"Don’t use my name to grab traditional lands" - says the long serving President of Uganda as he campaigns for democratic re-election for a 6th term in office.


Posted  Tuesday, December 1   2015


President Museveni has ordered for the arrest of any person found using his name or that of State House to grab land in Karamoja region.

President Museveni said this last Thursday at a press conference held at Morulinga State Lodge in Napak District.

The President’s orders came after he was asked by a journalist whether he was aware his name was being used by land grabbers claiming to be working in State House.

The Presidents replied: “I have never sent any one to get land in Karamoja. Whoever wants the land should follow the right procedures,” he said.

According to the survey carried out by the Ecological Christian Organisation (ECO), 97 per cent of the land in Karamoja has been licensed to 147 investors who are holding exploration and mining licenses ranging from 10 to 30 years but the community does not know yet the land in the region is owned communally. The President said he would write to the ministry of land to cancel some of the licenses acquired illegally.



Over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja

Publish Date:

May 01, 2014

The First Lady and Minister for Karamoja Affairs, Mrs. Janet Museveni

By David Lumu


The frantic jostle for minerals in Karamoja by companies has caused a problem of large scale land acquisition, a preliminary report by the Center for Basic Report has revealed.


Prof. Josephine Ahikire, the executive director of the Center for Basic Research (CBR) said that the concentration of mining companies in Karamoja has a direct implication on women rights and how communities interface with companies that have acquired land to establish mineral industries.


“It is not really about pin-pointing, but identifying communities that have experienced the large scale land acquisition problem and looking at how women are interfacing with the process,” she said.


Land policy experts also argue that the quest for land acquisition in Karamoja is raising a puzzle of land development versus the protection of individuals and communities.


Dr. Rose Nakayi of Makerere University Law School told New Vision that although large scale land acquisitions are not an accident of contemporary time, government must come up with a clear delimitation between government and public land.


Nakayi said that what is spanning out in Karamoja is “a challenge of international capitalist players and the desire to have Uganda develop.”


“Acquisition of land by foreigners must be explained to the local communities. Foreigners cannot acquire customary land, they can only acquire leases,” she said.


Eng. Simon D’ujanga, the state minister for energy said that ever since the country’s remotest area was pacified by disarming cattle rustlers, over 100 mineral companies have been set up by investors.


“In the recent past, we have tried to market the region and the country at large. We now have over 100 mineral companies in Karamoja and we are encouraging more investors,” he said.


First lady, Janet Museveni, the minister for Karamoja affairs is credited for championing the transformation of Karamoja by courting donors to invest in the region.


A 2011 survey by the Uganda department of geological survey and mines at the ministry of energy found that Karamoja has gold, limestone, uranium, marble, graphite, gypsum, iron, wolfram, nickel, copper, cobalt, lithium and tin.

The survey indicated that land in Karamoja is owned communally, which makes it difficult for the mining companies to identify the rightful owners for compensation or consultation.


Prof. Ahikire said that as companies begin to explore the minerals in Karamoja, voices of land grabbing, environment damage, limited information of land laws and marginalization of women are starting to come out.


D’ujanga said that land in Karamoja is acquired by investors according to the law. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) puts the population of Karamoja at 1.2 million people.

Agambire oba agambye: "Nga mu mpalampye! Where do you want me to go. I have lived in the State House now 30 years. What does the Land Act say about bona-fied occupancy

Sijja kugenda.

Ono omusajja anyumirwa entalo. Mujjukire: ENSI EGULA MIRAMBO NGA NO TEMULI WUWO.

Kyankwanzi now place for wicked decisions - Fr Gaetano


Posted  Sunday, February 15  2015



The parish priest for Kitanga in Kabale Diocese, Fr Gaetano Batanyenda, has said whereas the NRM/NRA high command used Luweero to liberate Uganda, they are currently using Kyankwanzi to bring down all they promised Ugandans.

Fr Batanyenda was on Thursday addressing the press in Kabale Town where he said all the undemocratic decisions that do not have popular support such as the lifting of presidential term limits, endorsing President Museveni as sole candidate and the proposed lifting of the presidential age limit are always first taken to Kyankwanzi for endorsement during NRM party retreats.

“It’s as if Kyankwanzi has been turned into a place to turn down all the democratic ideals that were hatched during the NRA/NRM liberation struggle in Luweero. All religious leaders in Uganda should join us in preaching against the negative trends our country is taking to avoid disastrous situations,” Fr Batanyenda said.

“Kyankwanzi has become a place of condemnation where negative seeds about hatred, nepotism, sectarianism and other forms of injustices are being sown, contrary to the spirit of the Luweero Bush War struggle...,” Fr Batanyenda added.

He said if the information that MPs are demanding Shs300m to allow President Museveni rule for life are true, it would prove how greedy our leaders are, instead of demanding better salaries for health workers and teachers and ensuring enough drugs in government hospitals.

UPC calls for Reconci-liation Commission 


Posted  Thursday, February 19  2015

Kampala- Uganda:
Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), another old dictatorial political party has demanded the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, describing as opportunistic, the way NRM government is forgiving past political leaders it demonised yesterday.

“One minute a leader is labelled a swine and before you know it, he is turned into an eminent hero.

The NRM government should stop the ad-hoc forgiving of political figures, it is an opportunistic way of handling a very traumatic period of our past,” Mr Joseph Bbosa, the UPC vice president, said yesterday.

Mr Bbosa’s comments come in the wake of Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) taking over the reburial of the remains of the late commander of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), Lt Gen Bazilio Olara Okello.

Lt Gen Okello was exiled to Sudan in 1986 when the National resistance Army (NRA) under the command of President Museveni toppled the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa government. Lt Gen Okello was then commander of the UNLA.

He is said to have succumbed to diabetes in 1990 and was buried in Sudan.

Mr Bbosa said the commission will be charged with investigating and forgiving every political crimes offender and would be comprised of eminent persons in and outside Uganda.

He pointed out the war in northern Uganda from 1986-2008, the September 2009 riots in Buganda and the Luweero triangle war of 1981-1986 that brought President Museveni to power as some of the incidents that need to be investigated by the proposed commission.

However, the government spokesperson, Mr Ofwono Opondo, said government does not see any need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

“The UPC has all the platforms to express their issues including the media, courts of law and Parliament which has a Human Rights committee. Let UPC first tell Ugandans why it abolished kingdoms and made Uganda a one-party State,” he told the Daily Monitor on phone yesterday.



The International

Criminal Court says that it is on a visit to the Continent of Africa on invitation by its member states:


ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for

ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (R) with State minister for Disaster Preparedness Musa Ecweru (C) and other Soroti leaders yesterday. Photo by Simon Peter Emwamu

Posted  Tuesday, March 3  2015


Soroti, UGANDA- The Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court has said the ICC is in Africa on invitation by African countries that are state parties to the Rome Statute and not by choice.

Ms Fatou Bensouda, who finalised her visit of northern and eastern Uganda to acquaint herself with the effects of the LRA war yesterday, said the attack on the court by African heads of state is unfair.

“Leaders should not expect to commit atrocities and expect to be above the law. Those days are over; ICC was created to help the victims,” Ms Bensouda told a gathering comprising civil society, security and political leaders in Soroti Town.

She said African Union and ICC share the same values on human rights and are both against impunity. She said Uganda ratified the Rome Statute in 2003, and requested for help on LRA war crimes. She said investigations are also on going in DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic and Mali.

“It’s very clear we work in transparent manner,” she explained.

Ms Bensouda said the ICC believes in fact-finding, the reason she came to listen to the victims of the LRA. One of the LRA commanders, Dominic Ongwen, is at the Hague awaiting trial in January 2016.

Ms Bensouda promised that more ICC officials will be coming to take statements from LRA war victims to help her office table a solid case before the judges. This, she said, is the reason why she asked judges to adjourn the Ongwen case to January 2016 as opposed to August 2015 as earlier indicated.

Mr Musa Ecweru, the state minister for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, thanked the prosecutor for coming to listen to the war victims.

The background

President Museveni has often bashed the ICC. During the Independence Day celebrations last year, Mr Museveni described the ICC as “a biased instrument of post-colonial hegemony.” The President was unhappy with the ICC for indicting two sitting African presidents; Omar Bashir of Sudan and Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya. Mr Bashir was indicted for war crimes in Darfur while Kenyatta was accused of fanning election violence in 2007. Mr Kenyatta’s charges have since been dropped.



Museveni turns coat and apologises to ICC: "We are on same side".


President Museveni shakes hands with ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the President’s country home in Rwakitura.



Posted  Wednesday, March 4  2015  


Kampala, UGANDA,

President Museveni has said he is still on the same side with The Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) notwithstanding his .misgivings.

“Despite our differences, we are on the same side,” Mr Museveni told ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on Monday night, according to a statement issued by State House. The ICC Chief Prosecutor has just concluded a five-day tour of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war-affected areas in northern and eastern Uganda.

“We had to hand over Dominic Ongwen because he was arrested from a different country and had committed crimes across several countries. If he was arrested in Uganda, we would have charged him here,” the President said.

The remarks come less than three months after the President; while speaking at Kenya’s 51st Independence Day in Nairobi last year, said he was “done with this type of court justice"

President Museveni, accused the court of being a tool of Western powers to witch-hunt African leaders. The court handles major war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, for which a couple of African leaders have been indicted.

“People of the West should leave their foolishness. I am done with the ICC,” the President told a cheering crowd at Nyayo Stadium in Nairobi.

However, in Monday’s meeting, the President further stressed that Uganda will cooperate with the court and avail it all the necessary information and access to witnesses that it may need.




Ettaka litabudde munnamagye Brigadier Kasirye Ggwanga ne mwannyina
May 18, 2015
Kasirye Ggwanga. 



MUNNAMAGYE  Brig. Kasirye Ggwanga akutte mukulu we n’amuggalira  ku poliisi ng’amulanga kugezaako kubba ttaka lya kika.

Ettaka lino liri ku kyalo Katakala mu  Mityana Town Council nga liriko yiika ttaano era nga kwe kuli ennyumba y’ekika ey’ekiggya eky’aba Kasirye.

Elizabeth Nabwami, 66, abadde yaakadda okuva mu  Amerika gy’amaze emyaka egisukka mu 10 ye yakwatiddwa.

Kiddiridde okugenda ewaabwe e Katakala ng’ayagala okulongoosa  awaka ng’eno Kasirye Ggwanga gye yamusanze n’amugoba  era  n’aleeta  poliisi n’agiragira emukwate era n’okusiba omuntu yenna anaagendayo okumweyimirira.

Kasirye Gwanga(wakati) nga akyali muvubuka mumagye ga Uganda Acholi, Uganda.

Wabula mukulu waabwe bonna, Edith Najjuuko yagenze ku poliisi e Mityana ne yeeyimirira Nabwami n’ateebwa.

Najjuuko agamba nti, “ettaka lino si lya Kasirye Ggwanga nga lyange nga Najjuuko, ne baganda bange abawala mukaaga kuba kitaffe omugenzi, Yovani Kasirye bwe yali tannaffa yandekera ekibanja  wabula oluvannyuma nneegula ne nkiteeka mu mannya gange. Kitaffe yagaana Kasirye Ggwanga okumusikira kuba we yafiira  Kasirye yali atandise okukola effujjo mu kika olw’okuba ye mwana yekka omulenzi  mu baana  b’omugenzi era ng’amannya ge ye Samuel Wasswa Gitta.”

Brig. Kasirye eyasangiddwa mu makaage e Makindye, yagambye nti,  “mwannyina yakomawo okuva mu Amerika n’ajingirira ekyapa oluvannyuma  lw’okugenda mu minisitule y’ebyettaka  ne kiteekebwa mu mannya ge ng’omuntu. Yatandika okuligabanyaamu bu poloti obwa 100 ku 50 era n’aleeta n’abaalirambula abaatandika n’okulipima n’atuuka n’okutema omuti ogwali ku biggya ng’ayagala kugutemamu mbaawo.  Mwannyinaze ono nnali namuwa yiika y’ettaka e Kyaggwe wabula nga yagaana okukolerako ekintu kyonna. Nange kwe kusalawo okumusibisa nga njagala yeesonyiwe ettaka lya famire akyuse n’ekyapa akizze mu ga famire kuba talina buyinza bukikyusa.”

DPC wa Mityana, Donald Ebunyu yagambye nti bagguddewo omusango ku fayiro SD: 37/16/05/2015 ogukwata ku by’ettaka wadde nga  Kasirye Ggwanga yaloopye gwa kwoonoona bintu bye, ogw’okutema omuti.










1. Okuva edda n’edda eryo lyonna

Lino eggwanga Buganda

Nti lyamanyibwa nnyo eggwanga lyaffe Okwetoloola ensi zonna.


2. Abazira ennyo abaatusooka

Baalwana nnyo mu ntalo

Ne balyagala nnyo eggwanga lyaffe

Naffe tulyagalenga.


3. Ffe abaana ba leero ka tulwane

Okukuza Buganda

Nga tujjukira nnyo ba jjajja baffe

Abaafirira ensi yaffe.


4. Nze naayimba ntya ne sitenda

Ssaabasajja Kabaka

Asaanira afuge Obuganda bwonna

Naffe nga tumwesiga.


5. Katonda omulungi ow’ekisa

Otubeere Mukama

Tubundugguleko emikisa gyo era

Bba ffe omukuumenga.





kitandise okutundibwa mu bitundu by'ensi ya Buganda nga kilambika bulungi ekifo kya Buganda  wakati wobufuzi bwa M7 obwa Uganda obwe myaka 30.

