n'awa ekyokulabirako ekya Amin ne Obote.

"Abaagala okukyusa erinnya ly'Abanyarwanda batandike okuyitibwa ebyo bye tutagera bulungi nawulidde nti baasisinkanye Pulezidenti Museveni era nti bavujjirirwa okutwala ensonga eno mu maaso naye mbasaba bakiveeko, Abanyarwanda balina kusigala nga bayitibwa Banyarwanda," Mutuluza bwe yategeezezza.

Bukedde bwe yatuukiridde Gashumba yategeezezza ng'okukyusa erinnya bwe kiri ekikulu eri buli Munyarwanda mu Uganda kubanga baboolebwa n'okummibwa obuweereza okuli okuwandiisibwa okufuna paasipooti, layini z'essimu n'ebirala.

Wabula Simon Kayitana akiikirira Abanyarwanda mu Lukiiko lwa Buganda olukulu yategeezezza nti bawakanya eky'okukyusa obuwangwa bwabwe.

"Tukooye kubanga kirabika Abanyarwanda tufuuse kyakuzannyirako buli kiseera eri abo abaliko bye baagala okuggusa okuli n'abaali baagala tuggyibwe mu Ssemateeka. Bano bannaffe bagamba nti balina ababaka 80 naye tubakakasa nti ekyo tekijja kukkirizibwa," Kayitana bwe yategezezza.


During the turbulent times of Uganda, a lot of Ugandans ran to Kenya. Many stayed in Kenya for a long time. Some of them even married Kenyans and got children. If you ask the majority of Ugandans who lived in Kenya those days, they will tell you, the Kenyans did not accept us. They tololerated us until we left. Much as as our graduates and brain power, those days educated their kids, ran their hospitals etc etc, they never considered at any one time to include our presence in their constitution, nor give us permanent residency. They gave us work permits, if it expired or was declined, the police was on your door the next day, and police cell thereafter. So people of Rwandese origin, let Ugandans run the business of their country


So those people who migrated from Rwanda after those wars, were amicable, they were peaceful, they were hardworking, the liked liked the new environment, and respected it. They did not grab our children, kill them or torture them. They did not try forcibly take our land. They did not try to interfere with our style of rule, they did not tamper with our constitution, they understood their situation, they were nice people We shared a common drink, made out of bananas. they enjoyed bananas as a meal. After a time, they had a choice, to stay or go back to Rwanda. They chose to stay. And there are those, like late Rwigyema, who recognised that, though they grew up in Uganda, their mother land land was Rwanda. They went back


Kakati no abo abanoonyi bo bubudamo munsi ya Uganda, abesalira amagezi nebaddayo ewabwe, banasasula ddi ensimbi za Uganda ezabayamba okusobola okwenunula nokudda eka?






Buganda and Uganda Independence in 1962


The country of Buganda is giving away its land ownership for lease at one shilling for 99 years: 

Who owns Shimoni land in the city centre of Kampala?

16 June, 2019

By Isaac Mufumba



Development. Kingdom Kampala Shopping Mall that

Development. Kingdom Kampala Shopping Mall that was opened last month. The land previously hosted both Shimoni Core Primary Teachers College and Shimoni Demonstration School. PHOTO by ALEX ESAGALA.  

In a period of nine months, between September 2005 and May 2006, ownership of the 14.5 acre piece of land that was previously the home of both Shimoni Core Primary Teachers College and Shimoni Demonstration School, changed a record three times.
First was in March 2006 when it was transferred from the hands of the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) into the hands of Speke Hotels Limited, before it went to Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal al Saud of Kingdom Investments.

The land was initially allocated to Speke Hotels following the launch in September 2005 of the Kampala redevelopment plan through which government was to redevelop prime land in the city by allocating it to investors.
Speke Hotels applied for the Shimoni land on October 13, 2005, and obtained a lease on March 24, 2006, upon the payment of ground rent of Shs158 million. The school was to be relocated at a cost of Shs4.5 billion.

