1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

African States campaign for protection of African civilians against the civil wars on their territories:

Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014. PHOTO | FILE | AFP
Displaced South Sudanese women walk towards the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) base in Malakal on January 13, 2014



Posted  Sunday, November 20   2016

Rwanda, the Netherlands and the United States have combined forces to push for a robust mandate for UN peacekeepers to protect civilians in conflict zones.

This emerged at the training of 36 officers from the military, police and the civil service of 14 troop-contributing countries in Rwanda.

The course is expected to equip them with skills to protect civilians during peacekeeping missions.

The UN peacekeeping guidelines binds contingents in the field to wait for the green light from their respective governments before they can act, which has been blamed for slow response during crises.

Frédérique de Man, Netherlands ambassador to Rwanda, said commanding officers on the ground come under undue pressure when they have to take decisions to protect civilians in a war zone without clear guidance or with contradicting orders from the mission and the national headquarters.

This contradiction often results from caveats issued by troop-contributing states, directing their soldiers not to engage in combats.

“What we have seen through the years is that often, there are discrepancies between the mandate and what the troops can do,” Ms de Man said.

To address the discrepancies, signatories of the agreement dubbed “the Kigali Principles” will continue to push for enforcement by the United Nations.

“The US is urging the United Nations to attach considerable weight to a country’s commitment to implement the Kigali Principle when contributing units for peacekeeping operations, particularly those missions that are operating in environments with a civilians’ protection mandate,” said Matthew Roth, deputy chief of mission, US embassy in Rwanda said at the opening of the course.

Thirty-seven countries have signed the Kigali Principles, which Mr Roth was a milestone only one year after the principles were adopted.

“I think the fact that, in less than five months, another seven nations will have signed the, principles, which shows that we are moving in the right direction for the protection of civilians around the world” Mr Roth said.

Countries that have signed include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda the US and France.

“The aim of this course is to develop understanding of the inadequacy of theories, policies and other legal instruments for the protection of civilians when they are confronted with the realities in peacekeeping missions and how to bridge the gap using the Kigali Principles as supplements to the current UN guidelines,” said Brig Gen Chris Murari, officer in charge of operations and training in the Rwanda Defence Forces.

Rwandan Minister for Justice Johnston Busingye urged participants to adapt to the “contemporary environment of peacekeeping” and “emerging threats,” and act in the best interests of civilians.

The primary responsibility is put on commanders of the peacekeeping troops on site, whom the Kigali Principles want given power to make decisions. Participants of the course are drawn from Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Tanzania Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, The Netherlands and USA.

What is a war crime? How are suspects tried?


Added 28th September 2016

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

Syrian rescuers hold the body of a girl after pulling it from rubble of a building following government forces air strikes in Aleppo. AFP Photo

As Aleppo reels from air strikes, UN chief Ban Ki-moon has warned the use of bunker bombs and other advanced munitions against Syria civilians may constitute a war crime.

Here are five facts about war crimes, and the long, arduous legal process to bring perpetrators to justice.

Definition of a war crime

Violations of the Geneva Conventions adopted in 1949 following World War II are commonly called "war crimes".

In broad terms, the conventions cover protection of civilians, treatment of prisoners and care for the wounded.

They form the basis of the 1998 Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the world's only permanent court for prosecuting war crimes -- the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Article 8 of the Rome Statute sets out more than 50 examples which could be considered a war crime.

They include wilful killing, torture, taking of hostages, unlawful deportations, intentionally directing attacks against civilians not taking part in hostilities, and deliberately attacking aid and peacekeeping missions.

Using poisonous gases, internationally-banned weapons which cause "superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate" -- such as cluster bombs or incendiary weapons -- or bullets "which expand and flatten easily in the human body" are also considered a war crime.

Legal history

International treaties on the laws of war first began being formulated in the mid-1800s. But most such as The Hague Conventions, adopted in 1899 and in 1907, dealt mainly with the treatment of combatants not civilians.

The first high-profile war crimes trials of the modern era were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo in tribunals set up by the Allies to try German and Japanese leaders.

In May 1993, at the height of the Balkans wars, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) based in The Hague.

Since its inception, the ICTY has indicted 161 people, of whom 83 have been sentenced, including former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

Following the genocide in Rwanda, the UN then set up the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1994 in Arusha to prosecute those behind the killings of at least 800,000 people.

Both courts highlighted the need for a permanent war crimes tribunal, which gave rise to the ICC.

Prosecutions at the ICC

The ICC began work in The Hague in 2003, a year after its statute came into force. To date, 124 countries have signed up to the statute, including 34 from Africa -- the biggest regional group -- and 28 from Latin America and the Caribbean.

A country that has signed up to the treaty or whose citizens have been the victims of crimes may refer cases to the ICC's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, for investigation.

Cases may also be referred by the United Nations Security Council or the prosecutor can initiate her own investigations with permission from the judges providing member states are involved, or a non-member state can agree to accept the court's jurisdiction.

Any group or individual can report alleged crimes, but it is up to prosecutor to first see whether they fall under her jurisdiction.

So far 23 cases have been brought before the court, and four verdicts -- three guilty, one acquittal -- have been issued.

They include former Congolese militia leader Jean-Pierre Bemba sentenced to 18 years in jail on three counts of war crimes and two charges of crimes against humanity.

Preliminary inquiries or full investigations are also ongoing into situations in 19 countries or territories, with charges yet to be brought.

The situation with Syria

Syria is not a signatory to the ICC. Nor are the other major players in the complex conflict -- Russia, the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

As a result, the prosecutor would need a UN mandate to investigate any alleged crimes committed by the government or the rebels in the five-year war in the country -- including the use of chemical weapons.

Attempts to refer Syria to the ICC were vetoed at the UN Security Council in 2014 by Russia and China, to the dismay of human rights groups.

Will alleged war crimes in Syria ever be tried?

While the war continues, it is unlikely any prosecutions can be brought before the ICC.

Experts believe accountability will have to be tackled in any eventual peace process. Many argue the best scenario would be some kind of hybrid court based in Syria, but perhaps staffed by a mixture of local and international judges.

The North Sudan issues flood warning as the famous African River Nile rises its African ancient banks

The Blue Nile, in Ethiopia.


Posted: 12th August 2016

Sudanese authorities on

Wednesday warned people living near the banks of the Nile to be wary of flooding, after two weeks of heavy rainfall killed dozens across the country.

Authorities said water levels were rising on the Blue Nile along the border with Ethiopia after continuous rainfall in that country.

The Blue Nile flows to Khartoum where it meets the White Nile and they become the Nile, which flows into Egypt.

"The Blue Nile is rising because of continuous heavy rainfall in Ethiopia," Mohameddin Abu al-Qasim of the interior ministry told AFP.

"We warn residents living on both sides of the Nile to be cautious."

The water levels were rising particularly rapidly in the state of Blue Nile bordering Ethiopia, the official news agency SUNA reported.

At least 76 people have been killed due to flooding elsewhere in Sudan, Interior Minister Ismat Abdul-Rahman said last week.

The United Nations aid agencies had warned of flooding in Sudan between July and November this year.

The most affected states are Kassala, Sennar, South Kordofan, West Kordofan and North Darfur, said the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.

"Heavy rain and flooding since early June have affected over 122,000 people and destroyed over 13,000 houses in many parts of Sudan," it said in a statement released on Wednesday.

A downpour in August 2013 was the worst to hit Khartoum in 25 years, affecting tens of thousands of people, the UN said.

Those floods had killed about 50 people nationwide, most of them in the capital.

The bitter truth of history of the African tribe of the Bakiga in trying to fight British colonialism:

The Former Life President,

Idi Amin of Uganda

By Faustin Mugabe

Posted:Saturday, February 1st   2016

When the Bakiga lobbied for Gen Idi Amin to be crowned life president and also be given the highest military title of Field Marshal, not many Ugandans had heard of the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale adage.

Ancient Bahororo had coined the saying Akaryeija kararuga Kabale (the surprise/trouble would emerge from Kabale).

The Bahororo lived in former Mpororo kingdom, north of present-day Kabale District. The kingdom was dissolved in 1902 by British colonialists in order to let the Bashambo upper class of the kingdom live with the Bairu-Bahororo in harmony.

But even after that, a rift between the Bashambo-Bahororo (the rulers) and Bairu-Bahororo (the subjects) continued to exist. The rift had existed since the establishment of the kingdom around 1840’s. Nonetheless, the two lived together.

Bakiga crown Amin life president

When the “Kigezi proposal” to crown Amin life president of Uganda and also be promoted Field Marshal became a reality, the Bahororo’s proverb Akaryeija kararuga Kabale had manifested once more.

On January 24, 1973, residents of Kamwezi Sub-county in Kabale District, Kigezi sub-region, made history.

Although it is not recorded who among the 3,000 who gathered at Kamwezi Sub-county headquarters proposed that Amin be made life president and promoted from four-star General to Field Marshal, what is well documented is that the gathering was chaired by Mr Karegyesa, the Kamwezi Sub-county chief.

The Kigezi proposal was later sold to the Eishengyero Rya Ankole (Ankole District Council).

After the September 1972 invasion by rebels from Tanzania through Mutukula and Isingiro in southern Uganda, no local leader wanted to be labelled a rebel associate.

Besides, at the time many believed in Amin’s leadership and wanted to be so close to the establishment.

Perhaps, the reason to crown Amin life president was to appease him after he visited Kigezi District and warned of severe consequences if anyone was caught supporting the guerrillas who were, according to the intelligence, operating in the area because of its proximity to Tanzania, the country sheltering them.

And to prove that they supported the government, it is believed, they wanted Amin to be crowned life president.

In late January 1973, a second meeting of chiefs and elders from the two districts was held at Kamukuzi, Mbarara District headquarters in the presence of Lt Col Ali, the commanding officer of Simba Battalion in Mbarara District.

The meeting had been hosted to review the security situation in both districts following the recruitment of guerrillas, particularly in Kigezi sub-region at the time.

On January 31, 1973, the Voice of Uganda newspaper carried a lead story: “Make him life president call.”

It had a sub title: “Ankole, Kigezi people make historic proposal on Gen Amin’s leadership and urge all Ugandans to support.”

The story in part read: “The Defence Council has been urged by the people of Kigezi and Ankole to consider very seriously the proposal of making General Idi Amin Uganda’s life president and they have also appealed to all Ugandans to support the proposal.”

At the Kamukuzi meeting, nine reasons were forwarded for why Amin should be made life president. They included:

1. Abolishing of political parties which had divided Ugandans

2. Abolishing of the General Service Unit and Kondoism (thuggery)

3. Expulsion of Indians

4. Expulsion of Israelis

5. Expulsion of the British

6. Abolishing of mini-skirts and dresses

7. Uniting religions in Uganda

8. Bringing back the body of former Kabaka Sir Edward Muteesa II

9. Handing over of the economy to Ugandans.

It would seem the Defence Council took the Kamwezi proposal to Amin and he liked it.

In late 1974, Amin accepted the life president title to be bestowed on him by the Defence Council. And on July 15, 1975, at a function hosted at State House Entebbe, Amin was promoted to Field Marshal. The Defence Council gave eight reasons for promoting him to that rank.

Bahororo saying

The Bahororo could have invented the Akaryeija kararuga Kabale saying because they had witnessed unusual happenings in and around Kabale area, or State as ancient tribes often referred to each other.

For instance, in September 1909, there had emerged the notorious Nyabingyi Movement, a religious/ militant cult led by a priestess, Nyiragahumuza, who claimed to be fighting colonialists.

The movement went on, though in different phases, until September 1945 when Nyiragahumuza died.

She died in a prison at Kakeka, Mengo, near Kampala, according to available records. Since never before had the Bakiga and Bahororo heard of a woman commanding a war, the saying akaryeija kararuga Kabale was thus brought to life.

Kabale public executions

February 27, 1918: The public execution of two former Nyabingyi fighters, Baguma and Bagorogoza, at what is now Kabale stadium proved the Bahororo’s prediction.

The duo was executed by the guillotine after British colonialist and Kigezi District Commissioner J. H. G. McDougall found the two guilty of participating in the infamous Nyakishenyi battle of August 27, 1917 in which a British camp was destroyed and several people killed.

February 10, 1973: On that day, Kabale residents witnessed the second public execution. Joseph Bitwari, James Karambuzi and David K. Tusingwire, part of the Yoweri Museveni-led Fronasa group, were executed at Kabale stadium by firing squad conducted by the Uganda Army .