Kiwandiikiddwa Olukiiko lw'Abazzukulu b'Abataka b'Obwakabaka bwa Buganda.

Posted: 05 August 2016


Tubasaba Mujje mutandike okwerowooleza ebikwatta ku Nsi yamwe Buganda Nokutegeera obuwangwa Bwo Omuganda Era Ofunne okwagala eri Ensi Yo.


Abaganda Amazima Agalituwa Eddembe, Nga Tulwaniriira Ensi Yaffe Buganda.


Okwesomesa Ebitatusomesebwa.


Kikakatako Omuganda Okukola Omulimu Ssemalimu we Mirimu Gyonna Kwe Kulwanirira Ensi Yo Buganda.


Ebyo Byonna Ojja Kubiwuliira Ku Rediyo Ababaka, Ku Lwo Mukaga Entekateeka Kyooto Muzaawula Ku Saawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro eBuganda.


Ku Sande Entekateeka Yamwe Engaazi Wooli Nyweera, Era Nayo Etandika Esaawa Biri Ne Kitundu Ezekiro E'Buganda.


Tosubwa Kulwaniirira Buyiiza Bwa Nsi Yo Nemirembe.

The Interna-

tional Criminal Court prosecutor, Bensouda rejects MPs’ calls to indict UPDF

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted  Sunday, March 1   2015  


In the Uganda Parliament.

Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Fatou Bensouda, on Friday rejected calls by MPs from northern Uganda to indict government officials for alleged war crimes during the counter-insurgency operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels.

Ms Bensouda is in the country to follow up on the impending trial of former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at ICC in The Hague for war crimes.

Dokolo Woman MP Ms Cecilia Ogwal had asked Ms Bensouda to consider preferring similar charges against the NRM government officials accused of committing atrocities against civilians in the north during the LRA rebellion.

“It’s a complex situation,” Bensouda replied: adding that ICC does not have a provision in its rules to summon government, according to sources who attended the closed door meeting with MPs at Parliament on Friday. 

In asking ICC prosecutor to indict government officials, Ms Ogwal sought to know the action ICC prosecutor would take if it finds the government also committed atrocities during the LRA insurgency.

Sources said the ICC prosecutor however, said the government is “free to request the judge of the ICC to make submissions in cases like that of Ongwen.

“During Ongwen trial, if any witness points a finger to government, the judges can summon government to make submissions towards such allegation [but not as a key suspect in the case.],” Bensouda said.

When contacted on Friday, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ spokesman Lt Col Paddy Ankunda said: “MPs are free to make such accusations, they have a right to do that. But if anybody has evidence that UPDF soldiers committed any atrocities in the north, we will cooperate in investigating such cases.”

Ms Bensouda, after a courtesy call to Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, met selected MPs from Acholi, Lango and Teso, the regions worst ravaged by the LRA rebellion, as part of her wider consultations with the victims, political leaders and religious leaders.

On the question of trying Ongwen as a victim and at the same time a perpetrator, Ms Bensouda said: “The question of whether ICC is going to try Ongwen does not arise since at the time of his capture, he was already an adult. This is why Ongwen was allowed to choose his lawyer and he chose Crispus Ayen Odong (Oyam North MP) to represent him.”

She admitted some African leaders were seeking to quit ICC but said this was in their self defence. However, she said this won’t deter ICC from pursuing cases before the court to stop impunity.




Peoples Defence Forces of the NRM Political party has retired 40 officers in Gulu. 


A UPDF officer speaks to soldiers who were retired from the army at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town yesterday.

Photo by Julius Ocungi


Posted  Wednesday, April 1  2015


A total of 40 Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers at the 4th Division Army Barracks in Gulu District were yesterday retired from the army.

The retirement exercise, which took place at the 4th Division Infantry headquarters in Gulu Town, saw soldiers at the ranks of Captain, Lieutenant, Sergeant, Corporals and Private relieved of their duties.

The exercise was the first phase of the approved plans by the UPDF to retire 1,400 soldiers.

Speaking in an interview with Daily Monitor, the division spokesperson, Col Caesar Otim Olweny, said some of the officers who were retired had earlier applied for retirement, others had clocked 50 years while the rest had ill health.

“This is the first batch of officers to be retired at division level in the country, we are proud of the good services these officers provided to the country while serving in the UPDF over these years,” said Col Olweny.

Financial package

He noted that the retired officers will be given financial packages to help them begin a new life.

The 4th Division commander, Brig Muhanga Kayanja, who graced the ceremony, advised the retiring soldiers to desist from indiscipline that might block their chances of being recalled for other special assignments by the army.

“Today, you are being retired into a civilian, but it doesn’t mean we have lost touch with you. You still remain soldiers and in any of special assignments, some of you may be recalled, but only those who have been living good lives at home,” Brigadier Kayanja said.

The conditions of Uganda’s  health system in Karamoja after 30 years of NRM rule?

One of the houses in the medical staff quarters in Moroto.


Posted  Saturday, April 4  2015 at  01:00


Insensitive? As government plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean island of Trinidad and Tobago, what is the health situation back home?


On a good day at a rural government health facility, when doctors are present and nurses are not shouting, drugs will be out of stock. On a bad one when drugs have been stocked, health attendants will be out of sight.

It was such undoing, typical of majority health centres around the country, that Joyce Ategeka, a resident of Nyawaiga village on the shores of Lake Albert in Buliisa District, was left a widow at 35. Her husband succumbed to acute malaria and diarrhea, leaving her the burden of raising 10 children alone.

A nurse at a health centre III in the neighbouring village, Sebagoro, where the deceased had been admitted four days before his death, revealed that there was a high chance of saving him.

Problem was, there were neither drugs nor a qualified doctor so he could not be helped further. Admitting that the centre has a staff and drug shortage, the best the nurse, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says they all they could do was give him painkillers - Panadol. The doctor at the health centre had been transferred three months earlier.

The health centre in Sebagoro is a 20 by 40-feet container that moonlights for patient examination, emergencies, labour ward, antenatal and clerking, name it. The unit is shared by seven villages, with a daily patient influx of between 30 to 40 and a staff of seven.

Four hundred kilometers South West in Nyakashaka, Burere Sub-county in Buhweju District, the situation is perhaps slightly but not any better.

Regional referral hospitals

At the 14 regional referral hospitals in the country, the status quo is barely better.

According to the ministry’s Annual Health Sector Performance Report for the FY2013/14 issued in October last year, seven out of the 14 regional referral hospitals have a staffing level below the average. These include Moroto (41%), Mubende (55%), Naguru (67%), Kabale (70 %), Soroti (74%) and Hoima (74 %). Having to serve five neighbouring districts of Nakapiripirit, Abim, Kaabong, Moroto and Kotido, Moroto Regional Referral Hospital has had to up its 115 bed capacity by 70, despite its laughable staff numbers.

Patient numbers, however, are quite low except for the maternity ward due to factors ranging from the bad roads, drought, famine, absence of specialised facilities and medical attendants and lack of electricity. With limited access to clean water, the hospital is forced to rely on the hard water available, which frequently breaks down the equipment.

The hospital’s chief medical supretendant, Dr Filbert Nyeko, says they have to refer patients to as far as Soroti to access specialised services.

Nonetheless, health centres continue to face other challenges, including poor working conditions, excessive workloads, low salaries and poor remuneration, obsolete diagnostic equipment, medical workers stealing drugs, and drug shortages.

Yet in the face of all such challenges, government is making plans to send at least 263 specialised medical personnel to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad and Tobago, a deal which officials from both Health and Foreign Affairs ministries, say is intended at “accelerating diplomatic relations” between the two countries.

Uganda is number 149th in rankings of healthcare around the world. Trinidad on the other hand, is in the 67th position and in third position is the Americas after United States and Canada. With a population of 1.3 million people, Trinidad has 12 times as many doctors per capita than Uganda.

According to the shortlist, the personnel set to go include , 15 of the 28 orthopedics Uganda has, four of the six urologists, 15 of of 91 Internal medicine specialists, 15 of 92 paediatrics, four of the 25 ophthalmologists, four of the 11 registered psychiatrists and 20 of the 28 radiologists.

Others include 20 Radiologists, 15 of the 126 gynaecologists in Uganda, four of the 15 pathologists, 15 paediatrics, four Ophthalmologists, 15 general surgeons, among others.

But Dr Asuman Lukwago, the Permanent Secretary in the Health ministry, says the decision to offer Trinidad a helping hand has nothing to do with Uganda’s health sector being afflicted.

“The sector has some human resource challenges, but this is not because of availability on the front line. There are some frontiers where we even have excess and the question that begs is what should we do for such people without work?” he asks.

Dr Lukwago argues that the challenges plaguing the health sector are bigger than the ministry, and a solution, if any, requires multi-pronged approaches.

The arrest of Uganda Opposition politicians continues to go ahead so that NRM can get enough space to campaign for another term in power come 2021:

20 April, 2019

By Misairi Thembo Kahungu



His mobile phone has been stolen by one of the police officers making the arrest in Uganda.



Mr Godrey Mutabazi, the UCC boss in Uganda

The executive director of the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), Mr Godfrey Mutabazi, Friday insisted that the regulator has no hand in the incidents where police have raided and switched off radio stations hosting former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye.

In the space of two weeks, police have raided radio stations in Kabale, Jinja and Mubende districts to stop a live talk show where Dr Besigye is being hosted. They have also switched off transmitters and pulled him out of the studios.

The latest incident occurred on Thursday when police raided Mubende FM in Mubende District , arrested and detained Dr Besigye in Mityana before releasing him later in the day.

“No we don’t have a hand in this. We don’t know whether it is true or not because nobody has reported to us,” Mr Mutabazi said.

He said much as UCC has heard about the incidents through “rumours” there is no action the regulator can take until the managers or proprietors of the radio stations report the matter officially.

“UCC would act if there was a report by any of the affected radio stations. Let’s first be aware through an official complaint and we see how to take it forward,” he added.

Asked whether the police raid on a media house contravenes the UCC Act, Mr Mutabazi said as a security agency, the police can without clearance switch of the transmitters.

“If someone is inciting public violence, they (police) can switch off without UCC clearance. If you are committing a crime, they don’t want UCC to clear,” he explained

Mr Fred Enanga, the police spokesperson, said the Force is yet to find out what exactly has been happening between the commanders in the affected areas and Dr Besigye.

“That is something that we are yet to find out because it is not our duty to switch off radio and television stations. That is the mandate of UCC. I don’t see really how police can come and switch off a radio station. We need to take time to find out about that allegation,” he said.

He, however, said the police will not look on as Dr Besigye and the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party members continue to hold illegal rallies where they mobilise people to join the defiance campaign.

Dr Besigye who insists he won the 2016 presidential polls, last year, announced 2019 as a year of action as he vowed to lead Ugandans in forcing President Museveni out of power before the 2021 elections.

Asked about Dr Besigye’s arrest on Friday, Mr Enanga declined to give specifics of an offence committed but insisted that FDC has continuously breached provisions of the Public Order Management Act (POMA). Mr Enanga referred to the Jinja incident, saying Dr Besigye had held a lawful town hall meeting at Bugembe but went ahead to use the radio station to invite people to attended an “illegal” public rally at Busoga Square.

On arrests

On the arrests from within radio studios, he said, the police have powers to conduct an arrest with or without a warrant if there is “suspicion of commission of a crime or somebody is about to commit one”.

The executive director of the Uganda Media Centre, Mr Ofwono Opondo, insisted that any Resident District Commissioner ordering police to raid radio stations as has been alleged in the latest incidents, is unlawful.

He suggested that Dr Besigye might be using his contacts within the police to create situations aimed at attracting public sympathy for him.







The Uganda Army court(Military Tribunal) is softening its stance in the judgement of its convert operatives that were used to cause violence and chaos in the Uganda National Elections of 2016:

December 17, 2018

Written by URN

The raid at Boda Boda 2010 offices

The raid at Boda Boda 2010 offices where the Uganda Army destroyed all the evidence at the crime scene.


Three jailed members of the Boda Boda 2010 Association have regained their freedom after being acquitted by the General Court Martial.

Army court chairman, Lt Gen Andrew Gutti acquitted Jonathan Kayondo, Hassan Ssengoba and Sande Ssemwogerere this morning, saying prosecution had failed to present evidence showing that they were at the Boda Boda 2010 office premises in Natete during an army operation that led to the recovery of illegal firearms, military uniforms and headgear.

However, Gutti ruled that Abdallah Kitatta, the patron of Boda Boda 2010, Ibrahim Sekajja and Sowali Ngobi have a case to answer for unlawful possession of fire arms and ammunition.

He noted that Ngobi who is said to be a police officer, didn't have a warrant card showing that he was armed at the time of his arrest at Vine hotel, Wakaliga. Sekajja is also required to defend himself since he was in vehicle registration number UAK 135B with Kitatta where an SMG gun was recovered from with 50 rounds of ammunition.

Kitatta will also have to defend himself individually on the illegal possession of a golden pistol, which was found in his hotel room. Other suspects are expected to defend themselves because they were found at the Boda Boda 2010 offices in Natete during arrest. These include Joel Kibirige, Fred Bwanika, Amon Twinomujuni, John Ssebandeke, Hassan Ssebata, Matia Senfuka and Hussein Mugema.