Forced transfer
However, in the same month, President Museveni met Prince Alwaleed bin Talal al Saud and committed himself to allocating land in the city for the prince to construct a five-star hotel. During a subsequent meeting at State House, Mr Museveni directed ULC to revoke the allocation to Speke Hotels and instead offered the land to the prince’s kingdom Kampala.

Speke Hotels was on the orders of the President allocated the 15 acres of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence’s (CMI’s) land in May 2006.



The King of Buganda, Chwa II with the British colonizers

The schools were moved and buildings demolished to pave way for the construction of a $65 million (about Shs240b) Inter-Continental Hotel Kampala and Convention Centre, which was also meant to house offices and a retail centre.

Government gave huge incentives, including a waiver of taxes on all construction materials and equipment; a 10 year tax holiday; incurring the costs of removing tenants and paying for a 99-year lease in order to allow for completion of work on the hotel, which they desperately wanted to see completed in time for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (Chogm) in Kampala in 2007.
There were concerns that Kingdom Investments was causing unnecessary excitement. And it was not the first time that the President had been excited by the entry of a “big investor”.


Razed. The land after the demolition of both


Razed. The land after the demolition of both Shimoni Core Primary Teachers College and Shimoni Demonstration School in Kampala. 

In March 2005, Source of the Nile Resorts Limited, an arm of the Malaysian firm, Persepec Prime, met President Museveni seeking close to two square miles of land near the Source of the Nile in Jinja to develop a 100-room hotel, a shopping arcade, an 18-hole golf course, recreational facilities and a health centre. The firm claimed that it was willing to stake $80 million (about Shs298b) and produced a bank performance guarantee as proof of its commitment. As it turned out, they were speculators.

Luckily, the size of the land they were demanding, the huge costs of compensating land owners and squabbles in the local leadership impeded allocation of the land, which included Jinja Club, the Source of the Nile Agriculture and Trade Show grounds, Victoria Nile Primary School and several plots of land along the banks of the River Nile right from the Source of the Nile to Kiira Bridge in Jinja.


During the same period, it was announced that 230 acres of land on which Kirinya Prison had also been allocated to a Malaysian investor, LAVIT, to construct a call centre and computer assembling plant. The prison, which houses a main and women’s prisons, a remand facility and a primary school was meant to relocate within 12 months from December 2007. The land title is, however, in the hands of “the investors”.
It was against such a backdrop that there were fears that the Shimoni land would be lost to speculators or that Kingdom Investments would soon sell and transfer to another party and make a huge profit off the $2 million (about Shs7.4b) it had paid for it.

During an August 2006 interview with Daily Monitor’s Business Power Magazine, Ms Maggie Kigozi, the then executive director of Uganda Investment Authority (UIA), said UIA could cause cancellation of the lease if it felt that the project was either time-barred or not moving according to plan.
Subsection IV of the terms and conditions spelt out in the guidelines for allocation of investment land by UIA required an investor to have started developing the land “within 18 months from the date of allocation”, short of which lease automatically lapses and land reverts to UIA.

In this case, the 18 months period elapsed in November 2007. Even when Prince Alwaleed wrote to President Museveni late in 2008 to communicate his withdrawal from the project on account of “poor financial health”, the title was not cancelled. The then Minister of State for Investments, Prof Ssemakula Kiwanuka, said the land would be repossessed if the project had not taken off by the close of 2009, which also did not happen.

In a recent interface with the media, UIA’s director for Land Development Division, Mr Hamza Galiwango, indicated that 136 investors had between 2013 and 2017 lost the land they had been allocated in Kampala and Namanve Industrial Park for failure to develop the land.
“The withdrawn land is immediately reallocated to other prospective investors who are willing to develop it immediately,” Mr Galiwango added.

Why then is it that nothing was done to repossess the Shimoni land? 
On Tuesday, the UIA spokesperson, Mr David Rupiny, said whereas UIA has over the years withdrawn a number of land offers that had been made to investors, the Shimoni land is outside its mandate.
“So that land does not fall under our mandate. We never allocated that land. It was the Uganda Land Commission. We only licensed the investor,” Mr Rupiny said.