Really Uganda was not a colony of Europe. It was a Protecto

rate of Europe. One reckon freedom fighters in the Protecto

rate of Uganda after Indepen

dence are called liberators from African tyranny.


 (Resist African Tyranny)


President Museveni at the unveilling of the Rugando monument in Mbarara district in 2012. The monument was erected in memory of the victims of the 1979 anti-Amin struggle

President Yoweri Museveni will unveil a monument in memory of the victims of the National Resistance Army (NRA) struggle at Dwaniro subcounty headquarters in the central district of Kiboga on Heroes' Day next week.

According to government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, the unveiling of the monument will precede the day’s main celebrations at Katwe PS grounds in the same district. Opondo said Dwaniro had been selected because it was the epicenter of the liberation war that steered the ruling NRM government into power.

Heroes’ Day(NRM) is celebrated every June 9 in memory of citizens who have contributed to the nation building. However, the public holiday’s national celebration ceremonies have been criticized by the opposition, with the choice of heroes raising eyebrows and the event’s pomp often described as wastage of tax payers’ money.



An old war bomb has killed two in Nakaseke, in the historical Luwero war zone:

Mr Abdul Kasakya, a survivor of the blast, at Nakaseke Hospital.


PHOTO by Dan


Article by:
By Dan Wandera

Posted  Tuesday, March 10  2015


Nakaseke, Buganda State, Uganda.

Police in Nakaseke District have confirmed two people killed and one injured when an object suspected to be abandoned war material exploded at Kamusenene village in Ngoma Subcounty at the weekend.

Police have identified the deceased as Dan Ssemakadde, a resident of Kiwoko village Wakyato Sub-county and Simeo Mukwaya Kabaya, a resident of Kiwoko Town in Nakaseke. The injured currently admitted to Nakaseke Hospital, has been identified as Abdul Kasakya, a resident of Kayunga District. 

“We suspect that the explosive could be an abandoned war material which exploded after the victims tampered with it as they went on with their charcoal burning process. Simeo Mukwaya died on spot while Dan Ssemakadde died at Nakaseke Hospital shortly after admission,” Mr Lameck Kigozi, the Police Spokesperson Savanah Region, told Daily Monitor.

According to Kasakya, they did not notice they had any metal as they carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning at Kamusenene village.

“Saturday morning was very normal as we carried logs in preparation for charcoal burning. I did not see any suspicious material in form of a metal around us but there was something which looked like a stone. I heard a loud burst and a cloud of dust. I did not know that i had been injured but tried to look for my two friends whom I could not locate at that particular time. I only came to my senses when we were being lifted up by residents and police,” Kasakya said.

Mr Kigozi said police are waiting for ballistic experts from UPDF to help police identify the type of explosive.



A British Navy rescues African and Arabic refugees in the Med Sea.

A Royal Marine from HMS Bulwark watches over refugees on a Royal Navy Landing Craft in the Mediterranean (Ministry of Defence)

The Royal Navy's flagship has rescued a more than 100 refugees adrift in the Mediterranean - its first mission since being deployed in the region.

HMS Bulwark was despatched to the Mediterranean on Monday as part of David Cameron's promise to help tackle the migrant crisis, which has cost the lives of nearly 1,800 people this year.

The 19,000-tonne assault ship picked up 110 migrants today after inspecting a suspicious rubber boat. With the help of the Italian coastguard, the migrants were taken to land.

A Ministry of Defence spokesman said last night: "HMS Bulwark, working with the Italian coastguard, today investigated a large rubber boat with approximately 110 individuals on board.

"The individuals were rescued using Bulwark's landing craft before being transferred on to the Italian coastguard's vessel and taken to land. Everyone was transferred safely and HMS Bulwark remains on task."

The Prime Minister pledged the ship on April 23 ahead of an emergency EU summit to discuss how European countries could cooperate to prevent the deaths of thousands this summer.

Speaking outside the Brussels meeting, Mr Cameron said: "Saving lives means rescuing these poor people, but it also means smashing the gangs and stabilising the region.

"Now Britain, as ever, will help. We'll use our aid budget to help stabilise neighbouring countries. And as the country in Europe with the biggest defence budget, we can make a real contribution."

Mr Cameron also pledged three Merlin helicopters to the rescue effort.

HMS Bulwark, a landing platform dock, is designed to put ashore Royal Marine commandos in assaults by sea, by boats launched from the dock compartment, and from two helicopters from the deck.

It has a nautical range of 8,000 miles and can carry up to 700 troops on top of a crew of 325.

The MoD said earlier that the Prime Minister had made clear to the European Council that Britain would play a role in tackling the current crisis in the Mediterranean, but would not offer refugees asylum in the UK.


Great Britain used to rule the global waves. Many of these refugees are from the political confusion Great Britain caused in their countries as it consolidated its abruptly ended recent British Empire. These refugees therefore should be given a UN mandate to be resettled back to their lands with all the protection against political and military neo-colonialism that is causing so much disorder and social  chaos in this world order.

The United Kingdom Government is attempting to keep details of a  secret security agreement  with Saudi Arabia, hidden from the British people:

© Reuters/PA Wire Theresa May and Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz

The British Government signed a secret security pact with Saudi Arabia and is now attempting to prevent details of the deal from being made public.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef during a visit to the Kingdom last year.

The Home Office released no details of her trip at the time or announced that the deal had been signed. The only public acknowledgement was a year later in a Foreign Office report which obliquely referenced an agreement to “modernise the Ministry of the Interior”.

But now following a Freedom of Information request from the Liberal Democrats, who were in Government at the time, it has emerged that the agreement is far wider than has been acknowledged.

In its grounds for refusing to publish details of the memorandum the Home Office has admitted it “contains information relating to the UK’s security co-operation with Saudi Arabia”.

Releasing the document it says “would damage the UK’s bilateral relationship” with the Kingdom and potentially damage Britain’s national security.

The Home Secretary Theresa May agreed to the so-called ‘memorandum of understanding’ with her Saudi counter-part Crown Prince Muhammad bin Nayef

Human rights groups have expressed alarm at the secretive nature of the deal with a regime which has been condemned for its human rights record.

In February the Kingdom adopted a new anti-terrorism law that defines terrorism as words or actions deemed by the authorities to be directly or indirectly “disturbing” to public order or “destabilizing the security of society.

In March, a series of decrees promulgated by the Interior Ministry extended Saudi Arabia’s extended the definition of further to include “calling for atheist thought” and “contacting any groups or individuals opposed to the Kingdom”, as well as “seeking to disrupt national unity” by calling for protests.

The Ministry of the Interior is also responsible for carrying out executions such as the threatened beheading of Ali Mohammed Baqir al-Nimr for taking part in anti-government protests and allegedly attacking security forces when he was 17. Mr Ali al-Nimr supporters claim he was tortured while in detention.

© Provided by The Independent Prince Khalid bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz welcomes British Prime Minister David Cameron (L) as he arrives in Jeddah on November 6, 2012 (Picture: [copyright])

Both Liberal Democrats and Labour have called for Mrs May to provide details of the deal to Parliament and expressed concern that such an agreement should be done behind closed doors without any public scrutiny.

“Deals with nations like Saudi Arabia should not be done in secret,” said the Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron.

“Parliament should be able to hold ministers to account. It is time to shine a light onto the shady corners of our relationship with Saudi Arabia.”

“It is time we stood up for civil liberties, human rights and not turn a blind eye because the House of Saud are our ‘allies’”.

The emergence of the agreement comes after the Justice Secretary Michael Gove announced he was cancelling a £5.9 million contract to provide a training programme for prisons in the Saudi Arabia.

The contract had attracted widespread criticism but when the cancellation was announced it led to a diplomatic row with the Saudi leadership who threatened to withdraw Saudi ambassador in London pending a review of relations with the UK.

In an attempt to placate the Saudis, David Cameron sent a personal message to King Salman bin Abdul Aziz bin Saud, while the Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond was dispatched to Riyadh to rebuild bridges.

Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn said that while Saudi Arabia had undoubtedly provided assistance to Britain in dealing with threats in recent years it had also clamped down on fundamental freedoms, such as free speech.

“Any assistance to their interior ministry needs to be in line with our commitment to human rights worldwide,” he said.

“Given the UK Government's recent decision to pull out of a deal with the Saudi Ministry of Justice on prisons, it is imperative that the FCO and the Home Office provide details on what this MOU with the Saudis involves so Parliament and the public can be assured that it is compliant with our treaty obligations and British values. Ministers should not hide behind the cloak of national security and should instead be open about the nature of this arrangement.

Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen described the memorandum as a “murky deal”.

“We’d like to know what efforts are being made by UK officials to challenge and prevent abuses in Saudi Arabia’s highly abusive justice system?” she said.

“This murky MoU deal was set up shortly after the Saudi Interior Ministry was granted draconian new powers to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects without a lawyer for 90 days. Have Theresa May’s officials ever asked their counterparts to scale back on these excessive powers?

“The UK already has a track record of selling vast quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia while remaining markedly reluctant to publicly criticise Riyadh for its atrocious human rights record.

“With people like the blogger Raif Badawi still languishing in jail and the teenage protester Ali al-Nimr still facing a possible execution, secret deals between the UK and Saudi leave a very bad taste.”

A Home Office spokesman said they could not comment on the memorandum.

An African School in Tanzania built by the President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni 

The village of Muhutwe in Kagera region has a special relationship with Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni. During his years in exile from Uganda he spent some time at Muhutwe, in the western Tanzania region of Kagera.

The house where President Museveni lived in the village of Muhutwe.

He reportedly lived in the house, pictured above, where he rented a small room. My guide during the trip to Muhutwe told me the room was packed with books. The landlord did not know who Museveni was until Museveni returned to the village of Muhutwe as president of Uganda and visited his former residence.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.

President Museveni not only decided to build a house for his former landlord, but even decided that two secondary schools should be built in Muleba district: one at Muhutwe, and another one at Kamachumu.

Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.
Nyarigamba Secondary School.

The decision was not received with approval by some Ugandans who complained that President Museveni should have spent that money in Uganda.

According the the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Ibrahim Mukiibi, the schools were built as a gesture of friendship from Ugandans to Tanzania for the good job that the Tanzanian army had done in the war that toppled the former ruler, Idi Amin in 1979.

Mr Crispy Kaheru

Uganda is currently undergoing a serious political crisis triggered by the continued contestation of the February 18, 2016 presidential election results by a section of the political actors that participated in that election.

The government, Electoral Commission and the NRM party are contented with the way the election was conducted. On the other hand, the opposition, civil society organisations as well as local and international observers remain dissatisfied with the way the election was managed.

Election observation outfits (with the exception of the African Union and the East African Community [maybe]) have described the conduct of the election as having been inconsistent with the country’s obligation under Article 25 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to hold genuine elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters.

The results of the last presidential election as announced by the Electoral Commission and the decision of the Supreme court have not brought an end to the country’s political contestations; neither have they conferred legitimacy on the outcome of the election in the minds of a significant section of the Ugandan society.

However, this was not entirely new. Ugandans have consistently faced the same political and electoral challenges after each election – especially since 2001.

It is actually regrettable that over the years, similar political and electoral crises have been glossed over, only for the same crises to reoccur on higher scales.

As of today, the events taking place in the country, including the arrests of key opposition figures, incidents of police brutality on ordinary citizens, the ban on the media live coverage of opposition activities and the restrictions imposed on social media, are only representative of a deteriorating political and security situation in the country.

We must appreciate that the current crisis, though electoral in nature, it is deeply rooted in broader political and governance challenges. If not comprehensively addressed, the current political crisis could further lead to a severe fracture in the social fabric of the Ugandan state and thus exacerbate the polarization and possible paralysis of the political and socio-economic system in Uganda.

The existing political stalemate presents Uganda with an opportunity not only to address the historical and political causes of this very prevailing situation, but also with a remarkable chance to discuss and, through a national dialogue and consensus, pave a new political and electoral path for Uganda.

Up until now, a number of stakeholders have recognized the need, and are calling for a people-to-people national conversation as a platform to tackle the escalating tension in the country. This national conversation is, indeed, critical if the country is to move forward.