Shaban Sanywa, the suspects' lawyer asked court to direct Vine hotel management to avail him with the video footage of the arrest of the suspects, a request Gutti declined to grant.

"A hotel is a public facility, I cannot interfere. If you are sick, you go and look for a doctor, and now it's you who is sick. Go and look for treatment", Gutti said with laughter.


He tasked Sanywa to use any means to secure the video footage, saying his court cannot give him an order to get the footage. Sanywa pleaded with Gutti to grant him the orders, saying he had asked the Vine hotel management to give them the footage in vain.


The hotel reportedly said they would only do so if the lawyer presents a court order. Earlier on, Sanywa said that the defense would rely on the CCTV footage in case his clients have a case to answer. The accused persons were arrested from various places in Rubaga Division between January 19 and 21 for unlawful possession of unlawful weapons and military stores.

Prosecution presented four witnesses to testify against the suspects. They included private Richard Kasaija, one of the nine operatives involved in the operation to arrest the suspects, corporal Richard Wanyama, a CMI detective attached to the Directorate of Counter Terrorism, major David Agaba, the former operations commander at CMI and corporal Alex Baguma, the one who was driving the vehicle that picked up suspects. The matter shall return to court next year on January 7.


It leaves Dr Besigye to decide on this case. One reckons these are the stick weilding young men that the Uganda Army and the Uganda militry Police trained in Bunyoro before the 2016 National Election to beat up some people. 

It was the fault of Besigye who kept telling this dictatorial government that he had a civilian army of his own to police the National Election with Museveni in 2016.

Now that these young men are free, is the Uganda Army going to recruit them again for the same in 2021?


One understands that Kitatta was a military trainee and a paid worker who was working convertly against the efforts of the state of Buganda and Uganda at most, to practice proper African democracy. This current African army in Uganda is very much determined to support the dictartorship of the current long serving civilian government of Uganda. Mr Kitatta should be released like all the others so that a case can then be found properly as in the case of the former IGP.






Another Police commander in Uganda, Mr Muhammad Kirumira, and a female friend have been assassinated on the streets of Kampala:

September 8, 2018

Written by URN, Observer, Uganda.

Former Buyende district police commander (DPC) Muhammad Kirumira has been shot dead alongside a female friend, Resty Mbabazi  today evening near his home in Bulenga along Mityana road.

The maverick former police officer was reportedly returning from Resort Park on his way home when he was intercepted by two assailants riding on a motorcycle without lights at around 9.00pm.

The gunmen reportedly shot more than 10 bullets at the vehicle - a black Toyota Corona registration number UAJ 228V before fleeing from the scene. Good Samaritans removed Kirumira and the female occupant from the vehicle and tried to rush them to hospital to save their lives in vain.
The driver's front door glass was shattered and the right hind tyre is also bearing gunshots and is deflated. The driver's door is bearing at least 5 visible bullet scars.
Kirumira has been shot dead inside this car
Although it's 5-minute walk from the nearby police station, police came to the scene of crime after more than 30 minutes according to eye-witnesses. The family is unsure  of the whereabouts of Kirumira's body and is reportedly searching at various hospitals. About 30 police officers have been deployed at the scene. 


Earlier in the day, Kirumira sent out an audio message congratulating journalists for successfully electing new office bearers in Uganda Journalists Association. He appealed to the winners to embrace the losers of today's polls and incorporate their manifestos for the betterment of their profession.

Kirumira, who was known for speaking openly, cautioned the new leaders to guard against journalists working for their personal gains, saying they derail the professions.


He signed off the message, saying "I am Muhammad Mwoyo Gwa Gwanga. Mwoyo Gwa Gwanga simply means patriot. I am around. I am still around. Until God says don't be around. I am still around and my virtues and values haven't changed," he said.

Kirumira was a strong critic of former police boss Gen Kale Kayihura's leadership and even faced the police court for the strong criticism and was planning to contest for a parliamentary seat later in 2021. 
Kirumira's shooting comes exactly 3 months after the gunning down of Arua municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga and his brother on June 8.
President Museveni arrived at the scene of the shooting at around 11.52pm. He walked from Bulenga police station to the scene of the shooting. The president did not get close to the bullet riddled car. Museveni picked out two eye witnesses from the crowd at the scene. The two men who claimed were boda boda riders said the shooters were riding on two sport bikes and were hooded.
One of the witnesses said he heard Kirumira pleading for mercy saying, "Bambi temunzitta" (please don't kill) because they shot him near a boda boda stage. Asked by the president why they did not chase after the shooters, the boda boda riders said seven of them tried to but could not proceed when the shooters turned the guns at them. 
"They shot twice at us and we ran for dear life. They rode heading towards Bulenga town," he said. 
Museveni then asked the police officers at the scene if they had noted down the registration number of the vehicle that had taken Kirumira to hospital. Police had no details. He asked his presidential guards, Special Forces Command to get more details from the witnesses.  
Kirumira is the second police officer after former police spokesperson Andrew Felix Kaweesi to be shot (on March 17, 2017) in almost identical style. 

Poliisi ya Uganda ewadde Bobi Wine ekiragiro:

By Martin Ndijjo


Added 18th July 2018

Bob1 703x422

Member of Uganda Parliament  Mr Bobi Wine


POLIISI eyise omubaka wa Kyaddondo East, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu amanyiddwa nga Bobi Wine okweyanjula ku CPS mu Kampala leero ku Lwokusatu ku by’okwekalakaasa olw’omusolo gwa ‘Mobile Money’ ne ‘social media’. Bobi Wine akakasiza nga bwe yafunye ebbaluwa ezimuyita ku poliisi era leero agenda kweyanjula mu buntu abannyonnyole.

Ayongeddeko nti bino tebigenda kumutiisatiisa yadde okubaggya ku mulamwa kubanga byonna bye bakola babikola mu mateeka era balwanirira ddembe lya muntu wa bulijjo anyigirizibwa olw’omusolo omungi okumubinikibwa.

Bobi Wine bamulanga kukulemberamu kibinja ky’abantu ne batambula mu kibuga nga baagala kutuuka ku kibangirizi kya Ssemateeka okulaga obutali bumativu ku musolo ogwateereddwa ku ‘Mobile Money’ ne ‘social media’ ku Lwokusatu lwa wiiki ewedde. Omwogezi wa poliisi mu Kampala n’emiriraano, Luke Owoyesigyire yategeezezza ng’ okwekalakaasa kwa Bobi Wine ne baane bwe baakukola mu bukyamu ekitegeeza nti balina emisango gye bazza.


Ssebuwufu amanyiddwa nga Eddy Mutwe kanyama wa Bobi Wine eyakwatibwa poliisi ku Lwokutaano , eggulo ku Lwokubiri yasindikiddwa Luzira nga bagamba alina emisango gye yazza mu kwekalakaasa okwaliwo omuli okukuba abaserikale, okubalemesa okukola emirimu gyabwe wamu n’okubbba empigu.

Yatwaliddwa mu kkooti ya Buganda Road gye baamusomedde emisango egy’enjawulo era omulamuzi Esther Nahirya n’amusindika mu kkomera e Luzira okutuusa nga July 24, 2018. Ono yeegasse ku Fred Nyanzi, mukulu wa Bobi Wine ne David Lule ne Julius Katongole abaasindikiddwa e Luzira ku Lwokutaano oluwedde.


Kibi nyo nti kakano ayikiriza banne okubasiibya mu poliisi, mu kkooti, ne mubudukulu bwe Luzira yakugukamu nyo mukubyekweka okumalira ddala emyaka ku Amini ne ku Obote II. Bakeenda nga kumunonya mubuli kasonda ka Uganda nga bweerere. Oba omusimbi gwenkanawa ogwomuwi womusolo gwebakozesanga negwononekera obwerere?

Yomu agamba kakano nti governmenti ezakozesanga sente enyingi okumunonya nga  akola obuyeekera zaali zonoona nyo sente.





In Uganda, Mumbere’s 190 guards are still rotting in prison on a one year remand:

Some of the royal guards in police custody

Some of the royal guards in police custody follow court proceedings in 2015. At least 190 royal guards are in police custody. Photo by Abubaker Lubowa

According to Article 23 of the Constitution, if a suspect spends more than 180 days (six months) on remand as he/she awaits trial, such a person is entitled to bail subject to conditions court may consider “reasonable”.

Currently, 191 individuals who were arrested together with Rwenzururu King Charles Wesley Mumbere following the attack on his palace by a combined force of the army and police in November 2016, have spent about three times the prescribed time on remand.

Of these, seven are 60 years old or older, with the oldest being Sondekeya Zakaria, who is 80 years old. Advanced age, which is usually taken to start around 60 years, is cited as a condition to qualify suspects for bail. There are also 20 women among those in jail.

In June last year, these suspects were committed to the High Court for trial, but they are still being kept at Kirinya prison.

Mr Vincent Mugabo, the Judiciary spokesperson, said the date for their trial has not yet been fixed because the Criminal Division of the High Court is still working on other cases.

“Our policy is first-in, first-out and most of the criminal sessions are handling cases that came in before King Mumbere and his people were arrested. But what I can assure you is that in the near future, their trial will be fixed,” Mr Mugabo said.

In the meantime, he added, the suspects are free to apply for bail and that the court will hear them out.

Rights violations

When the suspects appeared for mention of their case in the magistrate’s court at Nakawa, the defence lawyers raised, on behalf of the suspects, complaints of torture.

As this newspaper reported on December 15, 2015, the suspects “looked unwashed, a very bad smell filled the courtroom as they filed in, with some looking to be in particularly bad physical shape.”

In reaction to the complaints regarding torture that were raised by defence lawyer Caleb Alaka, Nakawa Chief Magistrate John Francis Kaggwa ruled that the torture claims raised should be investigated by the relevant State agencies, urging the relevant organs to accord the suspects all their rights.

By that time, some of the Rwenzururu loyalists, who had been badly injured during the attack, were hospitalised.

The attack conducted on November 27, 2016, by a combined force of the army and police, had been brutal. A Daily Monitor investigation published on November 17, 2017 revealed names of 151 individuals – men, women and children – who were killed during the attack.

King Mumbere was arrested together with more than 200 of his layalists, called royal guards, who survived the attack. They were taken out of Kasese and detained in Jinja, over 450 kilometres apart.

The suspects alleged that they were subjected to further torture even after reaching the detention centre, and a number of them had septic wounds on their hands and other parts of the body to show for it.

A few who were badly off were taken for treatment in military health centres, and at least one succumbed to his injuries at the Bombo Military hospital.

The situation of most of the suspects does not seem to have improved even during detention in Kirinya prison. Two of the suspects – Yosam Bagheni and Mikidadi Masereka - have since died while on remand, whereas 11 others are said to be battling different illnesses.

One of the issues that has been continually raised is the fact that the suspects were detained hundreds of miles away from their homes.

Mr Apollo Sandy, the team leader of the Dream Team Rwenzori, a local peace advocacy group, wonders why the suspects remain detained far away from home despite the State saying it concluded investigations, which would ordinarily mean they [suspects] cannot interfere with the investigation process.

He said the suspects should be transferred to different prisons in Kasese or neighbouring districts to enable their loved ones to visit them.

One person who has trouble visiting her husband in prison is Ms Jetresi Biira, a resident of Kasese Municipality, who survives on tailoring. She says she needs not less than Shs200,000 for transport, accommodation and meals to make one visit.

“I have only gone there twice since my husband was arrested because I cannot afford all that money when the burden of house rent, school fees and food is on my head,” Ms Biira says.

King Mumbere arrest

King Mumbere had been arrested during the raid, airlifted to Kampala and later on to Nalufenya police detention centre in Jinja. He was on November 29, 2016 charged before the Chief Magistrates Court in Jinja with treason, murder, attempted murder and being in illegal possession of firearms. His guards were charged before the same court on December 4, 2016.

They were all remanded to Kirinya government prison until December 13 when their file would be mentioned by the same court. It is at this time that Mumbere was joined by his guards before they returned to court, only for the State to slap the terrorism charge against them.

In February 2017, King Mumbere, Rwenzururu prime minister Johnson Thembo Kitsumbire and six juveniles were granted bail by the Jinja High Court and had stringent conditions slapped on them, including being restricted to Kampala and neighbouring areas and being banned from travelling to Kasese during the period of the bail.

Mr Mumbere’s other co-accused, however, remained on remand and until now have not had a single shot at bail heard by court.

“Our legal team had filed the application for bail for these people but the state sneaked them back to court a day before the supposed ruling was to be made and we were surprised with information that they had been committed (for trial in the High Court,” Leader of Opposition in Parliament and Kasese Woman MP Winnie Kiiza, said. “So we waited knowing that the trial would start immediately but in vain. Now, we are going to push for a fresh bail application.”

Defence lawyer speaks out

Mr Evans Ocheng, one of the defense lawyers, confirmed that they have instructions for bail from all the suspects but have had some issues to deal with it.

Mr Ocheng said it is “unfair” and “unjust” for the Judiciary not to fix the trial for the suspects who were committed to the High Court for trial almost a year ago.

He said they have a challenge getting sureties for all the 200 royal guards on remand because of the distance from Kasese to Kampala.

In the meantime, the remanded royal guards stay put in jail, their fate inter-twined with that of King Mumbere. It looks likely that in the end, the final solution could be reached politically and not legally, that is if the ongoing talks between King Mumbere’s side and that of government led by Second Deputy Prime Minister Kirunda Kivejinja, succeed.