The ULC acting secretary, Mr Robert Nyombi, said leases can only be cancelled if there are sufficient legal grounds to warrant such action, but hastened to add that each case is considered on its own merit. He, however, declined to be drawn to discuss matters around the Shimoni land.
Between April 2009 and December 2010, UIA and the minister for Investments were reading from very different scripts in as far as the ownership of the land and getting another investor for it were concerned.

Whereas Ms Kigozi was quoted in April 2009 as saying the Ministry of Finance had endorsed the Dubai-based Azure Holdings’ takeover of the land from Kingdom Investments, Prof Kiwanuka labelled Azure “incredible investors” and announced that the land had reverted to government.


Gone. Pupils move about in the compound of

Gone. Pupils move about in the compound of Shimoni Demonstration School before it was demolished in 2017. FILE PHOTO.


“Legally, the government has already taken back the Shimoni land. All the Asian speculators have purchased is a company in which the government has no interest. The government is not bound by any internal dealings between Azure and Kingdom Holdings,” he added.

Well, the January 2016 announcement that Kingdom Investments, the South African firm, Abland Africa and Crane Management Services (CMS) had entered a joint venture agreement to develop the land proved that the land had not reverted to government.
At this point, it is difficult to tell how many times the property has changed hands. During a May 2012 meeting between MPs and officials from the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Kira Municipality MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda accused ULC of having secretly reallocated the land to businessman Sudhir Ruparelia, which the latter denied.
However, in a brief chat on Wednesday, Mr Ruparelia conceded that Kingdom Kampala, which was opened on May 19, is one of the Ruparelia family properties.

“The property is owned by Kingdom Kampala Limited and the shareholders are (the) Ruparelia family. This company is the owner of the building,” he said in a brief communication.
The CMS managing director, Mr Rajiv Ruparelia, declined to reveal when the property was acquired, from who and at what cost.
“We, Ruparelias never talk about money. What is important is that the property has been developed in line with the terms that government had spelt out when it was first leased out for investment,” Mr Rajiv said on Thursday.

What is, however, known is that Kingdom Holdings paid $2 million for the land, but sold it to Azure at slightly more than that in a deal that was endorsed by the Ministry of Finance. It is also certain that Sudhir Ruparelia got into the frame of things in January 2016 when it was first announced that his CMS had entered a joint venture with Kingdom Hotel and the South African firm, Abland Africa, to develop the land. Mr Ruparelia never denied the reports back then, but on Wednesday, he said the alleged joint venture had been “a rumour”.
Mr Nyombi declined to discuss issues surrounding the change of ownership, but was quick to say that no wrong had been done.
“Once (the land) is leased, it becomes property, which can be dealt in,” he said.

That suggests that for as long as one walks into town, convinces the powers that be to allocate him or her land, gets a lease for it, he or she can always keep it undeveloped for a couple of years like Kingdom Investments did and thereafter do with it whatever he or she pleases.


Status of land. In 2014, Uganda Land Alliance, with funding from the World Bank, issued a report of the land governance assessment framework (LGAF), which was introduced to assess, among others, the status of land governance in the country. The report indicates that the biggest problem has been a failure by the custodians of the land to draw a line between public and government land.
“There is further a need to differentiate between government land and public land because the two serve different purposes. In Uganda, there is an assumption among policy makers that public land constitutes government land and, therefore, it can be made applicable to private use as government is a legal person that can do business,” reads the report, in part.






In Uganda, the limits of renting support by the political party of NRM is fast approaching:

Harassed. Ruling NRM youth descend on Mr Kassim Wasswa, the chairperson of Kibuye II Village in Kiyembe Zone, Makindye Division, demanding money that he allegedly received lately from President Museveni. PHOTO BY MICHAEL KAKUMIRIZI 

10 October, 2018

Written by Moses Khisa


had a long conversation at parliament in late July with an MP from the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

One of the revealing insights he gave me was the extent to which the biggest weapon General Museveni desperately fights to keep in abundance in his amour for the life-presidency project is money.

He has to literally personally chase down the cash from whichever sources and ensure he has a steady supply. He needs it every hour and cannot afford to run out of supply. Apparently, the public purse over which he seems to have unfettered access is not enough.