It is incumbent upon all political actors to ensure that every effort to address the prevailing political challenges in Uganda is through peaceful means. At this moment in time, stakeholders in the electoral process and the citizenry ought to urgently activate a national peace architecture.

This peace infrastructure should rely on existing capacity within our society. Institutions such as the elders’ forum, Inter Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), the Women Situation Room (WSR), the National Consultative Forum (NCF) and the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) should lead processes around an inclusive dialogue – with the aim of addressing the root causes of the current political and electoral crisis.

In countries such as Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Kenya, etc, the role of the international community in internal dialogue processes has been substantive.

Most of the dialogue processes have taken place under the auspices of the international community and regional structures/institutions. Their support in capacity building and expert assistance cannot be underestimated – and, therefore, must be sought.

What the current situation has exposed is the necessity to develop a long-term perspective on sustainable political dialogue for Uganda – either under the auspices of state institutions, or as extraordinary measures.

The author is the coordinator, Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU).


Indeed back to square one of the Ugandan historic times of the 1960s when about 15 tribal states created what now is an Anglophile Uganda state. M7 does not want to hear all that. He calls it  all political chaos that he alone came to mend.

Wano e Buganda, Omusajja Omuganda Avuddeyo okuvuganya Ssemujju Nganda mukulonda okujja okwa 2021:

Era agabudde Bishop Luwalira ekijjulo:

By Lawrence Kitatta


Added 17th November 2018



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Kumukono gwa Bishop ogwa kkono ye Mr Jimmy Lukwago 


MUNNAKIBIINA kya DP eyeesowoddeyo okuvuganya ku bubaka bwa  Munisipaali ye Kira mu palamenti Jimmy Lukwago alaze amaanyi nga akyazizza omulabirizi Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira mu makaage n’awera okukunkumula Semuju Nganda omukono mu kibya.


Ekijjulo ekyamanyi ekijudde ebyomwoyo nebyobufuzi 


Ono eyabadde mu makaage agasangibwa e Najeera yasabye omulabirizi Luwalira amusabireko mu ngeri ey'enjawulo asobole okufuna omukisa ogumuyingiza Palamenti ye ggwanga kuba awulira ekifo ekyo akyuesunga.

 Bishop nga abuuza ku ndiga ze wano e Buganda




Wabula Luwalira yasinzidde ku mukolo guno n'avumirira ebikolwa ebyobukambwe ebigenda mumaaso mu ggwanga omuli obukyayi, obutaagaliza, effutwa, efubirizi, okulumya abalala n’ebirara ebigwa mu kkowe eryo nasaba abantu okusabira eggwanga lino kuba lyolekedde awantu awazibu


 Awaka wa Mr Jimmy Lukwago nga ne Uganda Military Police yenyigidemu okukuuma edembe


Gwe Sebo Jimmy Lukwago mukulu wo Ssemujju Nganda gwebasibidde ne munyumba ye aleme okufuluma, nokwogera, bwanakusinga mukalulu kano kewesunze akasemberede 2021, Bishop Luwalira yanakabasalirawo ani asinze munne wano e Buganda?


Kakati 19 November, 2018 era ebulayo omwezi gumu gwokka bweguti omwaka gwa Parliamenti guggwe ko nga tewali kikoleddwa kyonna mukulongosa mubyokulonda kwa Uganda.


Bano aba DP mu Buganda bo webali kubuzabuza baganda nga nabamaddini bwebabegattako. Mbadde nti Kkooti za Uganda bwezawulira okukaaba kwammwe jjo jjuuzi nti okulonda mu Uganda kukubira nebagamba mutekewo reforms mubyokulonda kuno nga omwaka guno tegunaba kuggwako. Era Kooti nga eringa egamba nti bwemutakikole mukulonda okujja nga 2021 akalulu gwekanasala mubukyamu tatawanya nga kuloopera mu Kkooti za Uganda oyo anaba amusinze!






Uganda egenda kutuuza ''CHOGM'' omulala omwaka ogujja.

By Muwanga Kakooza


Added 9th November 2018



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UGANDA egenda kutuuza olukiiko olugatta palamenti z’amawanga agali mu luse olumu ne Bungereza oluvannyuma lw’okumala emyaka egisoba mu 50 nga terutuuza.

Olukung’ana lusuubirwa okutuula e Munyonyo era ababaka ba palamenti abava mu mawanga gano bajja kufuna omukisa okulambula ebitundu bya Uganda ebitali bimu bye banaaba basiimye.

Sipiika wa palamenti Rebecca Kadaga bino yategeezezza akakiiko akafuzi ak’ekibiina ekigatta palamenti z’amawanga agali mu luse olumu ne Bungereza olwa ‘Common Wealth Parliamentary Conference,okusinziira ku kiandiiko ekyafulumiziddwa palamenti ya Uganda.’

Yagambye nti akakiiko akategesi kassiddwawo palamenti ya Uganda okulondoola enteekateeka nga bwe  zinaatambula. Uganda yakoma okutegeka olukung’ana bwe luti mu 1967.

Kyokka mu nsisinkano ya sipiika n’abakulira akakiiko akafuzi aka palamenti y’amawanga agali mu luse olumu ne Bungereza olwabadde mu Westminister  yagambye nti ebintu bingi ebigenze bikyuka mu Uganda kyokka eky’abantu baayo okuba nga bamanyi okwaniriza abagenyi kikyaliwo.


Singa gwe Parliamenti ya Uganda emanyi enyo okwaniriza abagenyi nga bano obategeeza kubuzibu buno kyandiyambye nyo Uganda nesonyiyibwa amabanja gano agajjuddemu obulyazamanyi buli lunnaku bwetusoma mumawulire ga Uganda.


Kusigala mumabanja agensimbi za Uganda nagensimbi endala mumawanga agabanja Uganda kakati agasukka 25.


Buganda okugenda mumaaso okusigala munfuga ya Commonwealth eya Bungereza kifuuse mutego gwa Bungereza kutunulira nga yesekera, agaali amatwale abantu bayo, abaana nabazzukulu, kubeera mumabanja amayitirivu okutuusa Isa Masiya lwalikomawo.






Nadduli alumbye bannaddiini abaatabukidde aba NRM ku kuggya ekkomo ku myaka: 

Hajinaddulikumukologyeyagugumbuliddebannaddiini 703x422

Hajji Naduli ng'ayogerera ku mukolo kwe yagugumbulidde bannaddiini


28 December, 2017



MINISITA atalina mulimu gwa nkalakkalira, Haji Abdul Nadduli alangidde bannaddiini abaasinzidde mu kubuulira ku Ssekukkulu ne bavumirira ababaka olw'okukwata ku Ssemateeka naddala ku kkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti n'agamba nti baalaze bunyiivu kuba baabatebuka nga baalina olukwe olusuula Gavumenti ne balulinnyamu eggere.

Yabawabudde bagendere ku bye babuulira abantu nti "teri bukulembeze butava eri Katonda" baleme kuvuma ne bafaanana ng'omuyimbi ayimba oluyimba lw'atamanyi n'asaba abantu Museveni bamwagale bwagazi n'okumuwagira okutuusa Katonda lwalimutta n'agenda kuba bye baliko ssinga baabikola ku mulembe gwa Obote oba Amin ssinga ze mbuyaga ezikaza engoye.

"Babadde n'olukwe olusuula gavumenti eno ng'emabega waabwe waliyo ekirala era okunyiiga olutentezi okuva nga Dec 20 kitegeeza waliyo omugaati gwe twabasuuza ne guva mu kamwa ne gugwa mu kidiba era tebamanyi kiddako", Haji Naduli bwe yagambye.

Yasinzidde Bukalasa e Wobulenzi mu Luweero ku kabaga omubaka omukazi owa Luweero Ying Lilian Nakate ke yakoledde abakulembeze okubayozaayoza omwaka n'okusala entotto mu mwaka omugya n'agamba nti Togikwatako ngombo eriwo leero nga ekya ejja kuvaawo.


Nadduli yakinagguse nti abakola bino bamala biseera n'abajuliza nti bwe yali akyali mu DP baasibira Obote ssemufu naye teyagenda okutuusa lwe beesogga ensiko ne bakekeza enyago n'awa amagezi abataagala Museveni bave mu by'kusiba obutambaala bakole ekintu kye kimu kyokka nga bakimanyi nti gavumenti eno yajja gawanye era nnywevu nga bajja kubasangayo munsiko babattireyo.


Nadduli yasabye abavubuka mu Buganda okwewala be yayise abali mu kusaaga ne babawabya nga babassaamu ebya "defiance" wabula babeere n'amayisa amalungi era abawulize nga bwe beteekateeka kuba baagala anaddira Museveni mu bigere ave wano mu Buganda

Omubaka wa Katikamu South mu palamenti Edward sembatya Ndawula naye yayambalidde abantu ababaleeteko olujeejeemo olw'okukwata ku ssemateeka babaveeko kuba kye baakoze tebakyajjusa ng'ababaka abajjira ku kaadi ya NRM era n'asekerera abaali bamulaalise mu 2021 nti nakyo bakyongeddeyo bamulinde 2023.

Omubaka Nakate yagambye nti yagikwatako kuba abantu abasinga kye baamutuma wadde waliwo ebitundu 40% abaamugaana okugikwatako n'asaba abantu babeere bakakkamu ku bigenda mu maaso.

Okujjako okwesuulamu akalogojo, owone amabanja!


Mukulu ayogera, mulutalo lwammwe e Luweero olwokubba obululu, abaserikale ba Obote wammwe, bameka bewakuba amasasi nebafiirawo mbulage naye ggwe yadde esasi erimu bweriti nelitakukwatako.


Buganda edemu entalo, abantu baffe baffe. Bo bakawonawo bawone bajje bafuge?Olwo lwonna nga kiki enyo


Osekerera ate newesimisa abagala okutabaala entalo nebawona obutabattirayo.


Welimbe nyo bwoba osubira nti adira Mzee mu bigere ayinza kuva mu Buganda nkusekerede. Mwe muriwo okubera used . Kugoberera . Others lead and you follow . Ate nemwesa kubutala ngamuwagira . Oba murivadi muturo.





The Story behind why the CMI is arresting police officers in Uganda:

Under probe.  ASP Nixon Agasirwe (front) and

Under probe. ASP Nixon Agasirwe (front) and others being led to the General Court Martial recently. PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA 

By Monitor Team


UGANDA, Kampala. When senior police officers were arrested by the Chieftaincy Military Intelligence (CMI) on or about October 24, several assumptions were advanced regarding the cause of the arrests. 
One speculation linked the arrests to the murder of former police spokesman Felix Andrew Kaweesi while another pointed to the police officers’ role in the illegal extradition of perceived Rwandan dissident refugees from Uganda back home where they faced persecution and prosecution. 
There were some other theories about the arrests but they are of little significance.

The accused officers are: Senior Commissioner of Police Joel Aguma, Senior Superintendent of Police Nixon Agasirwe and five others.
Daily Monitor has established there were particular incidents that happened both at and outside State House that took place in the build-up to the arrests. 
A week before the arrests, President Museveni had called a meeting of top security chiefs at State House to discuss the arrest of a former Congolese minister at Entebbe airport.

Mr Mbusa Nyamwisi, a former presidential candidate in DR Congo, was arrested by police at Entebbe airport on October 17 as he was leaving the country shortly after meeting President Museveni at State House, Entebbe. 
According to security sources at the airport, Superintendent of Police Innocent Tusiime, currently under detention following arrest by CMI, had been acting as the Aviation Police Commander after Colleb Mwesigye, who died last week, went on sick leave.

The sources said Mr Tusiime ordered Mr Nyamwisi’s arrest despite pleas from officers of the presidential guard Special Forces Command (SFC) who knew him.
“There was scuffle at the airport. We don’t know who had ordered the arrest of Nyamwisi because police defied SFC. We were told there was a [waiting] plane ready to summarily fly him out of the country,” a senior security source at the airport said.

It is not clear who instructed Tusiime to arrest Nyamwisi. But given Nyamwisi’s VIP status, it became inconceivable that an officer of Tusiime’s rank would arrest him without express directives from “a very senior” person in the police hierarchy. 
“Where would he get the audacity to defy Special Forces?” the source wondered.

A security source said the scuffle between the police and SFC soldiers over Nyamwisi’s arrest lasted about two hours until the SFC commander, Col Don Nabaasa, intervened. 
Nyamwisi had already missed his flight but he had been rescued from the police from a seemingly kidnap plot.
Mr Nyamwisi headed a rival Congolese rebel group to the Rwandan-backed faction RCD-Goma during the rebellion against the late DR Congo president Desire Laurent Kabila in the late 1990s.