In Uganda, the Presidential Age limit debate has forced the Uganda Police to bring back police convicts to do the dirty work again:


On duty. A police patrol pick-up truck carries

On duty. A police patrol pick-up truck carries plain-clothed operatives who were later seen near the parliamentary premises on Wednesday. PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA

The notorious goons – including a police court convict – were at the centre of operations against Members of Parliament (MPs) and Opposition politicians in Kampala city last week.

Mr Dan Tandeka and several other plain-clothed security operatives who participated in battering people in Kampala and its environs prior to and after the 2016 general election were once again in action last week as police moved to contain any protests against plans by ruling NRM lawmakers to amend the Constitution’s clause on age limit for the presidency.

The Opposition MPs on Tuesday and Wednesday paralysed the proceedings in Parliament, creating rowdy scenes that saw the plenary adjourned twice. On the second day, Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga ordered the sergeant-at-arms to evict 25 opposition MPs after they resisted the suspension that had been meted out for their disruption of the previous day’s sitting. The regular police and other security agencies then came in to enforce the eviction in scenes that turned ugly as the MPs fought back.

Outside on the streets, various Opposition politicians – including Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and Opposition leader Kizza Besigye – attempted to demonstrate and march to Parliament, prompting police to arrest them.

Mr Tandeka, who was convicted in February by a police court alongside eight other officers, including three senior superintendents of police for beating Opposition supporters on July 13, 2016, is among those who took a lead role as police arrested Dr Besigye on Tuesday in the city centre.

The police court chaired by Senior Commissioner of Police, Mr Denis Odongpiny, recommended to the Police Council to dismiss Mr Tandeka from the Force and that he should never associate with the institution for at least 20 years. The police court doesn’t have authority to dismiss an officer from the Force but can only recommend to the Police Council, which has that mandate.

Out in action

Wearing a pink checkered shirt, khaki pants and a dark brown cap and holding a radio call and a mobile phone, Mr Tandeka was seen issuing orders as a police car hitched and towed Dr Besigye’s car to the city’s Central Police Station.

The following day, Mr Tandeka was again among security personnel stationed outside Parliament as Opposition lawmakers were being dragged out of the House chamber and bundled into waiting police pick-up trucks. The Opposition MPs had attempted to disrupt the proceedings of Parliament in order to stop the tabling of the controversial motion to amend the Constitution’s clause on the age limit of the presidency.

Mr Tandeka was once again spotted outside Parliament donning a tight navy blue T-shirt and a cap of the same colour.

Mr Yusuf Lubowa, the man this newspaper unmasked as kicking a Dr Besigye supporter in a recorded video clip by NTV Uganda after the same man was deliberately knocked by a police patrol vehicle, also continues to work with the police.

He, together with other goons, operate in areas around Clock Tower on Entebbe Road. They are mainly engaged in arresting boda boda riders but also occasionally assist the police and KCCA wardens in managing traffic.

The darker side of this group affiliated to Mr Abdallah Kitatta, a powerful ruling NRM party mobiliser and a close confidant of senior police bosses, comes out when protests emerge or are anticipated in Kampala.

The group that hides and disguises their faces and identities behind motorcycle helmets, caps and hoods often descends on protesters and bystanders with clubs, sticks and electric wires. Some even have guns (pistols) and handcuffs they use to subdue those they arrest.

This group and others are famously remembered for their role in disrupting proceedings and beating up lawyers when police chief Kale Kayihura was summoned in relation to private criminal proceedings at Makindye Chief Magistrate’s Court in Kampala over the police’s brutal beating of protestors.

Beyond the police court’s decisions that remains on the shelf, our sources in the Force say no action has been taken on Mr Tandeka, his other fellow convicts, and many other senior police officers named in the beating of Opposition supporters last year.

Some of the convicted officers were sent for further studies and were recently among the 37 senior police officers, who were awarded the Master of Arts in Peace, Governance and Security at the Police Senior Command and Staff College Bwebajja, near Kampala.

One of the officers who graduated at Bwebajja is former regional police commander for Kampala Metropolitan South, Mr Andrew Kaggwa, who was sentenced to a demotion from Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) to the rank of Superintendent. At the graduation, he donned the police ceremonial uniform with his SSP rank intact.

The then commander of Kampala Metropolitan Police, Mr Abbas Byakagaba, and his deputy, Mr Stephen Tanui, were sacked. They were, however, sent to the Senior Command and Staff College as commandant and deputy commandant, respectively; the same training institution the errant officers were sent to for further studies.

Besides Mr Kagwa and Mr Tandeka, the other officers, ASP Patrick Muhumuza, who was demoted to Inspector of Police, and Mr Moses Nanoka, who was demoted to Assistant Superintendent of Police, are reported to still be holding their ranks.

Sources indicate that the other convicts, Police Constables Willy Kalyango, Sula Kato, Moses Agaba, Dan Muhangi, and Robert Wanjala were also redeployed.

This newspaper in July last year published the names of senior police officers and goons that either commanded the operation or directly engaged in beating Opposition supporters on the streets with sticks. The beatings ignited a public outcry, prompting the police to institute disciplinary hearings for its officers involved.

Others not charged

Mr James Ruhweza as Kampala Metropolitan Area Operations commander was the highest ranking police officer among those seen on the streets ordering the beating of Dr Besigye’s supporters. He was never summoned to answer for his role but instead turned up as a witness and implicated his juniors. He has since been promoted and is now in charge of security at Entebbe International Airport as chief of joint security operations.

Other officers are then Deputy RPC Kampala South Geoffrey Kaheebwa, Jonathan Baroza, who was then personal assistant to Gen Kayihura, Aaron Baguma, who was Central Police Station commander, and Siraje Bakaleke, the then Kampala Metropolitan East Regional Police Commander, now Kampala Metropolitan South Police Commander.

Mr Albert Muhumuza, a Special Police Constable who was fresh from jail after being arrested, was never charged or tried for his role in beating up people.

He continued with his routine of trailing Dr Besigye, but would occasionally take a break. He was active outside Parliament on Wednesday outside what has since been dubbed as the police torture van.

Poisnous Mustard gas: a legacy of World War One


A blow up of the mustard gas in colour


Paris, France | AFP | 

Poisonous Mustard gas, which a watchdog on Friday said the so-called Islamic State group may have manufactured and used in Syria and Iraq, first terrorised battlefields during World War I.

The Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons also said IS was behind a mustard gas attack in August 2015.

Here is a short history of its use in modern warfare.

Terrorise soldiers 

A so-called vesicant agent officially identified as bis-(2-chloroethyl)sulfide, mustard gas has also been dubbed Yperite because it was first used near the northwestern Belgian city of Ypres in July 1917 by the German army in WWI.

German troops had already experimented with a chlorine-based gas in the area on April 22, 1915.

Masks made to protect against chlorine agents were useless because mustard gas penetrated them and attacked the skin.

Although the gas killed relatively few people in a war that caused millions of deaths, the idea of it terrorised soldiers.

An oily yellow almost liquid-like substance that smells like garlic or mustard, it does not need to be inhaled, and settles on exposed surfaces where it can remain active for several weeks, according to chemist Jean-Claude Bernier.

It causes the skin to break out in painful blisters, irritates eyes and causes eyelids to swell up, temporarily blinding its victims.

Internal and external haemorrhaging then results and destroys the lungs. Victims typically die within four to five weeks of a pulmonary oedema as liquid accumulates in the respiratory system.


Mustard gas can be encased in warheads fired from cannons or dropped from aircraft, and was used many times during WWI.

After that it was used in Russia in 1919, in Morocco by the French between 1923 and 1926 and in Libya by the Italians in 1930, according to the World Health Organisation.

It was also used in Xinjiang, China, by the Japanese in 1934, and in Ethiopia by the Italians between 1935 and 1940, the WHO says.

Japanese forces used chemical weapons again in China between 1937 and 1942, including mustard gas, and Iraq used it against Iran between 1980 and 1988.

Iraq also used it against the Kurdish village of Halabja in March 1988, killing almost 5,000 people.

The use of chemical weapons, but not their development, was outlawed in 1925 by the Geneva Protocol.

It was not until the signing in 1993 of the Paris Convention and its taking effect on April 29, 1997 however, that the complete development, manufacturing, storage and use of chemical weapons was banned.



Abapoliisi ba Uganda batulugunya abantu babulijjo. Ate oluvanyuma bakuza bakuze(promotion)!
Jan 29, 2015
Bya Ahmed Mukiibi


AFANDE Joram Mwesigye, abadde DPC wa Poliisi ya Kampalamukadde  ayolekedde okusibwa emyaka etaano singa omusango gw'okutulugunya bannamawulire ogwamugguddwaako mu kkooti y'oku Buganda Road gumukka mu vvi.

Mwesigye yabadde  ng'akwatiddwa ekitambo ku mutwe olw'engeri gye yafubutudde  n'okukubaakuba bannamawulire ekyatuusizza  bakama be okumunaabira mu maaso.

Mukama we,  Gen. Kale Kayihura yamuyimirizza  ku mulimu n'alagira akwatibwe olw'ettima n'effujjo lye yayolesezza  ku bannamawulire omuli Andrew Lwanga owa WBS gwe yasinsimudde waaya y'amazannyalaze ku mutwe kumpi kwagala kumutta!

Mwesigye  yakwatiddwa  nga January 13, 2015 ne bamuggalira e Kireka  ku kitebe kya Special Investigations Unit (SIU) okumala ennaku ssatu  oluvannyuma n'asimbibwa mu kkooti ku Buganda Road n'avunaanibwa.

Emisango  egy'okukuba n'okutulugunya Bannamawulire  egyagguddwa ku DPC Mwesigye gisimbuliziddwa mu tteeka erya 'Prohibition and Prevention of Torture Act 2012 era singa ginaamukka mu vvi, ajja kusibwa  emyaka etaano oba okuwa engassi enzito.

Naye ggwe nange tuyinza okuba nga tutimbibwa bbula! Kizuuse nga kumpi abappoliisi bonna abakwatibwa nga bakoze obuvuyo, bwe batabakuza, babakyusa bukyusa ne babongera n’amayinja olwo ne babatwala awalala okusigala nga banola ebokolobero!

 Gen. Kayihura oluusi yeefuula agenda okukola okubuuliriza kyokka gye biggweera ng'abampembe  beekunnumbidde  ng'embuzi eyasizza entamu!


DPC Joram Mweigye ( akutte kibooko era ali ku kkono) yakuba munnamawulire.



Nga April 22, 2011 mu biseera by’okwekalakaasa okwa Walk2 Work, abaserikale ba Poliisi mu Nyendo baasindirira amasasi mu beekalakaasi ne batta omwana ow’emyaka ebiri Juliana Namwanga!.

 Gen. Kayihura kye yakola, kwe kukyusa  Afande Fred Ssekiwere eyali RPC n’amutwala  mu kitongole ky’ebikwekweto bya Poliisi,  ekifo kye n’akissaamu  Simon Wafana gwe yaggya e Mbarara gye yali nga DPC.

Omuserikale agambibwa okutta omwana naye yakyusibwa n’atwalibwa mu kitundu ekirala era ebyo awo we byakoma!

Mu biseera bye bimu eby’okwekalakaasa, abaserikale  b’e Kajjansi  ku lw’e Ntebe baakuba omukazi owoolubuto olw’emyezi omusanvu, Brenda Nalwendo  amasasi ne bamuyiwa ebyenda n’akomayo era singa Katonda teyazza bibye, mukazi wattu yali afiiridde bwemage! Ekyewunyisa tewali muserikale wa Poliisi yakwatibwa, abaserikale abaali basse omukazi ono na kati mwebali mu Poliisi!

Nga  29 April 2011, omuserikale wa Poliisi Gilbert Arinaitwe Bwana katono  atte Dr. Kizza Besigye emisana ttuku  ng’ensi eraba, bwe yakwata ennyondo  ne pisito n’ayasaayasa endabirwamu z’emmotoka ye n’alyoka amufuuyira kaamulari  ne ttiyaggaasi butereevu mu mmunye!

Andrew Lwanga owa WBS (wakati) baamutwala mu ddwaaliro nga biwalattaka oluvannyuma lw’owapoliisi okumukuba ennyo.

Ng’amaze okumufuuyira kaamulali, Arinaitwe eyali mu ngoye eza bulijjo,   yasika Besigye ebitogi n’amukasuka ng’ekitereke   ku kabangali ya Poliisi  ne bamutwaka nga tamanyi biri ku nsi.

Kyatereegekeka oluvannyuma  nti omuvubuka eyali akoze effujjo ku Besigye ye , Gilbert Arinaitwe, ofiisa wa Poliisi ali ku ddaala lya  ASP  nga mu kiseera ekyo yali akola mu RRU e  Kireka.

Ng’oggyeeko okubeera ofiisa wa Poliisi, Arinaitwe musajja Mukukole era y’akulira ebyokwerinda mu kkanisa y’Omusumba Robert Kayanja eya Miracle Centre e Lubaga!

Mu November wa 2014, omuwaabi w’emisango gya Gavumenti yasalawo nti Arinaitwe  talina musango  kubanga fayiro ya Poliisi  gye yakola  mu kunoonyereza yali tematiza kwongera musango mu maaso, bwatyo Arinaitwe kati ayiinaayina!