So, there has to be quite a bit of hunting down private sources in addition to those that expectedly come knocking at State House voluntarily and are happy to donate in exchange for one state favour or the other.

In recent years, it has become commonplace for the ruler to go about dishing the cash, personally and directly. The latest was a tour in the centre of Kampala city last Friday. The Observer reported that the chief financier gave out at least Shs 3 billion, dispensed to different savings and credit organisations to which retail and small-scale traders belong.

For a perceptive and concerned citizen, the big question is what business does a president have being the source of finance for businessmen and women?

For one, such paternalism and donating is seldom the way successful businesses are run or profitable companies are built. In fact such a manner of raising capital can cripple an otherwise performing business. Free money can be extremely disruptive and outright poisonous.

The frugal and enterprising business actor succeeds by seeking credit in the market, and not gaining from handouts by a benevolent president. The problems of doing business in Uganda are quite obvious.

The most important is the utterly expensive credit market in part because the finance sector was handed out to multinational highly profit-driven capitalist interests. Invariably, many small businesses struggle and ultimately fall by the side. Presidential donations cannot substitute financing that is guided by business logic and economic prudence.

The other puzzling bit for the citizen, especially the taxpayer, is why a president has to physically distribute money even when he does not necessarily give out the physical cash (he often prefers that antiquated method anyway).

It may appear outrageous but it’s an important modus that is necessary in the political calculus: he wants the personal exchange so he claims the credit directly and personally. He has to be seen as the benefactor-in-chief and who does it himself. No intermediation.

The import of this, of course, is to directly pay for support and hope to gain rented favour from the public. It is the make of the quintessential patronage ruler who has an exaggerated view of himself as the chief supplier of largesse.

But it is also because the system of rule in place today is characterised by personal profiteering through thieving. Therefore, the ruler is acutely aware that entrusting the cash to formal channels of government, much less to specific individuals, is a sure way to having the cash stolen, or at least a chunk of it pocketed along the way.

During campaign time, there have been tales of a strong room at State House, strictly manned by the ruler himself, which stores cash stashed in sacks and is signed off for dispatch by a small clique of the innermost circle.

Even then, the ruler seems to have realized that rather than have his lieutenants clandestinely pay for his support through nightly dish-outs, better he does it himself in broad daylight so that those who receive it are compelled to share.

This is a way of enhancing transparency in financial malfeasance and political bribery, but it also helps the ruler to directly endear himself to the public.

Unfortunately, for General Museveni, the rational human being is very much aware that the ruler has increasingly become vulnerable and insecure. The open bribery and purchase of support scarcely satisfies the millions craving change and demanding for better government.

In fact the more money is dished out, the more is needed. It is a bottomless pit, a phrase some critical MPs repeatedly use in referring to State House’s frequent requests for supplementary budgets.

Renting support becomes ever more expensive and a big drag. But the ruler is inoculated against seeing the slippery slope. From his tour of the city-centre last week, he encountered dozens of businesses and trader groups, all purporting to belong to a savings and credit organisation and in need of presidential patronage.

If he went back the following day, he would likely find the number has multiplied. He faces this everywhere in the country. And he is happy to assiduously present himself as an endowed financier ready to solve all needs presented to him.

The bad news for the ruler is that paying to win the support of especially urban people can only deliver the opposite outcome: more discontent and disillusionment with the regime. The biting economic conditions won’t go away because of a few billions in handouts spread across countless groups of distressed traders.


The author is an assistant professor of political science at North Carolina State University.






How Mr Ben Kiwanuka, the Democratic Political Party Chairman tried to Assassinate Prime Minister of Uganda Mr Milton Obote during the 1960s:


Milton Obote. File Photo

Milton Obote. File Photo 

By Faustin Mugabe

Former Member of Parliament for Arua Municipality is the latest victim of assassination in Uganda. Rtd Colonel Ibrahim Abiriga was gunned down last week together with his escort as the MP was driving towards his home in Kawanda, Wakiso District.
Some suspects have since been arrested, according to the police. His brutal murder has evoked memories on previous assassinations in Uganda, the attempt on the life of then President Milton Obote in 1969 being the most profiled case in Uganda’s history. Although the would-be assassin’s bullet hit him, he miraculously survived – and the culprit was arrested by police in less than 24 hours after the incident.
How was he caught, and what was his motive?