Two days after the airport fracas, President Museveni summoned senior security chiefs at State House for an urgent meeting. 
The meeting was attended by Chief of Defence Forces, Gen David Muhoozi, Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura, Chief of Military Intelligence, Col Abel Kandiho, Commander of Special Forces, Col Don Nabaasa, presidential adviser on Special Operations, Maj Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, and Director General of Internal Security Organisation, Col Kaka Bagyenda.

Several hours into the intensive deliberations, Gen Kayihura and Col Bagyenda were ordered to leave the meeting. After the departure of Kayihura and Kaka, sources said, President Museveni was also informed of another incident where two Rwandan exiles had arrived at Entebbe airport and were kidnapped by police and taken back home. Their fate is unknown to-date. 
The security chiefs further told the President how about 200 refugees from Rwanda, DR Congo and South Sudan have been kidnapped in the last five years with assistance of Uganda Police and forcibly taken back home. Their fate is unknown to-date.

The sources said the President was further told that security operatives from that country, which is codenamed “the country over there”, had infiltrated the Uganda Police and were kidnapping perceived dissident refugees at will. This ran contrary to Uganda’s appraised hospitality to refugees and friendly refugee policy and was damaging the country’s international image. 
In 2013, the UNHCR representative in Kampala, Mr Muhammed Abdi Adar, had in an interview with BBC raised alarm over the kidnap and disappearance of refugees who he said Uganda had a duty, under international law, to protect.

“I think the actions that have taken place in the last two weeks in which, to my knowledge, some three refugees were abducted or have disappeared really puts the reputation of this country into question,” he told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme on August 22, 2013. 
He added: “My greatest concern is the sense of impunity that refugees, under international protection, could disappear.”
Other issues came up which included Eritrean businessmen who fled their country to start businesses in Uganda and South Sudan but were allegedly being kidnapped here by security operatives in connivance with bank officials.

During the meeting at State House, sources said, the President was told bank officials revealed to security operatives the amount of money these businessmen had on their accounts before they were kidnapped and their money shared between the bankers and the kidnappers.
On October 27, 2016, an Eritrean national, Daniel Weldu Okba Michael, who had accounts in four local banks with a savings credit balance of more than Shs7 billion, was kidnapped by security operatives and forced to sign cheques to them before he was shot dead and his body dumped at a farm in the cross-border district of Busia in Kenya.

Our security sources said after hearing the stunning revelations, President Museveni ordered Gen Muhoozi and Col Kandiho to arrest the police officers implicated in the kidnap of refugees from Rwanda and other neighbouring states. 
“That’s when the case of Lt Joel Mutabazi surfaced because there was evidence against some of the police officers,” the security source told Daily Monitor.

Mr Mutabazi, a former escort of Rwandan President Paul Kagame, was kidnapped in October 2013 from Sky Hotel in Naalya in Kampala and handed over to Rwandan security operatives. In 2014, he was sentenced to life imprisonment.
After his illegal extradition, the then police publicist, now Mityana District Woman MP Judith Nabakooba justified the dubious deportation claiming it was based on a memorandum of understanding (MoU) signed between Gen Kayihura and his Rwandan counterpart to extradite either country’s criminals.

Mutabazi case
However, this purported MoU hit a legal snag. Lt Mutabazi had been declared a refugee under the United Nations convention and would not ordinarily and legally fall under the category of alleged criminals extraditable under such a pact. 
Before his forced repatriation, Rwanda had claimed he was wanted over a bank robbery but he was later charged with conspiracy to kill Kagame and terrorism by throwing grenades in Kigali.

In November 2013, one month after Lt Mutabazi’s kidnap, President Museveni directed CMI not to involve itself in issues of refugees because it was purely a police matter. However, kidnaps continued until a point when Mr Museveni changed his position and asked CMI to take action. 
Last month’s attempted arrest of Nyamwisi at Entebbe airport was the climax that exhausted Mr Museveni’s patience and triggered the CMI crackdown; things fell apart on the implicated police officers.

Some Rwandan cases

• Edward Sankara kidnapped in Masaka in 2014
•Ntabana Emma, a relative to late Col Patrick Karegyeya, kidnapped in 2015.
•Pascal Munirakiza was kidnapped in 2013 but rescued by Office of the Prime Minister.
•Emanuel Munyaruguru kidnapped in January 2014
•Joel Mutabazi was kidnapped on October 25, 2013.
•Jackson Kalemera , Joel Mutabazi’s brother kidnapped in 2013 
• Augustine Nyirikwaya kidnapped on his way to Nakivale in 2014.
•Olivier Rukundo kidnapped in 2014.


In Africa, The Ancient Autonomous State of Buganda has renewed a 49-year ownership lease on its soil for the land- less Central Government of Uganda:

By the Monitor newspaper, Uganda


28 April, 2017


Discussed. Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga (2nd

Discussed. Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga (2nd right) interacts with MPs at the Kingdom headquarters in Bulange Mengo after their meeting.




The Buganda Parliamentary Caucus has asked Buganda Kingdom to reconsider a recent directive by Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi to Buganda Land Board (BLB) for the issuance of land titles to all his subjects and other entities occupying his land with a lease period of 49 years.

The MPs went on and  proposed that a 99-year lease period be granted on Kabaka’s land under Buganda’s new initiative dubbed Kyapa mu Ngalo (a land title at your hands), a period they considered long enough for Kabaka’s subjects to legitimise their tenancy, instead of the suggested 49 years.

Announcing the undertaking recently, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga said the land titles would be valid for a period of 49 years, but renewable at the expiry of that period.

The MPs’ proposal was part of wide range of issues raised in a meeting between the Buganda MPs’ caucus and Mr Mayiga who was flanked by his deputies and members of his cabinet.

The proposal to review the lease years was officially presented by Ms Cissy Namujju, the Woman Member of Parliament for Lwengo District, on behalf of the visiting group, who resounded the public’s fears that the suggested period of 49 years is too short if the exercise is to yield the desired fruits.

The Katikkiro did not give a direct response to the MPs’ concern although he had earlier in his opening remarks explained that the method of renewal for the leases would be automatic at the expiry of the 49 years.

“Renewal is automatic for as long as one fulfils the lease conditions. Most of us may have died and the issue of renewal will be handled by our children. We must maintain a lease system to maintain ownership of the kingdom land,” Mr Mayiga said.

He stressed that in some instances, they will reward commercial developers who will have invested more than $10 million.
Mr Mayiga assured the legislators that the massive lease offer is aimed at creating conclusive evidence of land ownership that will foster development through enabling the masses to access credit facilities as well as get rid of the rampant land conflicts.

He said despite criticism, public response has been good and ‘so far, we have registered about 500 requests for the leases.’
The caucus, according to its chair, Mr Muyanja Ssenyonga, had visited Mengo to get first-hand information on the ongoing ‘Kyapa ku Meeza’ promotion and the controversies surrounding the Buganda Land Board among others.

“We also want to know the development priorities (for Mengo) so that we incorporate them in the national budget as well as seek views of the kingdom on the proposals to form new town councils,” Mr Muyanja said.

Mr Ssenyonga described the meeting as very useful and it was resolved that such meetings would be held on a regular basis to exchange views and get a similar line of transmitting messages affecting the kingdom.


It was around 1965/66 when this same land ownership problem caused a crisis for this Ancient African Kingdom. Central Government was ordered off the Great Sovereign of Buganda. One wonders if the citizens of the whole country of this Kingdom have been Referred to. It is a Kingdom that is taking on the risks and the inefficiencies of what land-less Central Repulican Government has all along been messing up. This Kingdom one hopes has the economic muscle to pay up the misery of accumulated international loans. One reckons it will be the Ganda grand children who will be required to foot such international crippling bills in 50 years time.

Do not say one never told any one about it in this very difficult economic world. One takes on such difficult decisions at ones own peril.

In Uganda, the United States government has joined many African organizations for international calls for the Kasese military massacre inquiry:

A woman weeps on the casket bearing the remains of her relative outside Kasese Municipal Health Centre III mortuary. Photo by Abubaker Lubowa 

UGANDA, Kampala: The US government yesterday backed a call by Human Rights Watch for an international investigation into last year November’s killings in Kasese which left more than 100 people dead.
The renewed calls for an independent inquiry into the bloodbath, almost immediately, drew a sharp response and another flat refusal by the government to determine if Uganda’s armed forces committed mass murder in Kasese.
Released yesterday, HRW said in a second report on the killings committed by both the army and police, especially during the raid on the Obusinga Bwa Rwenzururu’s palace, “warrant an independent, impartial fact-finding mission with international expertise”.

“If given unfettered access to witnesses and forensic evidence”, HRW says “independent experts with a fact-finding mission could determine if the massacre on November 27 should be characterised as a “crime against humanity”.
The international NGO was soon joined by the US Embassy which released a statement saying it “takes note” of HRW’s report and is “deeply troubled” by the “disproportionate use of force by security officials” especially the reports that “no effort to remove unarmed people from the compound was done which may have contributed to the death of numerous children”.
“As noted, previously, the embassy urges government to conduct or permit a fair and independent investigation into this incident in the interest of upholding the rule of law. The Ugandan people deserve a full and factual accounting of the events in Kasese, which government has not yet allowed,” the embassy statement, a copy of which was posted on Ambassador Deborah Malac’s twitter handle, said.

Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye, recently, made a similar call to the European Union (EU) during a closed-door meeting with Mr Koen Vervaeke, the European External Action Service (EEAS) managing director for Africa.
The rights body has also called for the suspension of army and police officials “believed to be most responsible for the killings and other abuses committed during the November violence”.
“Police spokespeople reported the death toll over the two days as 87, including 16 police. Human Rights Watch found the actual number to be much higher – at least 55 people, including at least 14 police, killed on November 26, and more than 100, including at least 15 children, during the attack on the palace compound on November 27.”

But the military spokesman yesterday dismissed the call for an independent investigation into a matter before court as “untenable for now because it is at odds with the sub judice rule.”
Brig. Richard Karemire said Uganda “does not lack independent investigative capability” in case such need arises. Gen. Karemire was addressing journalists at the Government Media Centre, shortly after the report became public.
Without independent investigations, HRW said, the army’s account that the people killed were armed fighters “raises more questions than answers, particularly regarding the actual death toll and why there was no effort to remove unarmed people and children from the compound.”

Ms Maria Burnett, associate Africa director at Human Rights Watch said the Kasese killings “which killed more people than any single event since the height of the war in Northern Uganda over a decade ago, should not be swept under the carpet.” Ms Burnett said the people of Kasese, some still searching “for their family members, including children”, “deserve answers and justice for these gruesome killings”.
At least 95 people in six sub-counties of Kasese district, including many families of the people killed, were reported to have been interviewed by HRW which also reviewed video and photographs of the events in compiling the report.
Security forces who took part in the operation in Kasese dismissed any notion of children having been killed during the raid. But the rights body reported that it spoke to 14 families missing 15 children between ages 3 and 14 who were last seen in the palace compound on November 27.

“Human Rights Watch found evidence, including accounts by confidential sources and medical personnel who witnessed the events, that security officials had misrepresented the number of people killed and eliminated evidence of the children’s deaths.”
The call by both the NGO and US government could likely pile more pressure on Kampala in light of earlier attempts by members of the affected community and other human rights defenders in the country to demand for accountability and justice for the victims with international help.
Last year, a group of mainly opposition MPs from Kasese petitioned the International Criminal Court (ICC), asking for an investigation into possible atrocities committed by both the army and police. The ICC later issued a statement acknowledging receipt of their petition and promised to reply.
President Museveni, Maj. Gen Peter Elwelu (the officer who commanded the army units during the palace attack) and Assistant Inspector General of Police Asuman Mugenyi were singled out in the December 9, 2016 petition which government dismissed as “political posturing”. The MPs sought to move the office of the ICC chief prosecutor to commence investigations into the raid on King Charles Mumbere’s palace among other things.