Kigambibwa nti Gen. Kayihuya  yamusindika  mu ttendekero lya Poliisi erya Kabalye e Masindi  n’ayogera okutendekebwa  era yamaliriza dda n’adda mu Kampala!

Eyatta abayizi e Makerere ali mu Kampala ameketa nsimbi

Mu November wa 2013, Afande James  Ruhweza yaduumira  abaserikale ba Poliisi abaakuba munnamateeka   Abdulla Kiwanuka ne bamuyulizayuliza engoye ku KCCA  bwe yali atutte  ekiragiro kya kkooti ekiyimiriza Minisita wa Kampala Frank Tumwebaze  okukubiriza olukiiko lwa bakansala olwaggyamu Loodi Meeya Erias Lukwago obwesige.


Abapoliisi y’e Hoima abatta abantu babiri mu 2010.

Ruhweza nga ye RPC wa Kampala South,(atwala Poliisi ya  CPS, Ntebe, Kajjansi ne Kabalagala), taggulwangako musango gwonna n'okutuusa kati wadde nga IGP Gen. Kayihura yali asuubizza okukola okubuuliriza

Mu ngeri y'emu,  Ruhweza ng'akyali DPC  ku CPS mu 2012,  ye yakulira ebibinja ky'abappoliisi abaateega  abalema abeegattira mu kibiina kya National Union of Disabled Persons in Uganda (NUDIPU)  abaali batwala ekiwandiiko ku Palamenti ne babakubamu ttiyaggaasi n'amasasi ag'ebipiira  ne bagwa ebigwo  ne  banuubuka n'emiggo kwe batambulira ne bagisuulawo, era eby’okugenda  ku Palamenti  Ruhweza n'abirinnyamu eggere . Wabula n'okutuusa kati Ruhwezi talina musango gwonna gwe yali avunaaniddwa ku bikolobero bino!

Afande Alifonse Birigamba, yali akulira poliisi y'oku ppaaka empya mu 2009, yali ne  ofiisa omulala AIP  Aggrey Wakabi eyali akulira poliisi y'oku Owino   be baawa ebiragiro eri  abaserikale abakyala  ne batyoboola  omubaka wa Kampala Nabillah Naggayi Sempala kumpi okumwambulamu engoye emisana ttuku bwe yali agezaako okukuba olukung'aana mu katale ka Owino.

Ensonga ez'okutyoboola Nabillah omuli okumufungula, okumukwata ku mabeere n’ebirala zaatuuka mu Palamenti, ababaka ne bassa Gen. Kayihura ku nninga era n'asuubiza okukangavvula bofiisa  bombi.

Wabula mu kifo ky’okukangavvulwa,  Wakabi yakyusibwa  n’atwalibwa ku poliisi ya Kampalamukadde n’aweebwa obuvunaanyizibwa obulala n'oluvannyuma n'aggyibwayo n'atwalibwa okukulira poliisi y'oku Kalerwe, Nabweru, Bwaise ku Mambule Rd gye yava  n'akomezebwawo ku Kampalamukadde ng'aduumira ebikwekweto.

Wakabi yakuzibwa okuva ku ddaala  lya Sajenti n'atuusibwa ku ddaala lya AIP.  Birigamba  naye yakuzibwa okuva  ku ddaala lya AIP n'afulibwa IP n'atwalibwa  okukulira Poliisi y'e Kazo!

Nga February, 26, 2011, abaserikale ba Poliisi y'e Buikwe  baatulugunya  omutuuze w'e Njeru,  Annet Namuddu  mu biseera by'okulonda kwa ssentebe wa LC5  oluvanyuma ne bamuyoola mu bbanga ne bamukasuka ku kabangali  n'asookawo omutwe ng'amagulu gali waggulu.

DPC James Peter Aurien yakwatibwa lwa butemu.

Akakiiko akakwasisa empisa mu Poliisi kaatuula ku Jinja CPS  nga kakubirizibwa Pufredic Lukooya ne kavunaana OC wa Poliisi y'e Njeru, Adrew Gudoi n'omuserikale  we,  Sgt Bruham Tabu era emisango ne gibasinga. Gudoi baamussa amayinja okuva ku ddaala lya  ASP (obuyinja busatu)  okudda  ku ddaala lya IP (akayinja kamu) ne bamuwummuza ne ku mulimu.

Nga October 2  2013, abaserikale  bataano okuli;  ASP  Daniel Asobasi  Okumu, Cpl. Geoffrey  Odong, Sgt. Simon Peter Oswama,  Patrick  Muwonge  ne Alafa Lwanga  baatulugunya emisana ttuku omusajja Kasim Ssuuna  eyali agenze  ku ofiisi y'ekkolero lya Mukwano Group of Companies Ltd  okubanja ssente ze.

 Ssuuna eyali omulwadde ng'omukono gusibiddwa mu bandegi oluvannyuma lw'ekyuma kya Mukwano okumutemako engalo bbiri yakubwa bubi nnyo, bwe yali agenze  okusaba ssente ez'okumuliyiirira.

 Nga November 17, 2018, kkooti ya Poliisi yabasingisa emisango,  abana;  ASP  Daniel Asobasi Okumu, Cpl.  Geoffrey  Odong , Patrick Muwonge ne Lwanga Alafa ne bagobwa mu Poliisi ate  Sgt. Simon Peter Oswama  ne bamukendereza ku kibonero  n'assibwa eddaala okuva ku   sajenti  okudda ku kopolo.

Omugagga Kitandwe kata bamumize omusu

Omugagga w'omu Kampala,  Tom Kitandwe nga ye nnanyini bizimbe okuli Galiraaya ne Gazaland    yali omu ku bantu abasoba mu 50 abaayoolebwa  Poliisi nga March  24, 2012  mu kikwekweto eky'okuzuula omuntu eyakasuka ettoffaali  okuva ku kizimbe waggulu  ne likuba muserikale John Michael Ariong ku mutwe n'afiirawo.

Kitandwe yasooka n'akubwa  n'okutulugunyizibwa nga bamukwata n'oluvannyuma bwe yatuusibwa e Kireka ku kitebe kya SIU n'abakwate abalala, abaserikale ne bongera okumuyisa obubi,   embeera n'etabuka ne bamuyimbula, bagagga banne  ne bamuddusa mu ddwaaliro  e Kenya nga biwala ttaka.

Wabula tewali kyakolebwa ku bappoliisi abaamutulugunya wadde nga Gen. Kayihura yali asuubizza okukoonyereza.

Abaserikale b'omu Poliisi ya Kira Road  baakuba munnamawulire Edward Echwalu nga  March 21, 2012,  ne bamwonoonera ne kkamera  ye  ey'ebbeeyi bwe yali akwata amawulire   nga Besigye  atwaliddwa mu Poliisi eyo.

 Wadde Ecweru yeekubira enduulu ewa Gen. Kayihura, tewali kyakolebwa ku baserikale abo. Ku lunaku lwe lumu olwo, munnamawulire omulala Anatoli Luswa yakubwa abaserikale ab'oku CPS ne bamwonoonera kkamera kyokka nabo  tewali yabanenyaako .

Abalala abawonye

Munnamawulire omulala  Isaac Kasamani yakigwako nga  February 12, 2012, abaserikale   bwe baamutunuzaamu emmundu n'asimattukira watono okukubwa amasasi bwe yali akuba ebifaananyi ku lukung'aana olw'abooludda oluvuganya  , Poliisi lwe yali egumbulula. Tewali wa Poliisi yavunaanyibwa olw'ekikolwa ekyo.


Bannamawulire abazze bakubwa kuliko; Joseph Mutebe owa Bukedde, Hasifa Wanyama owa Kingdom FM, Siraje Lubwama owa Observer, William Ntege  eyeeyita 'Kyuma kya Yesu’, n'abalala abazze bakubwa kyokka  ne bwe baloopa abaserikale ababakuba tewali  yali avunaaniddwa!



Recently dictator Museveni relented and appointed Justice Katurebe as the substantive Chief Justice after two years of arrogantly refusing to honor the same choice that had been recommended by the constitutionally mandated Judicial Service Commission (JSC). Still he went ahead to irregularily appoint Justice Stephen Kavuma as the Deputy Chief Justice a move that is being contested by patriotic Ugandans in court. Museveni's  actions (past and present) are designed to compromise the independence of the Judiciary. Once he succeeds in bringing the judiciary under his feet, it will mark the end of the little hope that Ugandans are holding on. He has his  personal military court martial where is the Chief Justice, Principal Judge, Director of Prosecution, and Commissioner of Military Prison. 


Commando raid on court 

Following his disputed 2001 presidential elections and the fear of an armed uprising, Museveni resorted to gross violation of human rights characterised by extra judicial killings, arrest, torture, and detention without trial of suspected opposition supporters. The dreaded Operation Wembly operatives and other quasi security outfits were created. Torture and detention is ungazzetted detention facilities dubbed Safe Houses became the order of the day. Also at hand was the military court martial where civilians were charged with treasonous and terrorism related offences the Iddi Amin style. A special court martial was put ni place headed by Gen Elly Tumwine. The only task for this court was to legitimise detention without trial, malicious prosecution, persecution and injustice.


It is against this background that in November 2005Museveni's military commandos raided the High Court in Kampala to reverse a court decision granting bail to the leader of opposition Dr Besigye and his co-accused. The following day they were taken to the General Court Martial and charged with the same offenses and remanded to Luzira Prison The Uganda Law Society successfully challenged the irregularity pertaining to the concurrent proceedings in both the court martial and the High Court. NRA's Major Asingura Kagoro swore an affidavit whereby he argued that: "the UPDF decided to deploy security personnel at the High Court premisses for purely security reasons. Terrorists were going to rescue the accused and make them disappear." During the hearing the High Court had concurred with the petitioners that the raid on the High Court by the commandos had been intended to instill fear in the Judge and other Judicial Officers and to induce them to be impartial and feel dependent on the state. That it was also designed to serve as a warning that if you did not enter a favorable judgement they would be in danger.


During the hearing, the constitutional court had relied much on the precedents laid down in the leading cases of Attorney General Vs Maj General David Tinyefuza and Tumushabe Vs Attorney General. In the former Justice Kanyeihamba had argued in favor of the state that: "The constitution has empowered parliament and not the judiciary to to supervise the executive when the later is exercising its functions in military operations." He added that: "Courts should refrain from reviewing decisions relating to military affairs unless they have to. The armed forces are instruments of the state, equipped, disciplined and trained to exercise physical force in the interest of of the state." At the time Museveni had hastly appointed Justice Kanyeihamba to the Supreme Court to specifically  deal a blow to Gen Tinyefuza's petition. Indeed he did deliver a heavy blow but a decade later the now retired Justice Kanyeihamba was filmed shedding tears in the corridors of the Supreme Court building over frustration by Museveni's agents. Dr Besigye got his freedom and the trial of civilians in the court martial was declared illegal. Museveni vowed to appeal the decision or to fight it politically. He took up the second option when he embarked on infiltrating the Judiciary with cadre Juges and Justices. The same Major Asingura Kagoro later on swore another affidavit in respect of Habeas Corpus arguing that accused Dr Kiiza Besigye had been legally remanded by the General Court Martial and that the warrant of commitment had been extended by the same court without the accused even appearing before the same court martial. Court ruled that since the General Court Martial had no powers of trying him, it could not extend his remand warrant.


Who is Kagoro Asingura?

Now Colonel Kagoro Aloysius Asingura hails from Tooro and is a son to a former Education Officer. He joined the NRA in late 1985 while he was in High School at St Leos' College Kyegobe. He did basic military training in Semuliki  Game Reserve and Buhweju in Ibanda. After take over he served as a military instructor at the NRA Political School in Namugongo under Kakooza Mutale. Later he joined the Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) where he served as an  Aide De Camp (ADC) to the First Lady. Following an incident where the first lady refused a plane to take off unless her Aide Kagoro Asingura was on board, Museveni gave him one hour to pack his personal belongings and family and vacate the PPU premisses. Kagoro was dumped at the army headquarters from where he opted to go back to school. Through mature entrance, he joined  Makerere University for a Bachelor of Laws degree (LLM). Thereafter he served as a Legal Officer under the army's Directorate of Legal Services. It is that capacity that he presided over the controversial summary trial and execution of the two soldiers in Karamoja where he was the Judge Advocate of the Field Court Martial. During the hearing of the highly political petitions for Dr. Besigye, Kagoro Asingura was a personal Assistant to the Inspector General of Police Kalekyezi Kayihura.


Sham Court Martial

Unlike the civil courts which are a creature of the the constitution and are referred to as Courts of Judicuture, army courts are a creature  of a parliamentary Act. Article 129 of the constitution identified Courts of Judicature as the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, High Court "and such subordinate courts as may be prescribed by parliament." Article 210 of the constitution empowered parliament to make laws  regulating the army in terms of its organs and structures. However, its worth noting that unlike the Uganda Police Force where the constitution clearly stipulated its command, the constitution by Museveni's design is silent on the army's command. This loophole has given Museveni a free day in running the army as his private security company.