First attempt on Obote’s life
Since May 24, 1966 when President Obote ordered the Uganda Army to attack Buganda Kingdom’s main palace at Mengo, forcing King Edward Mutesa II fleeing to exile in England, Obote and his security was well aware that he was an assassination target from Buganda fanatics. Indeed two years later, on January 12, 1968, Obote was waylaid near Silver Springs Hotel on the Luzira-Kampala Road but he survived. Because it was at night, around 8pm, the convoy did not use sirens to clear the road as there was no traffic on the road.
But vice president John Babiiha’s convoy, from the same function, also headed for Entebbe used sirens, which the would-be assassins mistook for the president’s convoy and shot at it. None in the motorcade was killed, but some security personal were injured.
In less than a day, police arrested Dan Kamanyi – the architect of the assassination plot – in Kampala. Five of his accomplices who had fled to Nairobi, Kenya were also captured. They were Captain Abraham Senkoma, former aide de camp of Kabaka Mutesa; Basilio Lukyamuzi, former Kabaka Yekka fanatic and Member of Parliament of Uganda and Daniel Kiwanuka, former Kabaka Yekka youth leader. Others were lieutenants Andrew Kyeyune and John Oboo, who had been dismissed from the Uganda Army after the 1966 Buganda crisis. Kamanyi has spoken to the Daily Monitor several times about his attempt to assassinate President Obote.

Second shot at Obote
It did not take long before another attempt on the life of president Obote was made. From police investigations and interrogations of the culprits, Benedicto Kiwanuka – a lawyer, Uganda’s first prime minister and then president-general of the Democratic Party (DP) – was the chief architect of the second plot to assassinate Obote.
Earlier, in the May 1962 general elections, Obote had defeated Kiwanuka. And so it would seem that Kiwanuka had a personal vendetta against the man who denied him the opportunity to lead Uganda to independence. Later, Kiwanuka involved Princess Ndagire of Buganda kingdom, who enthusiastically bought the idea.
The then CID boss, Mohamed Hassan, who testified in court in Kampala, said from Masaka District, Kiwanuka recruited a one Yusuf Kisule, who in turn recruited Mohamed Sebaduka, a Kampala-based taxi driver and a Muganda Muslim radical to be the assassin, and another Muganda Yowana Wamala. Sebaduka had also been dismissed from the Uganda Army after the 1966 crisis. In all, about six men were involved the assassination plot.
Assassins are briefed
While testifying before the High Court Judge in Kampala, CID chief Hassan claimed Kiwanuka had imported firearms from Soviet Union purposely to assassinate Obote. Once the firearms arrived into the country, they were kept in Masaka by Mzee Kisule, 67.
Hassan further told court that six men, including Sebuduka, the would-be assassin, had during interrogation, revealed just as they confessed to court that the DP president-general met Sebaduka, Wamala and Princess Ndagire – one of Kabaka Mutesa’s daughters – at her home in Kampala for the last briefing on the execution of the mission. The last meeting was held in the morning of December 19, 1969. The day before, Mzee Kisule had managed to bring the firearms and a hand grenade from Masaka to Kampala undetected, in spite of the military roadblocks staged in Buganda since 1966.

Choosing D-day
The day chosen was December 19, 1969. It was chosen because it would be the last day of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) annual conference at Lugogo Indoor Stadium. The conference had lasted three days. Presidents Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Mubutu Sese Seko of then Zaire [now DR Congo] and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, had graced the opening of the function but had all left a day before the closure of the function. The function had also attracted the big-shots of the ruling UPC party, as well as ordinary supporters.
Thus, the plotters saw a loophole where they would beat security and hang about the premises disguised as party supporters dressed in party colours. The plot had started in June 1969. By December, Sebaduka and Wamala had secured party cards and on that day, they were dressed in UPC party shirts. The trick worked.
The mission was suicidal, but Sebaduka and Wamala were determined to execute it. At about 9:30pm, the assassin-to be and the driver of the getaway car arrived at Lugogo. They parked among the other vehicles in the parking area. Armed with a Czechoslovakia-made pistol and a Chinese made-hand grenade, Sebaduka spotted a Cypress tree as the best cover.