Quoting the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials which require law enforcement officials, including military units, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to force among other requirements, HRW called for the suspension of the officers who commanded the operation pending investigations.
“The government should promptly investigate, prosecute, and punish those responsible in accordance with international standards. The government should protect witnesses and compensate the families of victims.”
The rights body, particularly, singled out Maj. Gen. Elwelu who was the face of the joint operation. Gen Elwelu was recently promoted and appointed UPDF’s commander Land Forces. At the time of the killings he was a brigadier.
“He should be removed from command pending a full investigation, and should not participate in any internationally-supported training, conferences or joint exercises until investigations conclude,” Human Rights Watch said.

Gen Karemire, however, said the demand to suspend some commanders from their duties “is uncalled for and unacceptable”.
This report comes after HRW’s 2016 report that was released in January 2017 in which the security forces were accused of carrying out at least 13 extra-judicial killings of people in the Rwenzori region shortly after the February 18, 2016 general elections. In that wider report, the NGO implored Uganda’s international partners to “maintain a strong demand for accountability, including support for an independent and impartial investigation with international experts”.
More than 160 people, including the Rwenzuru King, Charles Wesley Mumbere, have been dragged to court on charges including terrorism, aggravated robbery and murder since the incident.



The International Criminal Court is stationed in the European city of Hague to try and protect the human life of millions of African people from their fellow Africans that are determined to stay put in power to the detriment of human suffering. In this Court, a department of Economic crimes should be formed to bring to justice political leaders who are ruling their countries with economic policies that are leading their peoples to the destruction of human life on a very large scale. The destruction of the environment, the cause of incessant civil wars, that are causing human misery and faminie and as such forcing many of the people to flee and immigrate from their home countries. It is unfortunate that the United Nation is very much aware of this MISDEMEANOUR but does not want to take any more action using its strong humanitarian international jurisdiction.

"We are not targeting African leaders" - the International Criminal Court apologises to African leaders. This is indeed a very weak Court that apologises to the likely culprits of this court.

This court must continue to sound out its determination to bring justice to all aspects of the lives of all modern human beings on this planet as a whole. Much more there should be an international economic court where political leaders are prosecuted for intentionally using economic policies that lead to catastrophic civil wars, environmental human degradation and misery, starvation and mass immigration from countries of abode etc.

1st March, 2017



The symbol of the International Criminal Court at the Hague in the European country of The Netherlands.




The International Criminal Court (ICC) president, Judge Silvia Fernández de Gurmendi, has assured African leaders that the world court is not targeting only African leaders to have them prosecuted but rather the court is playing its role of dispensing justice world-wide.
Judge Fernández was, however, quick to admit that the court initiated its investigations legally called situations mainly on the African continent.
The ICC president’s assurances follow last year’s pronouncement by the governments of South Africa, Burundi and The Gambia to withdraw their membership from the ICC over what they described as disproportionate targeting of the continent’s leaders. In particular, President Museveni has on several occasions lashed out at the ICC for allegedly targeting African leaders before referring to them as a bunch of ‘useless’ people.
“It is a useless body, they are a bunch of useless people,” Mr Museveni hit out at the ICC in his swearing-in speech last year at Kololo ceremonial ground.
In April 2013, while speaking at the swearing in ceremony of Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta, Mr Museveni lashed out at ICC saying the West is using The Hague-based court to eliminate certain African leaders they don’t like.
But while responding to questions raised by journalists during a press briefing in Gulu Town yesterday, Ms Fernandez denied that the ICC targets leaders from Africa. She explained that the world court was created out of the Rome Statute to bring individual perpetrators to justice.
“The court indeed focused most of the years on the situations in Africa. But most of them were brought to court by the state partners concerned, the court started its investigation upon request where some of the atrocities were committed,” Ms Fernandez said.
In further defence to prove the court is global, the ICC president gave an example of how the office of the ICC prosecutor opened investigations into crimes committed in Georgia.
She cited the Uganda government, a signatory to the Rome Statute Treaty, which established the ICC Hague-based court, as being among the first African countries to refer cases to the ICC. Uganda referred the LRA’s Joseph Kony situation to the ICC in December 2003.




All human beings on this planet need real universal justice. This is very clear when one looks at the victims that suffer because of errant political leaders all over the world who are greedy for power and go all the way to cause war and loss of life so that they can rule other human beings.

How to donate: South Sudan famine and Somalia, Yemen and Nigeria food crises

Famine has been declared in parts of South Sudan, while Somalia, Yemen and Nigeria are also at risk. Here’s a roundup of some of the main appeals

A mother in South Sudan’s Unity State, whose child is suffering from severe malnutrition
A mother and child in Unity State. Famine has been declared in parts of the state, in the northern-central part of South Sudan. Photograph: Nicolas Peissel/MSF

South Sudan

The UN says roughly 40% of the population are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance and that people are already dying from hunger as a result of famine in parts of the country.

Aid for South Sudan totalling £170m has been announced by the UK government and the EU following the famine declaration.


On Friday, a major international conference, hosted by Nigeria, Norway and Germany, will be held in Oslo with the aim of increasing funding for the crisis in north-east Nigeria and the wider Lake Chad region.

Hundreds of thousands of children under the age of five will suffer from severe acute malnutrition this year, with up to 20% dying unless more is done to reach them, according to the UN children’s fund, Unicef, and other aid organisations.

The estimated number of affected children is now 450,000 (pdf), with 14 million people needing humanitarian assistance across the region.


Aid agencies are warning that urgent action is needed to avert a repeat of the famine that killed 260,000 people in Somalia between 2010 and 2012.

Britain’s Department for International Development pledged £100m to Somalia this week, amid reports that more than 6 million people – half the country’s population – face acute food insecurity.




The UN has launched a $2.1bn (£1.6bn) appeal this year, its largest ever for the country.

Half of the country’s population – more than 14 million people – are hungry and children are dying from malnutrition. The Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC) is hosting a public appeal which has already raised £13m. The DEC unites the fundraising efforts of leading British agencies at times of major disasters overseas, to maximise income from the public.


January 13, 2017

Written by MOSES KHISA








The long serving military President of Uganda with his controlled National Parliament


If there was ever any doubts about our alarmingly-sunken politics, Tuesday produced two politically-lewd acts that underlined the crisis we face, one at the High court and the other at the Constitutional court.

At the High court, a group of members of parliament, led by the reprehensible Samuel Odonga Otto, engaged in shocking display of cheap blackmail, ostensibly fighting for justice in the tragic death of Kenneth Akena.

Since the sad events of that Saturday night at Lugogo, there has been an overwhelming national outpouring for justice in that murder case. But Otto, for one, has continued to trumpet this in ethnic terms, conjuring up the sentiment of this being an Acholi quest for justice. Is Otto the spokesperson of the Acholi?

He has been a beneficiary of the current spoils system and abashedly enjoys the crumbs thrown from the State House dining table. Now, on Tuesday, he took his utterly-despicable sensationalism a notch higher, looping in his own party, the Forum for Democratic Change, and its former presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye, in an imaginary conspiracy to deny justice to the late Akena.

Otto is a lawyer. This, in itself, is a scandal, for one has to wonder how someone qualified as an advocate of the courts of judicature and lawmaker of long standing would put up the theatrics of Tuesday. As it turned, the presiding judge declined to grant bail on the merits of the bail application, and not because of who was present in court.

No criminal case can be meaningfully decided basing on emotions, conspiracies, and alarmist public posturing. If Matthew Kanyamunyu shot Kenneth Akena, Otto, as a lawyer, would be the first to know that prosecution will have to adduce solid evidence and pass the test of reasonable doubt to secure a conviction.

The judge will not convict the suspects because Otto has created a scene at the court. Rather than appear at the High court to wail and issue blackmail threats, if Otto and others are genuinely interested and committed to helping Akena’s family get justice, they should have hired private investigators to piece together evidence and help nail the suspects in a manner that the police can’t do either because of being compromised or simply incompetent.

So, Otto and company are not in this case to ensure justice. They are there to play to the gallery in our sunken politics. This is all the more worrying that cheap populists and opportunists are running the political show while sober and thoughtful statesmen have either conveniently resigned or elected to keep off national politics.

As Otto parades his shallow political gimmickry, where are the voices of moderation and rectitude of the likes of Professor Morris Ogenga-Latigo, a man held in very high regard?

For many of us invested in pushing for a new politics ethic away from the decadent and broken system of the Museveni era, the last thing we want to do is sit back and let the Ottos push our national political discourse further in the gutters.

Still within the precincts of the temple of justice, but at the Constitutional court, another Ugandan acted in a way that one wouldn’t be constrained to draw parallels with Otto. Ordinarily, it would be inappropriate for your columnist to write caustically of the nation’s deputy chief justice.

A judge at any level, let alone a chief justice and the deputy, is entrusted with power and is expected to dispense justice and provide a countervailing balance against the excesses of the powerful who may want to use their positions and power to run roughshod powerless citizens.

Not Steven Kavuma, who one is now hard-pressed to address as “justice,” let alone deputy chief justice. On record for banning praying (of all things in this world!), on Monday evening, Kavuma issued an indefinite ban on discussing or inquiring into the fraudulent case of civil servants who solicited the self-declared owner of all of Uganda’s money, and he agreed, to grant them a whopping Shs 6bn.

The nadir of shamelessness for a civil servant supposed to conduct themselves with decorum and dignity was Kavuma’s recent reported move to amend his official date of birth. He needs to do so to cling on past retirement as he continues dispensing, not justice, as would be expected of a judge, but mercenary services to the political class.

And Kavuma is not alone in this scheme of a burgeoning mafioso industry. The big slew of actors includes a syndicate of crafty lawyers and so-called cadre judges, most notably a lady justice now gaining the reputation of specializing in politically-functional commissions of inquiry.

But even with the glaring travesty of justice, such ostensibly-independent bodies that would be expected to come out strongly in defence of the public good as the Uganda Law Society are either lukewarm or outright absent.

The sum is a country tottering on the brink of total political bankruptcy and moral apocalypse. And with an aging autocrat occupied with shuffling around things in this courtyard and in the key institution that secures him in power, the military, Uganda is up for truly tough times.


The author teaches  political science at Northwestern University/Evanston, Chicago-USA.





The President of Uganda has warned off the Armed Forces of Uganda not to shoot and kill the citizens of this country:

By Moses Walubiri
Added 3rd October 2016


President Yoweri Museveni speaks during the commemoration of the Police Day at Kololo Independence Grounds.


Photos by Roderick Ahimbazwe


President Yoweri Museveni has extolled the Uganda Police Force for working in extremely challenging circumstances and diffusing potentially volatile situations using what he described as "soft power."
Officiating at the National Police Day earlier today, Museveni accused some "elements" of trying to lure government into unleashing deadly force on Ugandans through fomenting trouble in different parts of the country. The National Police Day is designated for every 3rd of October.
"You remember we have been through times when some elements have been trying to cause trouble in the country hoping that we will kill people by unleashing hard power (army). But through using soft power like tear gas, police has been able to contain them," Museveni said.


"They thought we would kill people, no, that will never happen. A Police dog can take you down, but it will not kill you," Museveni said in reference to the Police canine department which had earlier enthralled the audience at Kololo Independence Grounds.
In the wake of the highly contested presidential polls in 2011, Police engaged Dr. Kizza Besigye and a number of politicians in confrontations over the Walk to Work protests.
Government accused Besigye of trying to use the spike in the cost of living to foment trouble akin to that which was spreading across the Arab world that saw long serving rulers in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen ousted.
While gracing festivities to mark 100 years of Police in 2014, Museveni acceded to a request to mark 3rd October National Police Day to celebrate an institution that protects Ugandans and their property in challenging circumstances.
This year's National Police Day was celebrated under the theme of ‘Fostering African Community Policing and Building Bridges between Police and the African Public’.

The political parties in Uganda are puzzled in M7' Movement system of Democracy and rule, as they struggle to choose an opposition leader in the Parliament of Uganda.

                                   Mr Moses Khisa a journalist for the Observer newspaper of Uganda.

In our highly-polluted political environment in Uganda, everything has become murky.

The man who many Ugandans believe won the February 18 presidential poll, Dr Kizza Besigye, is incarcerated in Luzira Maximum-Security prison on the orders of the man who the Electoral Commission suspiciously announced winner of the election.

Besigye’s party president, Mugisha Muntu, faced a conundrum. Sections of the party’s membership and leadership did not want Muntu to appoint the leader of opposition in parliament and chairpersons of several key parliamentary accountability committees. To do so, it has been argued, would be to betray Besigye and bestow legitimacy to an otherwise illegitimate president and government.