Parliament made the UPDF Act No. 5 of 2005 whereby S.197 creates the court martial to deal with service offences committed by members of the armed forces (servicemen) who contravene military law. Unfortunately S.2 of the Act describes service offence as to include any offence under any other Act thus giving it a blanket description. The so called courts under the NRA are the Unit Disciplinary Committee (UDC) for every Unit, the Division Court Martial (DCM) for each army Division, the General Court Martial (GCM) for the entire army and the top most but dormant Court Martial Appeal Court. The General Court martial has both original and appellate jurisdiction over lower military courts. Appeals from the General Court Martial lie to the Court Martial Appeal Court from where they go to the normal Court of Appeal and then to the Supreme Court. As a rule of practice, military courts dont hand civil matters. Officials handling the General Court Martial are supposed to be appointed by the High Command but Museveni assumed this role where he solely appoints them for a one year tenure though Gen Tumwine served for years as long as his special task was still valid. For over a decade now, the Court Martial Appeal Court has been presided over by Elly Turyamubona the former Registrar of the Supreme Court. His career was destroyed when he took up the court martial job hoping that it would elevate his status and career only to be grounded since there is no serious business at the army's appeal court. Imagine at the time he was a Registrar, now Justice Opio Aweri of the Court of Appeal was a mere Chief Magistrate at same court building in Mengo.


Apart from the Judge Advocate who is a lawyer, the rest of the six other members are lay people. Actually apart from Gen Tumwine who had been assigned a special task, those who are assigned to the court martial are usually the officers whom either Museveni cant find a place to deploy them or they are undergoing rehabilitation. The role of the Judge advocate is to advise court on the law. There are Defence Councils who are also Lawyers and army officers whose role is to defend the accused where the army is the complainant.  In some instances the army hires cadre civilian Lawyers to mascarade that they are defending the accused. For those few accused who afford to hire their own private Lawyers, the Court Martial makes sure that they either harass or frustrate them until they loose interest. In some instances, some civilian Lawyers end up being compromised more especially after the court prosecutors arrange secret meetings between the Lawyer and CMI. Both the Judge Advocate and Defence Council belong to the Directorate of Legal Services but where the stakes are high, CMI directly controls the two.


Article 120 (2) of the constitution prohibits the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) from instituting criminal proceedings in the court martial. The Anti Terrorism Act stipulates that "no person shall be prosecuted under the Act unless the DPP has consented. The same applies to the offence of abuse of office that is currently facing Col Bantariza before the Court martial. Yet Museveni prefers to try terrorism related offences in the court court martial. The Prosecutors in the court martial belong to the department of military intelligence (CMI) and specifically under its Special Investigation Bureau (SIB). The CMI complains, arrests, investigates, prosecutes and manages both Museveni's pardon or imprisonment in case of custodial sentence. Therefore it is CMI through its prosecutors who run the show in the court martial. It is very common for CMI to hold round table conferences with court members where the stakes are high in some cases.


The NRA has had and continues to have a good number of Lawyers within its rank and file. Interestingly no Lawyer has ever been appointed to head the General Court Martial. Instead it is the officers whom the army has failed to deploy (katebe) who are seconded to the court martial. In Tumushabe Vs AG court the holding to the effect that the General Court Martial was subordinate to the High Court but this was reversed in ULS Vs AG where it was held that the general court martial is equal to the High Court only that it does not have powers to try civilians. Imagine the General Court Martial Chairman be it Gen Tumwine (Fine art), Gen Angina ('O' level), Brig Tolit (primary school teacher), Col Sula Semakula (Primary Seven) and others are at the same status as those High Court Judges!!! In the NRA, the Lawyers if not attached to the court martial they are used by top office bearers as their Aide De Camps or Military Assistants. Others are deployed to different units as Legal Officers including even even Para-legals. Remember the case of then Sgt Harry Rurekyera the then paralegal who had signed contracts in the Ministry of Defence as revealed by a probe in the late 90s.Imagine a one Maj. Louis Opolot Otaget a Lawyer is deployed in Palisa district to overseen poverty eradication under NAADS!!!!!


Since the Lawyers in the army dont do any serious legal practice, it is very common to find many of them partnering with other Lawyers in town for private practice. During the tenure of many of them in the court martial, they connive with SIB officers to take bribes and to extort from soldiers who are accused of theft and abuse of office thus compromising investigations and prosecutions. This is very common where the regime has no vested interest in (security) in the accused. Criminal investigations in the army are carried out by SIB but in cases where the regime has a security/political interest, it is the specialised units like JATT and Counter Intelligence that lead the investigations. In some special interest cases they register the involvement of police expertise in evidence gathering not because they want a successful prosecution but simply to avoid embarrassment during mock trials. The case of Col Bantariza is a clear example; he stole the money just as is the norm with anyone holding office in the NRA but prosecutuin has failed even to prove if the tractor was a donation from Ministry of Finance or not.


Prosecutors in military courts are always armed with signed Warrant of commitment to prison and can send any one arrested by CMI to any prison in Uganda even without appearing before a court martial. They have been having trouble with normal government prisons where victims get access to their relatives, lawyers and human rights NGOs. They find solace in their own prison under the dreaded military police barracks  dungeons. Under the Military Police prison, any suspect can be picked for interrogation and torture in safe houses and denied access to relatives, lawyer, NGOs and indefinite detention without trial. The case in point is the on going trial of Col Bantariza where one of his co-accused after suffering prolonged detention without trial had to succumb to accepting to testify against the accused in exchange for freedom. The defence counsel had this to say in submission for a no case to answer: "This court needs no tutorials that a Captain on remand such as PW3 who attracts the attention of a whole CDF (then Gen Aronda) to the extra ordinary extent of putting pen to pepper to determine who accesses the Captain when he is in jail, who talks to him, over what, that can not be said to be ordinary detention. We have not been told by prosecution that the CDF's office has an extra mantle of  being the clearing house for the visitors seeking audience with detainees in Military Police prison installations." Its only the army Chief Gen Aronda who would grant written permission for any one to access the witness when he was still a suspect and detainee. The 12 years of detention without trial of Capt (retired) Amon Byarugaba allegedly over treasonous activities linked to the PRA is another example of the evils of the court martial. Preferential treatment on orders from above is normal in the court martial. Col Kimbowa shed tears when he was denied bail to attend to his over 90 years old ailing dad. Shortly after, instead it is his mother who passed away and he was given seven days to go and attend the burial after which he was detained again. It is not clear how in law one can term the seven days a detainee is given to attend to go home and attend a burial. Families of Ssejusa's former Aides are craving to meet Museveni so that he pardons their sons and husbands who are detained by the court martial. The list of the court martial vices are endless and Museveni is at the center of it all. Generally, court martial under NRA are not worthy being called courts of law. They are instead tools of injustice to both the accused and the victims of crime. Cpl Rwakihembo shot dead three people including his wife. He was taken through a mock trial and sentenced to 95 years imprisonment so as to cool down the emotions of citizens, shortly after it was reduced to 35 years and finally settling at three years. This is because the convict is a home boy whose leniency was negotiated by elders from his home area.


Museveni manages the court martial as his personal court that he uses to intimidate and scare dissent, to avenge disagreements but more so to deal with real and imaginary political opponents. He is the Chief Justice, Director of Prosecution, Chief Investigator, complinant and Judge in matters before the court martial. He appoints and fires the officers who man the court martial and can prefer any charge and withdraw it or pardon any one accused before a court martial even before such a person is convicted. It is these powers that he exclusively enjoys over the operations of the court martial that tempt his to extend such influence to the Judiciary. If his current push on scraping bail in some criminal charges succeeds,then he will have a field day in dealing with his political opponents.




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Posted on 30th January, 2015


Eng. Dr Badru Kiggundu the Election Commissioner of Uganda

The Electoral Commission is calling for a probe into vigilante groups being formed ahead of the 2016 general elections. The commission's chairperson Dr  Badru Kiggundu says the groups should be investigated and should not be allowed to disorganize the ongoing electoral process.

According to Kiggundu, any attempts by these groups, which claim that they are protecting their political parties' votes against rigging, are illegal and could instigate election violence.


Kiggundu was responding to reports that Maj Roland Kakooza Mutale, the head of Kalangala Action Plan is training about 500 individuals in Luweero district to protect President Museveni's vote in 2016. Kampala Mayor, Erias Lukwago, in retaliation, formed the Solidarity Group to counter Mutale's group. Kiggundu says he has already consulted with the Minister of Internal Affairs, Gen Aronda Nyakairima to investigate these groups and establish their motive.

"I have heard of vigilante groups coming up just like we had in the last general elections but am confident security will handle. We are in discussion with the security authorities about these groups. So they are going to be identified then called upon to talk to them and identify their absolute cause. Let them not disturb the electoral train process which should be left to be peaceful otherwise there is security in the country.

I have not yet identified the names yet but there are being identified and we are in discussion with the security to make sure something is done before the general elections", Kiggundu said.

This is not the first time vigilante groups are being formed ahead of elections. In 2011, Kikankane, Blue Cobra, Red Brigade, Black Mamba, Bamboo Youth Brigade, Kiboko Squad, 3K Brigade, Mwoyo gwa Gwanga and Black Brigade are some of the groups that were reported and suspected to cause violence during the elections.


Kiggundu says as long as there is adequate security in the country, cases of election violence will be quelled.

Crispy Kaheru, the coordinator of Citizens Coalition on Elections and Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU) says such groups need to be nipped in the bud, otherwise Uganda will be dragged into a situation like Kenya, which was plunged into election violence in the post 2007/2008 elections.

One cannot see the sense of it all. NRM has already won the coming General Election To put up a dodgy election so that innocent African people are killed is unfair to universal adult democracy. Not only are African citizens loosing their lives, there is the problem these days of lots of refugees flocking not only to African neghbouring countries but walking 4000 miles to Europe and China seeking asylum!




              The Youth of Buganda learning banana growing


Baganda youth leaders believe that they may have become the subjects of a new Uganda Police program designed to persecute them simply for who they are ethnically and for discussing Buganda issues. On Monday January 12, 2015, the Masaka Police OC, an RDC assistant and a local police post commander named Mwaule harassed and briefly detained members of Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda. These Baganda youth had gone to the home of Haj. Buruhani Katale in Buddu County for a retreat that took place from Friday January 9, 2015 to Tuesday the 13th. The police post commander, Mwaule, is from Eastern Uganda and the other two officers are both Banyankore.

Haj. Buruhani Katale demonstrating a farming technique.

Despite the attempts by Uganda Police to stop them, Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda had a successful retreat, where important resolutions were made. These include having similar retreats at least once a year, working with and supporting others who focus on Buganda issues, mobilizing youths, especially those who are in schools, to stay firm on Buganda issues and, most important, to defend Ssabasajja Kabaka, Empologoma ya Buganda.

Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda is a group of former and current Baganda Nkoba za Mbogo leaders and other Baganda youths which was launched in 2014 to deal with helplessness and depression which is common among poor and unemployed Baganda youths. It does not get involved in Ugandan politics and focuses on protecting Kabaka and Namulondo (the throne) and guiding Baganda youths. On Facebook, Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda describe themselves as “Eggye lya Kabaka Ezzibizi” (Kabaka’s Defense Force).

The group organized the retreat in Buddu to have its first planning meeting. The meeting was designed for the members to get to know each other, learn about Baganda culture and to get first-hand advice from a trusted Muganda elder Haj. Buruhani Katale, former Pokino (Buddu County chief), on how to engage in commercial farming. The top leadership of Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda includes  Victoria Namuli, Nicodemus Malimbolimbo, Godfrey Luyombya and Wasswa Willy Ndigeza.


        Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda Leaders in 2015 Buddu Retreat


On Monday January 12, 2015, the Uganda Police briefly detained the youth leaders and threatened to arrest Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda members if they did not leave Buddu and return to their homes immediately. These authorities alleged that the Baganda youths were rebellious towards “an important person in Buganda Government.” When the youth leaders demanded proof that the accusations were not made up to support the campaign to harass them for their ethnicity, the commanders replied with an ultimatum. They threatened that they would detain everyone who did not leave on Monday. The youths refused to leave even in the face of threatened police detention. In the end police did not make any arrests. It was on Tuesday, a full 36 hours after police first issued the detention threat, that members of Ffe Buganda Nze Buganda returned safely to their various home areas as originally planned.

According to Article 7: Crimes Against Humanity of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, “systematic persecution against an identifiable group or collectivity, [such as Baganda,] on political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural qualifies as a crime against humanity.”




Who is Jamil Mukulu? 

Jamil Mukulu is a Ugandan, Muganda by tribe and a Muslim. He came to prominence in the early  1990s when as a member of the Tabliq sect became one of the outspoken Muslims over the role of Museveni in the killing of Muslims in Mbarara in 1979 and Butambala in 1983. In 1991 the Tabliq sect had had a bloody confrontation with Museveni's security forces commanded by James Kaziini around the Old Kampala Mosque over Muslim leadership wrangles. Jamil Mukulu went into hiding until in 1996 when the ADF rebels struck western Uganda and Jamil Mukulu was alleged to be the leader of the group. With bases in eastern Congo, the ADF managed to survive and in the late 90s, it was about getting accepted in some parts of Bunyoro, Rwenzori and Ankole regions. The rebel outfit is an alliance of a couple of rebel groups fighting the Museveni dictatorship notably NALU hence tagging it to Islamic fundamentalism is a wrong diagnosis. ADF is alleged to have CARRIED out massacre of innocent civilians in both Congo and Uganda notably the alleged massacre of students of Kichwamba Technical Institute in western Uganda. Recently, it was linked to the spate of assassinations of Muslim Clerics in Uganda in which he is accused with others including the Australian based Cardiologist Dr Agrey Kiyingi who is intending to run for the Presidency against Museveni. 