Obote comes into target
Time check was about 9.45pm. Amid blaring music from the army band, without anyone suspecting anything, President Obote came out of the hall and straight into the would-be assassin’s target. Everyone was busy clapping and singing the new UPC song, “Uganda is moving forward” along with the army band. It was then the would-be first assassination of an African leader was about to happen. But like the African saying goes; “when your time has not come, you will jump your grave”, and because Obote’s time had not come, he jumped his grave – though not without injuries and permanent physical and psychological scar.
Sebaduka fires bullet
From behind the cypress tree, about 10 metres from Obote, with maximum precision, Sebaduka aimed and fired his pistol. It is not clear how many bullets were in the pistol and how many he intended to pump into Obote’s head, but during the interrogation and before the court, Sebaduka said after the first bullet, the pistol changed firing angle.
The single bullet that went through Obote’s mouth broke two teeth and went through the cheek.
Determined to execute the mission, another would-be assassin standing nearby hurled a grenade at the President – but it did not explode.
Meanwhile, as the Obote’s bodyguard flung him down in protection from any other bullets, Sebudaka dropped his pistol and attempted to run away. Someone grabbed him and handed him to security.
It is said one of the infuriated Obote’s bodyguard shot Sebaduka twice.
Henry Kyemba, who was then the principal private secretary to the president, told the Sunday Monitor that he recalls security personnel wanted to kill Sebaduka, but he stopped them because they needed him as a culprit to tell it all to the authority.
In panic, the security personnel went into a random shooting, which caused stampede; and in the fracas, Sebaduka escaped.
Meanwhile, Wamala, who was standing by Sebaduka, had picked the pistol and hid it in the branches of the cypress tree. Later, when investigators came to the scene, they picked the gun.
It was Wamala’s finger prints that incriminated the assassins.
Police recaptures Sebaduka
Because Sebaduka had been bleeding from the gun wounds, it left a trail from the scene of crime to the stolen-getaway Ford Anglia car. Although Sebaduka had been wounded, he managed to drive the car from Lugogo to Nateete, a Kampala suburb. In an attempt to destroy evidence, the would-be assassins burnt the car. But still, police was able to trace it and finally, Sebaduka and others were arrested; incredibly in less than 24 hours.
After interrogation, they revealed that Benedicto Kiwanuka was the chief architect of the attempted assassination plot.
On December 20, 1969, Kiwanuka and others were arrested and the following day, DP was banned as a political party.







Posted 18 November, 2017

Sketch picture of Muteesa I at his Kasubi palace drawn by the Europen explorer Stanley and on top, the true photo, of Grand Pa of Buganda 1854 to 1884

                     Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa nga ali ne Katikkiro we Martin Luther Nsibirwa 1937.






Muteesa I afuga                       1854 okutuuka 1884                    emyaka30


Mwanga II afuga                       1884 okutuuka 1897                     emyaka13


Kiweewa afuga                                 1888 okutuuka 1888                    

emyezi 2


Kalema   afuga                                 1888  okutuuka 1889                   




Chwa     afuga                                  1897  okutuuka 1939                    

emyaka 40


Muteesa II afuga                              1939  okutuuka  1966+2+3 exile    

emyaka 30


Obote ne UPC bajjawo Obwakabaka bwa Buganda 1966

okumala    emyaka 27



Mutebi II   afuga(culture)      okuva                 1993

....Ensi Republic....UGANDA



Mu biseera ebyakomererayo mu bufuzi bwe 1939, Ssaabasajja Daudi Chwa yasalawo obuteenyigira nnyo mu bya bufuzi ng’ebisinga obungi abirekera baminista be. Era ebiseera ebyo Kabaka yali atawaanyizibwa obulwadde kyokka ng’Abazungu aba Gavumenti Enkuumi n’abamu ku baami be tebategeera buzibu na bulumi bweyalimu.