But if it is about lending legitimacy to an illegitimate government, one can say the opposition is already doing so in many ways: in courts of law, through the police, and a litany of government agencies that anyone living in Uganda may find difficult to avoid.

So, the argument of rendering legitimacy to an illegitimate regime is a trifle suspect. Museveni does not need opposition endorsement to rule. He only needs his military (both the army and the militarized police) and a constant flow of cash from the treasury. As matters stand now, he has both in sufficient amounts.

From my little knowledge of Muntu, the person and his worldview, he was most certainly going to make appointments to those parliamentary positions reserved for the
biggest opposition party, which is his party – the Forum for Democratic Party. And he made the right decision. If he didn’t, he would have had egg on his face.

There is every likelihood of revolt by self- interested opposition members of parliament, seeking to advance political careers. Self- interest is a primary trait of humanity; so, Muntu will have his hands fully tied. At a broad level, however, there would have been no strategic value in declining to name the leader of opposition and chairpersons of accountability committees.

The struggle against Museveni’s misrule must proceed from all fronts and using all possible avenues, including formal government institutions. Parliament is by far the most important national political site from where to keep exposing the excesses of the regime and counter the machinations used in running down our country.

The manufactured majority of the ruling behemoth will do the usual majoritarian control, but this cannot diminish the urgent need of a well-organized and cohesive opposition voice. Against all pressures of balancing things out, Muntu must appoint individuals with demonstrable sobriety and courage to inspire confidence and valiantly resist the underhand methods authored at State House.

Many Ugandans believe that the Electoral Commission, which is led by Dr Badru Kiggundu, helped General Museveni to a fraudulent victory in February. That the Supreme court duly endorsed the fraud. And that Museveni may be president of Uganda, but an illegitimate one. They believe he is president because he has firm control over the instruments of force, commanded by partisan officers.

Museveni’s chief challenger, Kizza Besigye, by contrast, may have the will of Ugandans and he may have been voted by the majority. But until he takes charge of the state, he remains an opposition leader because there is a ruler in power legitimately or illegitimately.

Being the official opposition in parliament does little to lend legitimacy to Museveni. Parliament derives its mandate from the people and the Constitution, not from Mr Museveni.

Obviously, he wants to be president of everything, including being in charge of parliament, precisely why FDC cannot afford to surrender the little space they have in there. It is the same advice I offered lord mayor- elect Erias Lukwago: it’s strategically-prudent to take up his position at City Hall and use that space. After all, the people of Kampala resoundingly gave him the mandate.

With strategic foresight, the opposition leadership in parliament can build alliances to wrestle down Museveni’s manufactured majority. It may not add much to the struggle against Museveni’s rule if FDC takes up its constitutionally-guaranteed place in parliament, but to do otherwise will make it easier for him to rule fully unconstrained and unchecked: full-blown authoritarianism, a la Ethiopia.

In 2005, the Ethiopian opposition was trapped in the conundrum facing FDC today. Two coalitions of opposition parties believed they had defeated the late Meles Zenawi’s party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). As they declared victory, the coercive apparatus was let loose.

Having rejected the results, the opposition insisted on not entering parliament. In the ensuing confrontation, many opposition leaders were jailed, others fled into exile. In the end, some took up their seats in parliament, others did not. The dilemma of attaining collective action was difficult to overcome.

A combination of state repression and the opposition’s own internal disorganization led to a staggering implosion. During the next elections in 2010, the opposition won only one seat in a parliament of more than 500. Worse still, in the 2015 polls, the opposition won no seat at all.

Would things have been different if the opposition had acted differently in 2005, taken up their parliamentary seats and pressed Meles and EPRDF using the parliamentary space? Probably.

The author teaches political science at Northwestern University/Evanstan, Chicago-USA.

In Uganda, the National Resistance Movement political party did learn and use the 99% winning tactics of the UPC from the National Election of 1980:

                                  Frustrated voters destroy polling material in Kampala following the late

                                  delivering of ballot papers on February 18,2016



As it happened in this election of 2016, there was the tactic of the late opening and early closing

of polling stations in 1980.


By Kalundi Serumaga

Posted  Sunday, February 28   2016 

Firstly, we should take pride in our people, who once again displayed a remarkable faith in the idea of choosing their government. Once again, they went largely unrewarded, except perhaps at the level of local government.

Despite the failure to at least hide what they have done, members of the ruling NRM party are still trying to “sell” what happened last week as not just genuine, but also “normal”.
They are now a mirror image of the many stalwarts of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party who still insist in referring to their 1980-1985 effort as “the elected government”.
This is where the trouble lies.

The NRM’s root justification for being in power is the outcomes of the 1980 election. And today, many in UPC cite the NRM’s current electoral conduct to “prove” that it must have been telling lies in 1980.

In his February 13 Daily Monitor opinion piece, UPC special envoy Joseph Ochieno persevered with this point.

The basic argument is that a few power-hungry individuals began an armed rebellion against a perfectly legitimate authority, and that the current illegalities of those now victorious rebels is a direct result of them never having had a valid political point to begin with.

First of all, we should always remember that the NRA was in fact just one of six different rebel armies that went up against the 1980 UPC regime. Their reasons were many, and they were not all in agreement with even one another.

By trying to narrow the anti-Obote rebellions down to the actions, character and outcomes of the NRA’s particular war, Mr Ochieno tries to cleverly discredit the entire rebellion by focusing on one of its worst examples.

Just because the NRM has become the phenomenal election-rigging machine that we see today, does not mean that the 1980 elections were not also rigged, and that therefore the rebellions were not justified. There is a disingenuous trick of logic in trying to say otherwise.

In fact, this is why the advent of the NRM regime has been the better outcome for the UPC, than say, DP finally taking power, since NRM now has as much to hide about vote stealing, as does the UPC.

It is these “managed histories” that remain a blind spot in our national political discourse, and why an election year in Uganda is always the occasion for political crisis.

Each scheduled election year since independence: 1966/67, 1970/71, 1974, 1979/80, and 1985/86, saw the vote replaced by a violent change of power, or just crisis.

1966 became the year the Independence coalition government fell apart, and prime minister Milton Obote used the military to make himself president.

The army commander of that violent putsch – one General Idi Amin – was to then use the same means to make himself president by ousting Obote in 1971.

The honeymoon period of Amin’s government ended in 1974, with the intelligentsia he had gathered around himself abandoning him to his ways, which is where the Tanzanian invasion found him, and drove him out in 1979.

The crisis of the 1980 election eventually led to Obote’s army commanders throwing him out in 1985. They too were to then be ousted in early 1986, by the rebel armies they had sought to make peace with.

After 1986, we simply saw a switch to a system donor-massaged, stage-managed events, which his has now also gone into crisis.

One of the issues that seriously hampered early efforts in the Ugandan diaspora to expose the NRM government was the fundamental difference between those who had arrived in exile before 1986, and those who came after, the question of the 1980 elections, and its outcomes, were an enormous sticking point.

The “elected government” mantra of the post had the gradual effect of making all those who had become exiles just before 1986, drift towards supporting the just-arrived NRM government.

It is extremely difficult to try and build a human rights coalition among people divided against each other, and in support of respective abusers of human rights.
This remains the challenge today, to some extent.

Rigging is not an event, it is a process referring to the act of setting something up to behave in a certain predetermined way. To ask: “What happened in December 1980?”, is to ask the wrong question. The more effective question is what ended then.

One has to look a bit further back, to May 1980, when a few of the armed factions within the post-Amin coalition conspired to overthrow that government in anticipation of the planned December election, and Paulo Muwanga, a UPC activist of longstanding became the head of State.

The first significant act was the selective creation of constituencies. There was some debate as to whether the constituencies of the last election – held nearly 20 years before – were still applicable.

In the re-drawing, the complaint emerged that areas deemed to have strong DP support were given much larger constituencies than those with a strong UPC following.

Given the electoral system then, where the party winning the greatest number of parliamentary seats would be the one to form government, this naturally meant that fewer voters were needed in some areas to elect an MP, than in others.

A number of UPC parliamentary candidates sailed through unopposed even before polling day, because nobody from the opposing party was nominated to run against them.

In a significant number of those cases, this was actually because those potential candidate had been detained on or before nomination day by the partisan security forces and held until the nomination deadline passed.

Polling was done in separate ballot boxes, with each party having its own. This led to several scenarios.

In some cases, such as in parts of West Nile, armed soldiers stationed inside the polling booths would simply bark at the voters and order them to place their ballot into the UPC box.

In other places, where it was obvious that the boxes of the other parties were receiving more ballots than the UPC one, then one or more of a number of measures were taken.

Since the ballots were indistinguishable from each other except for which box they were placed in, then the box labels were switched so that the fuller box was renamed a UPC one.

In addition, in some heavily DP areas, the authorities simply did not bother to collect the ballot boxes after voting.

Stories are still told by older Ugandans who, as youth, built bonfires and collected sticks and other rudimentary weapons so as to spend the night guarding the ballot boxes, in the vain hope that they would be collected the following morning.

Also, as happened in this election, there was the tactic of the late opening and early closing of polling stations in areas where the non-UPC parties were known to be popular.

We can all decide for ourselves if all of these acts had the cumulative effect of enabling the UPC party to then be declared the winner.

But the additional factor of Paulo Muwanga usurping the powers of the Electoral Commission cannot leave any doubts.

He decreed that anyone apart from himself caught announcing poll results (presumably including the Electoral Commission itself) would face a fine of Shs500,000 (roughly $68,000 at the time) and or up to five years in prison.

Some accounts report that this directive was later revoked. But the facts remain that Mr Muwanga went on to be a very big man in the government that was declared winner, and one Mr Vincent Ssekono, the Badru Kiggundu of the day, went into exile.

We cannot deny now that these events have had far-reaching effects on the country.
As head of DP, Mr Paul Ssemogerere – who has never been known to turn down an official posting – agreed to take his party into the new Parliament as the official Opposition, while also insisting that they had in fact won. This made activism difficult.

Many people – including international human rights organisations – could not understand why DP members were claiming they had been cheated, while their leader (president?) was seated somewhat comfortably in Parliament as Leader of the Opposition.

This is the gap that was exploited by armed groups prepared to organise the legions of angry youth into armies.

It is for this reason that this story remains important. Instead of recognising the crisis of credibility, and the extreme anger that the election outcome had created, the “victorious” UPC adopted a gloating, triumphalist attitude, and dismissed all calls for a more reflective attitude, just as the NRM’s leaders are doing today.

Uganda is a country with a very large young population, many of who are bitter and angry about the events of last week, just like it was in 1980.

The powerful lesson now being sent to this new generation is that elections do not change governments.

It is time for the riggers to stop “managing” their own narratives, before the youth begin to create their own.

On July 15, 1980, the government named a five-man national Electoral Commission. The chairman of the EC was named as K.M.S Kikira.

Commissioners included Sam Egweu, A. Kera A. Ahmed Bilali and M. Matovu. Vincent Sekono was the secretary to the commission.
On September 18, 1980, it was announced that the general election would not now take place on September 30 as had been previously scheduled and would now take place on December 10, 1980.

On November 24, 1980, a 70-member Commonwealth election observer team headed by Ghana’s Ebenezer Deborah arrived in Uganda to monitor the forthcoming elections.

Finally on December 10, 1980, millions of Ugandans started voting in their first general election since 1962. The turnout was heavy. Reports of rigging by some UPC and DP party activists and candidates began to filter through.

Before the results were announced, the DP started to declare that it had won the elections. As thousands of its supporters were celebrating in the streets of Kampala, the chairman of the Military Commission, Paulo Muwanga, issued an announcement ordering anybody prematurely claiming victory to cease doing so and await the Electoral Commission’s announcement.

The following day as initial results start coming in, a pattern suggesting a landslide victory by the UPC started becoming clear. On December 18, 1980, Ssemogerere addressed a press conference in Kampala at which he said the officially announced results declaring Obote and the UPC the winners had been a reversal of the actual results.

In Uganda, Human Rights Organizations demand the Uganda Government to Suspend the program of Street-wise kids as‘Crime Preventers’ as the 2016 General Election has only one month to start:

Massive unregulated military force threatens election security, human rights groups say

15 January, 2016

The Military former African war guerilla President of Uganda addresses

the young crime preventers in his political efforts to stay put in

power now 30 years in the poor country of Uganda.