Uganda had initiated an Interpol arrest warrant for Jamil Mukulu and the USA had placed him on a sanctions list. Around April 2015 Jamil Mukulu was arrested in Tanzania by the Tanzanian authorities on other grounds since it had not identified him as Jamil Mukulu. 



Extraction is a formal legal process by which persons accused or convicted of crime are surrendered from one state to another for trial or punishment. It takes place in accordance with bilateral treaties or multilateral conventions entered into by sovereign states. It is a form of internationalCOOPERATION in criminal matters intended to promote cooperation in enforcement of criminal justice. However, any extradition law must contain appropriate safeguards for individuals where they would in the event of extradition suffer manifest injustice and oppression.  


Many countries have domestic laws governing matters of extradition. In Uganda it is the Extradition Act of 1964 that provides for matters of extradition. In Tanzania, there are three pieces of legislation that deal with matters of extradition thus: 

-  The Extradition Act Cap 368 

It applies only where there is extradition agreement with the requesting country. It lists extraditable crimes i.e Murder and the related offences, injury to person amounting to homicide, abduction, rape and similar offences, narcotics and drugs, damage to property, falsification of currency and similar offences, forgery, misappropriation, fraud, piracy, slave dealing etc. However, it gives exception if the extradition fugitive has committed crimes in Tanzania or is serving a sentence.The Act strictly prohibits the extradition of political offenders.  The request for surrender of the fugitive criminal is made to the Minister by a diplomatic representative or by a Consular officer of the requesting country. The Minister may signify a Magistrate that a request has been made and require him/her to issue a warrant of arrest  and detention in respect of the fugitive criminal. However if the offence is of a political nature the Minister may refuse and in the same regard, the Magistrate must adjourn the case and  refer the proceedings to the Minister pending his decision. 


-   The Fugitive Offenders (Pursuit) Act 57 

This Act arises from the East African Community (EAC). The Act enables Police officers of contracting states to pursue within Tanzania fugitive offenders from such countries. In this Act extraditable crimes are those identified under the Extradition Act Cap 368. The requesting country must have resspirocal provision for it to exercise that right. Under the EAC treaty Article 124 (5), member states agree to enhance cooperation in handling of cross border crime and provision of mutual assistance in criminal matters, including the arrest and extradition of fugitive offenders. 


-   Mutual Assistance on Criminal Matters Act Cap 254 

This Act arises from the Commonwealth member states. It provides for mutual assistance in criminal matters between Tanzania and any Commonwealth member state. There must be an existence of an extradition pact that binds them in the commonwealth family together with an arrest warrant from Interpol or from the requesting country. 


In all the Acts, there must be a functional extradition treaty and the fugitive criminal offender is protected from extradition if the offences are of a political nature and not of criminal act. The criminal fugitive suspect has a right of appeal. 


Uganda pushes for extradition  

During May 2015 Uganda government lodged an extradition request for Jamil Mukulu through the Attorney General of Tanzania. The application seks to have Jamil Mukulu extradited to Uganda to face charges of murder and aggravated terrorism. Attached to the application were indictment and affidavit of Uganda's Senior Police Officer SSP Oludu Francis, the Uganda Criminal Procedure Act, a copy of Mukulu's passport with picture and in names of Thomas Rwanga Musisi, arrest warrant issued by Jinja Magistrate court, Interpol arrest warrant, etc. The matter is being heard by the Magistrates Court in DarEssalaam where the Attorney General of Tanzania is leading the petition. After a short delay for the Commissioner of Prisons to grant permission for Jamil Mukulu's Lawyers to access him for an interview, his affidavit countering the extradition application is submitted.  In his affidavit, among other arguments, he is supposed to argue that he will not getA fair trial in Uganda if extradited. 


Uganda's criminal justice system is incompetent 

A recent report by World Justice Project (WJP) ranked Uganda amongst the worst performing contries when it comes to observance and upholding of the rule of law. It is the 95th out of 102 countries; 15th out of the 18 countries sampled in Sub-Saharan Africa and 12th of the 15LOW INCOME countries. Scores and ranking was across eight categories among which is fundamental rights, government powers, regulatory enforcement and government powers. Launching the report, the Founder and CEO of WJP Mr. William Neukon said: "Effective rule of law helps reduce corruption, alleviate poverty, improve public health and education, and protect people from injustices and dangers - large and small." 


The government's Human Rights Commission recently released its annual report in which the Army and Police were topping the rights violations. Illegal detention, torture, killing and maiming, and forced disappearances are the ORDER of the day in Uganda under Museveni. In particular, illegal arrest and detention of Muslims of the Salaaf Sect to which Jamil Mukulu belongs for alleged links to rebel ADF is a decade old practice. Victims are moved to various detention places where their families can not locate them. They are sometimes released without charges and Police often denies knowledge of their arrests. During a recent retreat of local government and intelligence officers at Kyankwanzi, Museveni expressed his disappointment with Police's poor investigation methods accusing them of "not doing enough to interrogate suspects in the murder of Muslim clerics." It has been widely reported in the local Uganda media houses that Museveni is irking to personally interrogate Jamil Mukulu once he is extradited to Uganda! Since when did a head of State interrogate suspects or he wants to hold talks with him as earlier advised by Tanzania's Jakaya Kikwete? Since government has not come out to deny it, it can be taken as the true. A case in point is the recent escape from illegal detention of five victims four of whom were linked to terrorism related charges. They had been held in the notorious Kireka based Special Investigations Unit (SIU) since 2012. The four Ugandan victims had been arrested from the Rwenzori and Bukwo region on suspicion of being linked to rebel ADF. The fifth victim was a Rwandese senior army officer Brigadier Rutinywa who had been held for over two years without trial on suspicion of having illegally entered the country with the intention of destablising Rwanda. In spite of the existence of an extradition agreement with Rwanda, the Brigadier was not handed over; leave alone his anti-Rwanda political activities for which he deserves protection.  


Brigadier Tomas Kwoyelo 

Is a former commander in the LRA rebel group who was captured in 2008. Like others before him who were even more senior, he applied for amnesty under the Amnesty Act. In 2010 the Amnesty Commission forwarded his application to the DPP for consideration. The DPP did not respond but instead charged him with murder. Kwoyelo petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that he was being discriminated since his colleagues like Brig Keneth Banya and others had earlier been granted amnesty. The Constitutional Court ruled that he had INDEED been discriminated contrary to Article 21 of the constitution. The AG appealed to the Supreme Court which in April 2015 ruled that Brig Tomas Kwoyelo should stand trial in the Internal Criminal Division (ICD) of the High Court arguing thus: "it is immaterial that other persons with similar circumstances to the application have been granted amnesty because each case is decided on its own merits." 


 James Katabazi Vs Secretary General of EAC and AG of Uganda - 119 (EAC 2007) 

The above ground breaking case highlights the sad picture of Uganda's criminal justice system with regard to political opposition to Museveni's military dictatorship. Katabazi was arrested in 2004 with others over allegations that they were members of the rebel PRA that had been linked to opposition leader Dr. Besigye. As usual they were detained without trial till 06 November 2006 when the High Court granted them bail but before they could get their freedom the regime unleashed armed commandos who surrounded the High Court, threatened the Judges before re-arresting the suspects and remanding them again. On 11th November the same suspects were taken to the Court Martial and charged with terrorism and illegal possession of firearms. The Uganda Law Society petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that the act of rearresting and charging the suspects before the Court Martial was unconstitutional. The court madea ruling in favor of the petitioners but the regime refused to comply thus the detainees petitioned the East African Court of Justice. 


The respondents conceded the facts as pleaded by the petitioners but pleaded that the deployment of security at the High Court was meant to prevent them from escaping to RESUME rebellion and that their rearrest was for purposes of ensuring that they answer to charges of terrorism and illegal possession of firearms before the court martial. The EAC Secretary General initially claimed ignorance about the incarceration of the claimants but was reminded by the claimants' Legal team that under Article 71(1) (d) of the EAC treaty one of the functions of the Secretariat of which the SG is the head is to undertake either on his own initiative or otherwise of such investigations, collection of information, or verification of matters relating to any matter affecting the community that appears to it to merit examination.Court ruled thus:  "....if is immaterial how that information comes to the attention of the Secretary General. As far as we are concerned, it would have sufficed if the complainants had shown that the events in Uganda concerning the claimants were so notorious that the 1st respondent (Secretary General) could not but be aware of them."  


The EAC had not concluded the necessary protocol giving the court jurisdiction to entertain matters of human rights. However, court reflected a bit on the objectives of the EAC as set out in Article 5(1) (2) and (3) on legal and judicial objectives. Article 6(d) rule of law - promotion and protection of human and peoples rights in accordance with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and peoples' rights. Article 7 on rule of law, social justice and and the maintenance of universally accepted standards of human rights. The court concluded that it would not assume jurisdiction but would not also abdicate from exercising its jurisdiction of interpretation under Article 27(1). 


It ruled thus:  "We on our part areALARMED by the line of defense offered on behalf of the government of Uganda which if endorsed by this court would lead to an unacceptable and dangerous precedent, which would undermine the rule of law." 


The  petition succeeded but the regime in Uganda refused to comply and continued to hold the victims in illegal detention until some of them died in detention (Kifefe - bother of Dr Besigye) and others sought Amnesty. Capt James Katabazi - the lead petitioner died last week in a motor accident. 



Jamil Mukulu if it is true that he was the leader of the ADF rebels was pursuing a political goal of dislodging the Museveni dictatorship. Therefore, he can not only be extradited but qualifies for Amnesty under the Amnesty Act like many others who have benefited after committing worst crimes in pursuance of a political goal.  If Museveni manages to have Jamil Mukulu extradited from Tanzania by whatever means, it will set a very dangerous precedent for Ugandans who are struggling to free themselves from his 30 years of military dictatorship. Unfortunately, because of the terror link, Ugandans have shied away from decampaigning the impending extradition of Jamil Mukulu yet they strongly believe he like other Ugandans can not get justice because of his political belief. This is not to tolerate impunity; and there is a high possibility that Jamil Mukulu may have committed the alleged crimes but he remains innocent until proved guilty by a competent and impartial court of law which is not present in Uganda under Museveni. 

Beatrice Namutosi checks out her husband's partly-burnt police uniform

Officers who lost property in last week’s fires in Nsambya and Naguru police barracks are enduring long nights on verandas and in corridors. 

Speaking to The Observer this week, several officers complained about neglect at a time when they are most desperate. But the police says arrangements are being made to assist the fires’ victims.

“Since fire burnt our house on Friday [last week], we were left homeless,” said a policeman attached to the Very Important Persons Protection Unit (VIPPU). “We have not got any support from the big officers. We are sleeping outside on verandas.”

The fires destroyed property worth millions of shillings. Angry victims have now criticized their commanders for preventing them from building temporary structures in the barracks.

“We have bought small plots in the barracks at about Shs 600,000 and started constructing temporary houses but they have also stopped us yet we got loans to pay for these plots,” one officer said.

Other officers criticised police chief Kale Kayihura for paying little attention to their welfare, while stocking up on things like tear gas.

“Every financial year police gets a huge budget. But where does this money go if they can’t even buy some tents for us and they just plan for tear gas? Even parliament can’t ask where we are sleeping now but they just pass the police budget,” one officer charged.

They said the police had been recruiting more officers over the last decade without building more housing units.

“They always tell the juniors to rent outside the barracks yet we get very little salary,” one policeman said.

Most affected officers, a source said, were asked to move to Busunju police barracks, which is already congested with three families sleeping in one unipot. The officers say they can’t live in Busunju and work in Kampala daily because they leave work very late in the night and report very early.

“I don’t know why they don’t take our work seriously yet we give security to the whole country and more so protect VIPs,” one policeman said.

Some of the properties the officers managed to save from the fire outbreak


A teary Norah Namulembe, 41, wife of a police officer attached to the Mobile Police Protection Unit (MPPU), Naguru, narrated how fire gutted their Kibaati block in Nsambya barracks in Kampala last Friday.

“I am left with nothing because even the clothes I was wearing got torn as I jumped through the widow to escape the fire,” she said. “Even the clothes I’m wearing now have been donated to me.”

Namulembe said her husband James Ogira’s documents, and a passport with a visa were burnt.

“He had completed all the clearance to go to Somalia next month for the peacekeeping mission but his passport and all other important documents necessary for this travel were burnt,” she said.

Namulembe said she lost a big television set, radio, clothes, sofa-sets, cooker, popcorn frying machine and clothes. Two people were injured in the fire, a two-year-old baby and a pregnant woman who failed to flee.

Another wife urged Kayihura to build permanent structures.

“We are tired of living like dogs in these iron sheets housing facilities. We have lost everything including uniforms and we have nowhere to begin,” she said.

Police spokesman Fred Enanga said the fire was caused by poor cooking habits and lack of vigilance in the barracks.

“We shall provide temporary housing units to officers who were transferred outside Kampala,” he said. “The commandant Nsambya Police barracks is now generating a report to forward it to the director, logistics and engineering, to accommodate officers and provide them with beddings and other necessary equipment.” 





The widow of Minister Oboth Ofumbi reminds the Nation of Uganda about the brutality of Idi Amin's Military Regime 1974/5. That is when she lost her husband:

Mrs Ofumbi during the interview recently.