Abazungu baalowoozanga nti yali ayagala kujeema songa abamu ku baami be baalowoozanga nti yayagalanga kubalekera mirimu. Wewaawo enkolagana ye n’Abazunga yali tekyalimu bbugumu olw’ensonga ze yawanyisiganyanga nabo ku nfuga ya Buganda naye nga bo balabika ng’abatafaayo kulowooza bye yabagamba nga.

Nolwekyo embeera wakati we n’Abazungu yatandika okuba ng’eyo eyaliwo wakati wa Kitaawe (Mwanga II) n’Abazungu abaali bafuga nga bawambye Buganda nekituusa Mwanga okubajeemera.

Yagenda mu maka ge e Salaama ku lubalama lw’ennyanja Nalubaale n’abeera eyo. Baminista ne bagezaako okumusaba okomewo mu lubiri e Mengo we bamulabira amangu naye n’agaana kubanga yawulira nga obulwadde bumuyiisizza.

Kigambibwa nti mu kiseera ekyo Gavana yalowoolereza ddala nti Kabaka yali ajeemye era n’atumya amaggye ga Kenya African Rifles okuva e Kenya gamukwate nga bajjukira embeera eyaliwo wakati wabwe ne Ssekabaka Mwanga.

Kabaka bwalaba nga aweddeyo kwe kusenguka n’ava e Salaama n’agenda alwalira ewa Maama we Everylin Kulabako Namasole e Lusaka okumpi n’e Kibuye.

Ku lwa November 21, 1939 Kabaka yali bubi nnyo era omusawo we Dr Sullivan eyabeeranga e Nsambya yayitibwa ajje amulabe. Naye enkeera nga 22 November 1939 obudde bwali busaasaana Kabaka n’aggya omukono mu ngabo.

Abakulu abasatu, Katikkiro, Omulamuzi, Omuwanika n’Omulangira Mawanda, baaliwo nga Kabaka ABULA. Oluvanyuma enjolo ye yatwalibwa mu lubiri e Mengo n’egalamizibwa mu ddiiro eddene mu Twekobe. Obuganda omwo mwe bwagisanga okugiraba n’okugikungubagira.


Awo ne baddira enkufiira ye ey’Amaggye, ekitala, medulo n’ebitiibwa ebirala bye yafuna ne biteekebwa ku kameeza akatono akaali awo emitwetwe w’enjole. Ku kameeza okwo era kwe baateeka n’engule ey’Ekiganda Abagiriinya gye baluka.


Awo Kattikkiro, Martin Luther Nsibirwa n’alyoka alangirira nti: Omuliro guzikidde. Kabaka waffe omwagalwa, Ssabasajja Daudi Chwa yaggye omukono mu ngabo ku ssaawa emu ey’enkya ya leero! Bweyamala  ebyo n’alagira Kawuulu okukuba Mujaguzo okubikira Obuganda.

Abantu bwe baawulira Mujaguzo ne beessiba ebimyu n’amafuvu okukungubaga.  Abakazi beesiba emige ku mitwe ne bakuba ebiwoobe! Namwandu, Irene Nabagereka, yeesiba olubugo n’alukomya mu kifuba ng’asibizzaako olwebaggyo n’atuula awali enjole n’akungubaga awamu n’abazaana n’abambejja bangi ddala.

Ebigambo Katikkiro bye yayogera nti omuliro guzikidde tebyali bigambo bugambo ebitalina makulu wabula Omutaka Musolooza ng’ono ye mutaka omukulu akuma omuliro gwa Buganda ogubeera mu Kyoto Gombolola awo wabweru wa Wankaaki w’Olubiri, olwali okuwulira ebigambo bya Katikkiro ekyoto n’akifukamu amazzi n’omuliro ne guzikira.

Era nebisiki byonna n’abisaasaanya. N’abeera awo ng’alinda Kabaka omulala lwaliteekebwako alyoke akume ekyoto buto.