There is clear evidence that the crime preventer program is linked to the ruling political party and that the crime preventers’ actions are frequently both unlawful and partisan, aimed at intimidating or reducing support for the political opposition.

The Ugandan government should urgently suspend the crime preventer program ahead of the February 2016 national elections, said Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Network Uganda (HURINET-U), Chapter Four Uganda, and Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI) today. Presidential and parliamentary elections are scheduled for February 18.

“Crime preventers” are a volunteer force of civilians recruited and managed by police to report on and prevent crime in cooperation with the police and communities. In practice, crime preventers are strongly affiliated with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. Its members have acted in partisan ways and carried out brutal assaults and extortion with no accountability, the organizations said.

“Using volunteer or reserve forces to complement community policing is not a new or inherently bad concept, but these forces need to be regulated, impartial, effectively trained, and held accountable to the highest standards if they take on policing functions,” said Maria Burnett, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Crime preventers should not be undisciplined and unaccountable recruits who become the eyes and muscle of the ruling party in every village.”

With the elections just weeks away, suspending crime preventers is critical for preventing violence during the electoral period and showing the country’s commitment to nonpartisan policing and respect for human rights, the organizations said.

Scant information is available about the exact mandate, command structure, and number of crime preventers, and there is no legal statute establishing the program. Although the government has said that a bill will soon be brought to parliament, there is insufficient time before the elections for parliament to adequately debate such a law and for the government to implement it appropriately, the groups said.

Official statements indicate that the program is vast and that recruitment rapidly increased in the months leading up to the official start of the presidential campaign period in November 2015.

Officials have said that police aim to have at least 30 crime preventers per village, which would total more than 1 million people throughout the country. President Yoweri Museveni and other senior government officials were photographed in 2015at several graduation ceremonies for people who completed a training program, and they are quoted as saying that hundreds of thousands of people have been trained.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch separately interviewed 20 crime preventers and more than 120 people familiar with or affected by their operations from May to December 2015, in eight towns across Uganda. There is clear evidence that the crime preventer program is linked to the ruling political party and that the crime preventers’ actions are frequently both unlawful and partisan, aimed at intimidating or reducing support for the political opposition, the organizations said.

During several training sessions and “passouts,” or graduations, recruits wore yellow T-shirts, the color of the ruling National Resistance Movement. A copy of a crime preventer training manual from one region states: “Every good thing you are seeing around is as a result of good NRM governance.”

The police say that crime preventer recruits are trained in self-defense, ideology, patriotism, and crime prevention techniques. One crime preventer training manual seen by Human Rights Watch states they should report to police “any crime which is about to be committed or has been committed within their area [by] picking information…in public places, burials, weddings, bars or anywhere you can get rumors.” It urges crime preventers to “do your work secretly,” and “don’t advertise yourself as a crime preventer because even the one you are investigating can turn against you.”

Uganda’s Inspector General told Amnesty International, “[Crime preventers] are my CCTV [closed circuit television].”

Crime preventers have intimidated members of the political opposition and their supporters. One person interviewed alleged that crime preventers had gone door-to-door in one village, cataloguing the political affiliations of villagers to intimidate them and discourage them from voting for the political opposition. Another crime preventer – a supporter of an opposition political party – told Human Rights Watch that commanders discriminated against him and attempted to expel him from training due to his political party affiliation.

A crime preventer in Fort Portal told Human Rights Watch, “The commander told me that I should fight hard and fight the other parties. He said that we’re living in the ruling NRM era so other parties don’t need to surface.”

Crime preventers are also vulnerable to being used – either paid or duped – to support or oppose particular political candidates. Crime preventers from Gulu alleged that one member of parliament instructed them to wear T-shirts with an X crossing out “JPAM,” the initials of John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, one of the presidential candidates, and to demonstrate against him. One crime preventer in Fort Portal said that a candidate paid his colleagues, armed with sticks, to beat up and disperse his opponent’s supporters.

Crime preventers have also carried out violent arrests and extortion. Between May and October 2015, crime preventers violently beat at least 10 people with their fists and batons in separate incidents during arrests and extorted money from them, based on Amnesty International interviews with 13 victims and witnesses in Kampala and Gulu. Six of them were severely beaten by more than one crime preventer. Those responsible should be prosecuted for torture under Ugandan law covering torture by non-state actors, the groups said. A staff member at an organization that documents cases of torture registered 25 cases of people beaten by crime preventers between September 2014 and June 2015.

A 25-year-old man in Kampala told Amnesty International that in June 2015, two crime preventers broke his left hand as they beat him with wooden sticks across his head, chest and limbs when questioning him about an alleged theft. He was not subsequently arrested.

“Crime preventers are not here to prevent crime,” he said. “They are here to do the police’s dirty work.”

One crime preventer in Gulu admitted to Human Rights Watch: “Some of my colleagues use a lot of force arresting. There was a day we went to arrest a suspected thief. One of my colleagues just started to beat. They try to beat to kill.”

A 30-year-old man from Wandegeya, Kampala was violently beaten by two crime preventers in July 2015 after they stopped him to demand 2,000 Ugandan shillings (US$0.57). The crime preventers beat and kicked him when he was unable to give them any money, causing bleeding and bruising, as Amnesty International documented.

The ill-defined role and oversight of crime preventers is a serious cause for concern during upcoming elections, the groups said. As crime preventers are not regulated under Ugandan law, they not only have been able to commit abuses with impunity, but they are unprepared and unclear on their objectives and powers. Crime preventers themselves in Gulu and Lira voiced serious fears of working to arrest possibly dangerous suspected thieves when they had no way to protect themselves.

While crime preventers do not receive a formal government salary, many of them believe they will have preferential access to government jobs or financial or material compensation for their work. A coordinator of crime preventers said: “Crime preventers are not getting any salary. They’re poor. When somebody is poor, he’s hungry and needs food now. Someone comes with food now and says help me here. Some can definitely use them.”

Crime preventers interviewed by Human Rights Watch said they hoped the program would be a stepping stone to employment with the Ugandan police, military, or prison services. Those interviewed by Amnesty International described financial incentives for joining. One said he was promised a bicycle, while others expected payments ranging from 20,000 to 300,000 Ugandan shillings (US$5.80 to US$87).

In November 2015, the police confirmed to Amnesty International that many crime preventers were given clothing, transport refunds, and food, and should be given priority for participation in Operation Wealth Creation, a government program to create projects to generate household income.

“Crime preventers work in a gray area between the state and civilians, allowing them to operate with impunity and without oversight or clear command structure,” said Ndifuna Mohammed, CEO of Human Rights Network-Uganda. “The Ugandan government’s commitment to regulate crime preventers weeks before the elections is too little, too late. They need to suspend the crime preventers program to reduce the potential for voter intimidation and further human rights abuses.”

In a December 2015 report, Human Rights Network-Uganda recommended halting the recruitment of crime preventers until a legal regime is in place. Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda has stated that “an enabling law should be put in place to guide the implementation of community policing, including the activities of crime preventers,” but the draft law is yet to be sent to parliament.

The police informed Amnesty International that they had drafted standard operating procedures for crime preventers as of November. They said crime preventers derive legal authority from article 212(d) of the Ugandan constitution, which mandates the police to cooperate with the “civilian authority…and with the population generally.”

Under international human rights law, the Ugandan government is responsible for the actions of those it empowers to act on its behalf. Authorizing a force to operate without proper legal basis or accountability violates its basic obligations to respect and protect fundamental human rights.

“Ugandans deserve an adequately trained police force that will be held to account for their conduct,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, regional director of East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes at Amnesty International. “Elections are a critical and vulnerable time for the country and there should be no room for partisan policing. The lack of a clear legal basis for the crime preventers program and the unlawful activities they are carrying out could jeopardize Uganda’s ability to have a safe electoral period.”


The political campaign for the 2016 Election is now ongoing in Uganda.

I have heard those words over again and again - directly being spoken to me, on assumption that Baganda citizens of Uganda are docile(submissive or obedient) - you can imagine

I last visited Nakyesawa, Nakaseke Luwero Bulemezi, exactly 18 years before I visited again in 1997. When I arrived from Sweden, one of my friends argued me on to go home - quickly!

The following day, I boarded a taxi – which took me to Nakaseke. Nakaseke was still a ghost town. I got a bodaboda, as it is now; there are no regular taxis, between Nakeseke and Kiwoko!

Nakaseke is just some 50 miles away from Kampala but very far from Civilisation!

Our home is spread in five villages (Kiwoko, Nongo, Nakyesawa, Matabi, Lumpewe); I visited three and my uncle’s village and including the main homestead in Nakyesawa. Nakyesawa was a very big aristocrat like, country home of about 25 family members. The rst lived in other homes. I do not know exactly when this huge home was built.

This time around, in 1997, the home was a well-piled piece of rabble. A half foot ball sized cemented coffee drying platform was not speared.  It had thoroughly been boomed into pieces in what appeared to be systematic destruction. I stood some minutes, wondering why the house was destroyed and by who. One of the mahogany wallboard which belonged to us – I saw it in a nearby shack down the road.

The rest of the houses, through paths to other destinations I took, were either abandoned with doors ajar, indicating quick exit.

One house, which was round shaped, in over grown coffee plantation, caught my eye – it had two small chairs, appositive each other and a mweso well placed on a bench in the middle. For all the years, and I do not know since when, there had been no players of mweso, or occupants in the house for all the past years. The door on the opposite at the end, was half open, letting in the afternoon sunray of lights, which appeared ghostly. The rays appeared strong, trouncing had on the dust floor of the house.

The silence was maddening. I felt a shudder in my body.

Not until, we reached the next village in the middle of the forest, where I located my uncle a former NRA combatant – did I realise, I, my companion and boda boda man had not talked to each other!

Why my uncle, had decided to leave in the middle of a forest alone? This was not only shocking to me but raised many questions in my mind. He was so wretched – he panicked on seeing me and he instantly set a fire and black kettle to prepare me a dry cup of tea. We sat on mud bricks and sipped on the dry tea as we barely talked anything to each other, for most part of the 30 minutes. He looked dejected, in shame and had no pride what so ever. He look down most of the time – there was no soldier in him at all but took courage to point to tomatoes he had planted a just a few meters away.

One of my uncle, was a tomatoes farm, he religious grew to make thousands of shillings then in the 70’s.

Onwards, I had managed to locate my cousin, the lonely daughter to my only surviving aunt. She recognised me instantly and directed to where my aunt’s has taken refuge in a small house nearby.

On arrival, I was dumbfounded when Aunt requested to know, why exactly, I had come to Luwero. “Don’t you know, there is a war here, you want to die my son”, she asked worriedly?!! That is in 1997!

I told her I arrived yesterday, and all these years I too has also been worried about your health and situation, I told her. She told me looking fiercely straight into my eyes, “It is good you came to visit but you should equally leave immediately”.

Before she was done, She went through a lengthy list of all names of those who have died or simply disappeared during the war. And then she physically forced herself to see me off!

I pointed the bodaboda, in the opposite direction to visit my uncle some fifteen km away new Kikamulo.

On my way, I stopped over at Matabi one of our other home – our old house was removed and few meters on the left side, a new house was built – the occupants where not known to me.  The courtyard had been planted with banana plantations and the big mango tree in the court yard, had also been removed.

I neither asked the occupants who they were, but we talked briefly about other issues and I left.

Uncle recognised me instantly and called his wife: To my surprise and contrary to norm, me whenever I visited uncle, instead of calling on my cousins to chase a big fat cock or pull out a big he goat for me – this time around uncle and his wife, speedily called me to the back of the house, to usher me to some well laid out fourteen graves of my cousins.

Uncle had lost all his children to NRM’s war! He was clearly devastated.  From then on we did not talk much – I wanted to proceed to Kiwoko but my other uncle had also died.

I eventually decided to proceed to Kiwoko where I got a taxi to Luwero then onwards to Kampala.

Tax payer's money in a white sack being given out to NRM supporters

in Busoga Province.

Rebuilding Luwero by NRM

Before 1980 Luwero was filled with coffee, cotton stores – these bought off coffee and farmers went smile all the way home. These and many others were systematically destroyed by NRM. Other foodstuffs like beans, maize and cassava found market – through government agencies working for foods and beverages. Cassava used to go to Kawempe for protein biscuits Idi Amin made for his army. Ensoga Songa and cottonseeds used to also find their way to Kawempe factories to make cooking oil. Some of these industries where destroyed in 1979. There was a starch-making factory in Luzira or industrial area – were Luwero farmer made a killing. Maize if not bought to find its way to Kenya was sold to Maganjo – who own maganjo these days?

-         Bulemezi as well as Buruli fed on each other. People coming here retiring from public or private service returned to the villages and set up small farms. This was the pattern. Hence, Bulemezi and Buruli had so many rich small-scale farmers – but all commercially oriented gradually expanding into large-scale farmers, industrialists and produces. Buruli supplied a lot of milk and fish.  Bulemezi supplied food and to some extent labour services.  A reason why they were a lot of permanent houses in the region. NRA destroyed all these farms to steal cattle for food. Mind you these riches passed from one hand to another – father to son and so on.

NRM/NRA to rebuild Luwero should restart

-         Stores or warehousing system as it were and stop telling lies that every home will get an acre of crops, pigs, cows and goats. Sembeguya has failed to sell of his goats where will all the animals and produce in Luwero be sold?

-         Start processing of crops as it were during Idi Amin's times. Kawempe was a full-fledged industrial town with basically food processing capabilities.

-         Physically plan towns of Luwero, Kiwoko(remove NRM/A build mud houses) Nakaseke, Kiwoko, Wobulenzi, Ndejje, Kapeka, Kyankwanzi and Ngoma.

-         Restart the farmers and transport cooperative unions as it were and citizens must run these not state marionettes and thugs.

Less of that NRM leave us alone.

Bwanika, Nakyesawa Luwero.










Abantu baffe mwenna,



Nsooka okwebaza nnyo nyini Katikkiro eyakawummula, Joseph Mulwanyammuli, Ssemwogerere n’abakungu be bonna olw’okuwereza Obuganda obulungi mu kiseera ekizibu ennyo okuzzaawo Obwakabaka.


Njagala okubategeeza nti muzimbye omusingi ogw’amaanyi bannamwe ababaddidde mu bigere kwe bajja okuzimbira Obwakabaka n’Obuganda obw’omulembe.


Tuyozayoozza Katikkiro omuggya, Daniel Muliika awamu n’abakungu be abaggya olw’okwewaayo awatali kulonzalonza okuweereza Obuganda. Nina obwesige nti Engabo mugirumizza mannyo nti era mujja kuwereza n’obuvumu n’amagezi n’amaanyi gammwe gonna.


Obuganda buli mu masangazira mu kiseera kino. Tulina obwesige mu ngeri eyo nti mwe mwenna abali mu lukiiko luno olukulu olwa Buganda era ne bannaffe abatukkirira mu lukiiko olukulu olwa Uganda mujja kukola kyonna kye musobola okufunira abantu baffe bye bettanira.


Nga njogera ku mbeera y’abantu baffe ey’obulamu twegomba nnyo abantu baffe okubeera mu mbeera eyeyagaza. Twagala balye bulungi, basule bulungi, babe nga bambadde bulungi, era basomese n’abaana baabwe.


Tetwagala wabeewo omuntu waffe n’omu atamanyi, kusoma wadde okuwandiika. Twagala abavubuka babangulwe mu misomo egy’emikono basobole okweyimirizaawo ku lwabwe.


Mungeri endala Buganda eyolekedde okufuuka eddungu. Twolekedde obwavu obutabangawo. Nkubira omulanga abakungu baffe bonna era n’abakulembeze ab’engeri zonna mu Buganda twekembe tuzzewo Obuganda obutonyamu enkuba emala era obusobola okukuza emmere n’ebibala eby’ettunzi. Abantu baffe tulina okubakubiriza okusimba emiti na ddala egy’ebibala n’egirongoosa embeera y’obudde.


Tusaba mmwe abakulembeze yonna gye muli, okutegeeza abantu nti bateekwa okuba nga beetegekera enkyukakyuka z’obudde. Bateekwa okukola emirimu egy’awamu egigasa ebyalo byaffe n’ebibuga. Abantu baffe bangi mu kiseera kino tebalina kye batunda okusobola okufunamu ku nsimbi. N’olwekyo tusoomooza abakulembeze aba buli kitundu okulaba nti abantu babeerawo n’ekintu mwe baggya ensimbi, kakube kulima, kulunda, kuvuba, oba kutandikawo amakolero.


Nga bwengambye Buganda kati eri mu masanganzira. Okuviira ddala mu mwaka 1900, wano mu Buganda tubadde mu nfuga yaffe. Twagala kuteesa ne tukkaanya ku kino na kiri ne bannaffe be tubeera nabo. Naye oluusi enkyukakyuka ez’omulembe eziba zizze zituggya ku mulamwa ogw’enkulakulana ne tudda mu kusikangana omuguwa ate ekyo ne kitutwalako ebiseera bingi nyo.


Ekikulu kiri nti enkyukakyuka ezo, tezandisaanye kutuggyako nnono n’eby’obuwangwa byaffe oba okugezaako okubitta. Ennono ezo n’eby’obuwangwa byaffe bibadde omusingi ogw’enkulakulana okuva edda n’edda okumala emyaka mingi.


N’olwekyo Katikkiro n’abakungu mwenna mulina omulimu munene nnyo okukuuma ennono zaffe n’okuwuliriza amaloboozi g’abantu baffe kati abali mu nyiike.




Katonda abeeere namwe.



United Nations Resolution 3013 from 1973 States:


"The struggles of peoples under colonial and alien domination and racist regimes for the implementation of their right to self-determination and independence is legitimate and in full accordance with the principles of

International law."

 The King of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, with his military Guerrilla Commanders in the country of Buganda

 fighting to recover His throne 1984/86.


Luganda Language Translation:

Ekitongole Kya Mawanga Amagatte Mu Lusalawo 3013 Mu Mwaaka Gwa 1973 Kigamba Bwekiti:


"Okwerwaanako kwa bantu abali mu bufuzi bw'obumbula, oba abanyigirizibwa nakakongo w' abagwiira, oba ababonabonera mu nfuga zabasosoze, ng' abantu bano baluubiirira okussaawo eddembe lyaabwe eryo kwesalirawo n'obwetwaaze, (Okwerwanako Kuno) kuli mu mateeka era kukwataganira ddala mu bujjuvu n' enkola enkuukuutivu ey'amateeka gensi yonna.

Engeri Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II, gye yeegatta mu lutalo lw’ekiyeekera 1983/86.

Kampala | Jul 02, 2013

Asisinkana aba NRM

Buganda ettuuza Omulangira Mutebi ku Namulondo yo Bwakabaka bwa Buganda 1995

John Nagenda, omuwabuzi wa Pulezidenti ow’ebyobufuzi anyumya bwati ku ngeri Kabaka Mutebi gye yakwataganamu n’aba NRM:

Kabaka okukwatagana n’aba NRM nze namuleeta. Nze eyannyingiza mu NRM yali omugenzi Eria Kategeya, eyantuukirira nga ndi mu buwang’anguse e Bungereza gye namala emyaka egisoba mu 20, era eno gye nnamanyira Omulangira Mutebi.

Nga maze okuyingira NRM, waliwo olugambo olwaliwo nti Abaganda baali baagala kulaba ku Kabaka.

Natuukirira Omulangira Mutebi ne mmusaba oba nga yandyagadde okugendako mu Uganda. 

Bwe yakkiriza olwo ne tukola entegeka ejja mu Uganda. Bwe twaba e Bungereza twatuukira Nairobi gye twasisinkana Eria Kategeya ne tujja naye ne tuyitira e Rwanda ne tugenda e Kabale.

Eno gye twava ne tugguka e Kasese awaali akakiiko akafuzi aka NRA (High Command) era wano we twasanga Museveni.

Museveni yalagira Kategaya okusigala ne batuwa Amanya Mushega gwe twatambula naye ne tugguka e Masaka. Olwava eno ne tudda e Mityana, bwe twatuuka e Mityana nze nafuna omukisa ne ng’enda ndaba ku ssamba yange ey’amajaani e Namutamba naye nasanga yazika dda!

Engoma za Buganda eze Mikolo nga Mujaguzi Kawulugumo etc
Kyokka nga buli we tutuuka ng’abantu basanyufu nnyo okulaba ku Kabaka Mutebi, yabawuubiranga ne basanyuka nnyo.

Oluvannyuma tweyongerayo e Kyererezi awaali eddwaniro ery’amaanyi (Frontline), gye twasanga abalwanyi. 

Nabo bwe baalaba ku Kabaka baasanyuka nnyo. Tweyongerayo ku Katonga awaali olutalo kafungulankete, nawo Kabaka n’abuuza ku balwanyi, baasanyuka nnyo okumulabako era amaanyi ne gabeeyongera nnyo olw’okumanya nti naye ali wamu nabo.

Oluvannyuma lw’omwezi nga mulamba ng’Omulangira Mutebi atalaaga eddwaniro, twaddayo e Masaka eno gye twava ne tuddayo e Bungereza.Ebbaluwa ya Nadduli eri Kabaka Mutebi.

Nagenda anyumya ku bbaluwa eyazaala ebitukula:

Tuba tuddayo e Bungereza, Hajji Abdul Nadduli yajja n’ebbaluwa n’agimpa ngiwe Kabaka nga tutuuse awalungi.

Naye tuba tuddayo, nga tusiibula, Amanya Mushega n’ang’amba nti, ‘Bakuwadde ebbaluwa ya Kabaka naye mbadde njagala kumanya ku bigirimu!’

Nakkiriza ne ngimuwa n’asomamu, bwe yamala okugisoma ne ngimulekera, nze ne nneeyongerayo ne Kabaka!”

Hajji Nadduli anyumya ku bbaluwa eyo:

Ebbaluwa gye nnali mpandiikidde Kabaka nagikwasa Nagenda nga tuli mu nkambi y’e Katalekammese. Nnali ngiwandiikidde Kabaka yekka! 

Abaaliwo nga ngiwa Nagenda kwaliko omuduumizi w’amagye Joramu Tugume, Amanya Mushega, Byemalo, Omulangira Mawuuma. 

Bwe baamala okugisoma n’alabira awo ng’abakulu abo ng’ogasseeko Kiiza Besigye bankutte bansibye!

Ebyali mu bbaluwa

Nasooka kweyanjulira Kabaka, nti ndi mutabani wa Nadduli e Kapeeka, muzzukulu wa Ssempa Abdallah Gabindadde, mutabani wa Kyanjo.

Nnamutegeeza nti tusanyuse nnyo bwe tumulabyeko ng’azze mu ddwaaniro, ng’akubye ku ng’oma Ggwangamujje, nti era olutalo lwe tulimu terulese muto na mukulu, mwami na musajja, alina olubuto n’atalina.

Nnamutegeeza nti kati nno nga bw’ozze mu lutalo luno yimukiramu odde ng’olutalo luwedde tubeere wamu okugguka ettale


                                               BAWANKULA BA BUGANDA

Tusaba Mukama Katonda Abaganda Mwenna Mube Bagumu Olwomulimu Guno Ogukolebwa. 


Okulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda Okujijja Munyaanga, nga Ba Jajja baffe Bwebakola Naffe Netusobola Okusanga Obuganda.

Naffe Tulwaane Nnyo, Abaana Baffe Nabazzukulu Basange Buganda Eyesiimisa nga ya mirembe.  Amiina.


Tukikakasa era ngatuyiimiriira kumubala gwaffe ogugamba,

Abaganda Amazima Galituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniiriira Ensi Yaffe Mukama Katonda Mweyatutondera Eyobutonde.





Omwami Serwano Kulubya ajjukirwa olw'okutandikawo ensawo ey'okuzimba Bulange. Zaasondebwa okumala emyaka 15,(1938/41) okutuusa lwe zaawera ne batandika okuzimba okwamalawo shs 4,400,000/- (Obukadde buna ne mitwalo ana) (Emotoka mukiseera ekyo yali egula shillings 700/-). Ate  okugula entebe n'emmeeza byatwala shs. 300,000/-.  Nga December 11, 1956, Kabaka Muteesa II yaggulawo Bulange Empya, Buganda Gavumenti n'eva mu Lubiri n'edda mu Bulange Empya. 



The King of Buganda has a quiet word with the current

                   President of Uganda 2014.

Katikkiro wa Buganda nga anyumyamu ne President wa Republic ya Uganda, Yoweri Museveni.