Abakulu abasatu. Abamasaza n’abataka abakulu ekiro ekyo baakisula mu lubiri nga bateesa ku mulangira anaalya Obwakabaka Bwa Buganda. Oluvanyuma erinnya baalyanjulira Olukiiko lwa Buganda era nalwo ne lukakasa Omulangira Edward Muteesa okulya Obuganda. Oluvanyuma erinya eryo lyaweerezebwa eri Gavana Sir Philip Mitchael, naye nalikakasa ng’Endagaano ya Buganda eya 1900 bw’egamba ku kukasa Kabaka omupya. Olwo abakulu nebatuma Omwami Hamu Mukasa eyali Ssekiboobo n’akima Omulangira Muteesa e Budo n’ajja okubikka akabugo ku njole ya Kitaawe akabonero akasooka okutegeeza Omulangira alidde Obwakabaka. Kabaka yalimu mu kusabira enjole ya Kitaawe mu Lutikko e Namirembe.

Naye teyagenda kuziika kubanga Bakabaka be Buganda tebeetaba mu kuziika muntu yenna era omuntu yenna ava okuziika takkirizibwa kugenda kulaba ku Kabaka ku lunaku lw’aba akoze ekikolwa ekyo.




Was Mr Daudi Ochieng a trustworthy nationalist worthy of both the African countries of Uganda and Buganda?

Buganda Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga (L)hands over a portrait of Kabaka Mutesa II and Kabaka Yekka secretary general Daudi Ochieng, to Ochieng’s children at his 50th memorial in Gulu on 1st June 2016.

PHOTO BY Cissy Makumbi.


Posted  Friday, June 3  2016 


This former Member of the 1st Uganda Parliament 1962/66, was a Unifying factor of two States in One..

The Present Katikkiro of Buganda says Ochieng defended Buganda interests.



Buganda Kingdom Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga has described Daudi Ochieng as a true nationalist who exhibited the qualities of a good leader.

Speaking at the 50th memorial of Ochieng in Aworanga village, Ongako Sub-county in Gulu district on Wednesday, the Katikkiro noted that Ochieng defended Buganda kingdom interests in Parliament faithfully without any fear.

“It gives me great pleasure to stand on this soil that bore this great nationalist. He was loved in Buganda, but much loved at his native place Acholi,” Mr Mayiga said.

“We only wonder what this great man would have achieved for Uganda, if the hands of fate had not taken him in the prime of his life,” he told the congregation that gathered at the post-colonial MP’s home in solemn remembrance.

“As we gather here today, we have fond memories of a true a nationalist who teaches us that to be an Acholi doesn’t stop you from loving a Muganda and to be a patriot, we need to erase our distinct backgrounds,” Mr Mayiga said.

Acholi Paramount Chief, Rwot David Onen Acan II, lauded Buganda kingdom for the gesture, adding that the doors are open for them in the region. “The visit of Buganda Katikkiro is not only for the Ochieng family and his clan but to the entire Acholi as a region and with this the relationship will be strengthened,” Rwot Acan said.

Ocheng’s eldest daughter, Ms Tophie Ochieng, said there is need to revive the love the Buganda kingdom had with the late Ochieng. “There is need to revive and rebuild the relationship with Buganda Kingdom,” she said.

President Museveni, who was represented by Deputy Speaker of Parliament Jacob Oulanyah, asked the children of Ochieng to identify any project to which he would contribute Shs20m.

About Daudi Ochieng

Daudi Ochieng was born in 1925 to Rwot Lacito Oketch from the clan of Temajo and died in 1966. He died a sitting member of parliament for Mityana.

He was also secretary general Kabaka Yekka, a political party that was headed by the then Kabaka of Buganda.

He was a member of the Buganda Lukiiko in 1962. His election as a member of the Lukiiko was a reward he earned for his architect role that brought unification between Kabaka Yekka and the Uganda Peoples Congress Party (UPC) that led to formation of the first independent Ugandan government on October 10, 1962.
Ochieng was one of the three non-Buganda along with Visram, an Asian, and James Simpson to serve as members of the Buganda Lukiiko at the National Assembly.

Ochieng was also a brave politician who shook Uganda’s politics on February 4, 1966, when he moved a motion on the Congo Gold loot scandal implicating former prime minister Apollo Milton Obote and the deputy army commander Col Idi Amin. Uganda army led by Idi Amin who had fought a war against Moise Tshombe’s fighters were accused of looting gold.