Photo by Henry Lubega 

By Henry Lubega


Posted  Sunday, July 19   2015 

I first met my husband Oboth Ofumbi when I was in Junior Three at Kisoko Junior School Bukedi in 1955. He was a cooperative assistant at the cooperative union in Bukedi region. And that same year in July we got married. We then moved to Mulanda.

Shortly after, we moved to Mulanda sub-county in west Budama, where he continued with his work while I became a full-time housewife. He went through a series of transfers. Starting in Mbale as the District Commissioner’s interpreter, from where he got a scholarship to go to Nsamizi College. In Nsamizi we went together as a family and upon completion of his training he was appointed Assistant District Commissioner Gulu for one year before going to Lango in the same capacity and then taken back to Gulu in 1963 as a District Commissioner.

Rising higher

In 1963, he was transferred from Gulu to Entebbe as senior assistant secretary office of the prime minister. He rose through the ranks and by 1965 he was secretary to the cabinet for two years until 1967 before becoming secretary for defence until 1971. He had entered into main stream politics. He became defence minister in 1971 up to 1972, and later become a full minister of defence from 1971 to 1973.

When Amin had taken over power the two were very close, it was my late husband who even advised him to return the remains of Sir Edward Mutesa so as to gain support of the Baganda. Their friendship was so good that he appointed him acting president in July 1972. When we moved to Kyadondo Road from Entebbe when he was a defense minister he started complaining about people being jealousy of his closeness to Amin. 

Early February 1977, I went to Nairobi to bring our children home for half term holidays. From school, we went to our Nairobi home, he had bought a house there because of the children.

Tough times unfold

The next morning at around 8.30am my husband called saying, “We are going for a meeting at parliament but it is a difficult meeting, pray for me. We shall talk in the evening.” He even asked to talk to the three older children. Those were his last words to me.

The same day at 6pm, I decided to call home (Uganda) to find out what was happening. It was my brother, William who answered the phone. He called me by name, “Eliza, the boss was arrested today at 2pm and there are many soldiers surrounding the house. They searched the house and collected two guns, the hunting gun, the small one and the military uniform.” During Amin’s reign, ministers used to wear military uniforms. He told me, “please don’t call here again.” I didn’t tell the children what had happened. I instead called Sgt Obyai, my driver who was also the bodyguard, to my room and I told him that I had heard bad news about my husband’s arrest and since he was Lugbara, he could call Luzira prison to get the update of what was happening. When Obyai called, he was told that the two ministers and the archbishop had been taken there.”

Around 8pm I asked him to call again. When he hang up, he went speechless and stared pensively at me. I asked him what the problem was and he responded, “if I tell you, you may faint.” I had just had a child two weeks ago. I insisted and he said “those people are already dead they have been killed in Nakasero not far from the Uganda Club”. I did not cry because I did not want to scare the children. I told Gawiri Esau, another brother of mine who was staying in our Nairobi home that I had to travel to Uganda but I had to call the schools and ask the head masters to keep the children. They were quick to understand as they said that they had already heard the news. And they were willing to keep the children.

Leaving for Uganda 

I waited in the dead of the night when all the children were asleep around 4am that we had to set off with my driver. We arrived at Malaba border point around 8am. As my bodyguard was clearing through the immigration on the Kenyan side two military vehicles came with the occupants asking for Mrs Ofumbi. They had been instructed by Daniel arap Moi, vice president and close friend of the family that I should not be allowed to cross the border but be taken back to Nairobi. I insisted. When I later talked to Moi he said with my husband’s death if I cross to Uganda I could get killed and they blame it on Kenya.

I was determined to go. at around 2pm Moi directed that I be escorted by the two vehicles which had followed me to the border to Tororo Police Station and they officially hand me over to the police and they return to Kenya with written proof that I returned to Uganda alive.

Face-to –face with reality

At Tororo Police Station, the OC was shocked to see me, ‘ahh madam you are back, haven’t you heard the news?” I answered that I had heard. He went on to describe how they received the body at the station and went on to send it to our country home. ‘His body was brought to the airfield by a helicopter with two others from Kampala, and we were directed to deliver it to his home. Since you are here, go home and bury your husband. The military will stay to guard you. We have sent over 100 soldiers to your farm and others to your residence at Tororo Senior quarters.”

Soldiers escorted me to change clothes, but there were no people. The soldiers we found there said people had fled when they saw them. From there I was driven to my parents’ home in Butaleja . They were shocked to see me as they had been told that I had been killed after my husband. I told them that the remains were at home in Mulanda and, they escorted me to prepare for the burial. 

At the farm house, I found the coffin containing the body. I looked at it and cried uncontrollably for some time. Soon, people gathered, together with my parents, we started preparing for the burial. The Sikh construction workers who were finishing the construction of the house helped with preparing the construction. 

While washing the body, I came face to face with the pain he went through before death. The left arm was broken, the face was riddled with bullet holes, the right leg broken above the thigh, and the left leg was broken from below the knee, and bullet holes on the stomach.

More painful times

It occurred to me, weeks before his death at Mulanda he asked to show me something behind the church he had constructed at home. While there he said, “I have a premonition that I may die soon. In case I die, please make sure you bury me here,” He marked the spot with a flower. I cautioned him not to talk of death. 

Some of his family members wanted to bury, him at his family burial grounds in Korogudia but I had to respect his wish. I was helped by the soldiers who supported my position. The next day we buried him with respect and had a cross on his grave the way he wanted.

The children did not know he had died. After the burial most people left except my mother, and the soldiers who were guarding the grave. They would not allow people to get close to the grave. The soldiers guarded the grave up to the time when Amin was overthrown. I suspect they feared that the body would be stolen and expose the actual cause of his death.

Back to Nairobi

Two years later, I went back to Nairobi to see the children. They had been told that their father was dead. During that period I had to send food and pocket money for them during the holidays since they were in boarding school. The Government of Kenya provided full time security at home.

Luckily, my husband had paid school fees for three years in one school and in another he had paid fees for five years. However, when that period ran out I had to look for money to keep them in school. I sold off some of the animals on the farm and tilled land to raise their fees. I managed to see them through school in Kenya because their father never wanted to have his children study in Uganda.

Things fall apart

When the Liberation Forces (UNLF) overthrew Amin, the farm started to decline. Armed men often came to the farm with trucks and loaded my animals saying they had functions in different parts of the country and needed meat. I could not stop them. The final blow was the Lakwena insurgency.

When Alice Lakwena’s troops reached Tororo they looted anything they could lay their hands on. Much as I had stayed on the farm there was nothing I could do to stop them. With that looting I didn’t have funding to revive it to its former glory. 

With eight children, I made sure I lived up to my husband’s dream of not having them study in Uganda. Even the last born who was two weeks old by the time of my husband’s death attained education in Nairobi. When they completed secondary school, some managed to go to America for further studies while others stayed in Nairobi.


I have bitterness against Amin to date. As president, it was him who ordered for my husband and others’ arrest maybe he did not pull the trigger but whoever pulled it must have done so on Amin’s orders. As president he had all the powers to stop the killing. 

The future

As Mrs Ofumbi narrates her ordeal a smile flashes across her face when asked about the future. “ I ‘m happy that his excellency has agreed to honour my late husband as he did with the other two he was killed by coming to pay homage to him. Early this year he awarded him a medal, I was impressed.


United States and Britain push for UN sanctions on South Sudan

Publish Date: Aug 19, 2015





UN - The United States and Britain pushed for UN sanctions against South Sudan's government Tuesday, over its failure to sign a peace deal to end a brutal two-year civil war.

South Sudan rebel chief Riek Machar met a Monday deadline to sign the power-sharing agreement, but President Salva Kiir only initialed part of it and said he would return to the table in early September to finalize the accord.

US National Security Advisor Susan Rice accused Kiir's government of a "failure of leadership" and said it had "squandered" another opportunity to end a conflict that has killed tens of thousands and which has plunged the world's youngest nation into chaos.

"There must be consequences for those who continue to stand in the way of peace," she said, calling for UN Security Council sanctions if the government does not sign the deal within 15 days.

On a recent visit to East Africa, US President Barack Obama threw his personal weight behind efforts to foster peace in a country midwifed into existence by Washington, but then, critics say, abandoned at birth.

A picture taken on July 25, 2015 shows internally displaced women and children waiting for their food ration after an humanitarian airdrop by World Food Programme (WFP) in a small locality in Mayendit County of Unity State, South Sudan. South Sudan's army has lifted a more than a month-long aid blockade into rebel areas, the UN said on August 14, 2015, warning of a "dire situation" as fighting continues despite ongoing peace talks. The blockade since late June of aid barges on the Nile river into the northeastern battleground state of Upper Nile, as well as a ban on food flights into the state capital Malakal, had badly hit areas already on the brink of famine. Tens of thousands of people have been killed in 20 months of war, which has been marked by widespread atrocities on both sides. AFP PHOTO / CHARLES LOMODONG

The latest peace accord was brokered by the eight-nation East African IGAD bloc, bolstered by the UN, the European Union, the African Union, China and other players -- including Britain and the United States.

At the UN headquarters in New York Tuesday countries weighed their next move.

"If the government will not sign up to the IGAD-plus deal, then we must all be firm on our next steps," British Deputy Ambassador Peter Wilson told the 15-member Security Council.

"We cannot sit by while leaders fight and their people's suffering grows."

More time for Kiir

The council last month imposed sanctions on six commanders -- three from the government forces and three from the rebels -- the first to be blacklisted by the United Nations over the conflict.

A travel ban and an assets freeze were slapped on the six men and the council is considering adding new names to the sanctions list, as well as an arms embargo.

But China, which has oil interests in South Sudan, said the government should be allowed more time to come onboard.

"The best solution would be to reach an agreement," said Chinese Ambassador Liu Jieyi.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the signing of the deal by the rebel leader and expressed "his strong hope that President Kiir will sign the agreement by the end of the 15-day deadline."

The Security Council is due to discuss sanctions on South Sudan at a meeting next Tuesday.

South Sudan has been torn by fighting between forces loyal to Kiir and rebels allied with Machar, his former deputy, since December 2013 and the violence has imploded along ethnic lines.

Nearly 70 percent of the country's population is facing food shortages while nearly 200,000 terrified civilians are sheltering in UN bases.






Posted on 30th January, 2015
President Museveni is set to get a new chopper next year if He wins his coming elections of 2016


Government to buy land in China, Saudi Arabia


In the 2015/16 budget, government proposes to raise Shs 460bn in new taxes, spend Shs 150bn on the general elections, buy a helicopter for the president at Shs 11.3bn and acquire land in Saudi Arabia, China and Burundi at Shs 24bn.

The nature of the new taxes, according to the national budget framework paper (NBFP) for 2015/16, is not yet known but they will most likely be consumption-related or tagged on services such as airtime or mobile money. NBFP lays out the fiscal policy framework and strategy for the budget year in the medium term.

Tabling the NBFP in parliament on Thursday, Matia Kasaija, the minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, said next financial year government expects to spend Shs 18.3 trillion, about Shs 2.8 trillion more than the Shs 15.5 trillion 2014/15 budget.

Eighty-seven (87) per cent is to be sourced locally, as government continues its commitment to reducing dependency on external funding for the budget. Infrastructure (Shs 2.3 trillion), education (Shs 2.3 trillion), security (Shs 1.1 trillion) and health (999 billion) will take the lion’s share of the budget.

Being an election year, the electoral commission has tentatively been - allocated Shs 150bn for election related activities. 



Land abroad

The ministry of Foreign Affairs has requested for Shs 24bn to purchase land in Riyadh (Saudi Arabia), Beijing and Bujumbura. The land is for building residences or offices for our diplomats. The measure, the ministry says, will save government Shs 14bn in rent.

Presidential chopper

At least Shs 11.3bn is needed to procure a new helicopter and another specialized vehicle for the president next financial year. According to the NBFP, the procurement process started this financial year.

Presidential logistics

Logistical support for the president, the vice president and their immediate families will consume Shs 214bn next financial year. This figure also includes mobilization of masses towards poverty reduction, peace and development, promotion of regional integration and international relations and community outreach programmes.


Swearing in

Government says the swearing-in ceremony for the president-elect in May 2016 will cost Shs 4.5bn.

“The major components of the budget shall include printing of invitation cards, hotel accommodation and transport for the visiting heads of state and security, among others,” the framework paper states.

Kololo grounds

Meanwhile, the government is to undertake the second phase of the redevelopment of Kololo ceremonial grounds as well as the construction of four regional golden jubilee schools in commemoration of the independence golden jubilee.

The Kololo redevelopment will consume Shs 20bn and will involve fencing off, construction of the VVIP section and installing a solar power facility. The construction of regional schools,  on the other hand, will cost Shs  10bn.


The police require Shs 20bn to purchase assorted counter-terrorism equipment (walkthrough, bomb detector gadgets, etc) and assorted forensic laboratory equipment.

Fuel, food for UPDF

The army needs Shs 339bn to feed soldiers and pay for fuel, transportation, aircraft maintenance and uniforms. 


Vehicles for RDCs

Government says most of the vehicles used by resident district commissioners (RDCs) and their deputies are in poor mechanical condition and, therefore, need replacement. A minimum of 30 vehicles are required every year at Shs 2.4bn.

Recreational facility

Last year, government acquired a recreational facility for ministers and permanent secretaries. The location of the facility remains unknown. What is known, according to the NBFP, is that it is not furnished. Next year government wants Shs 1bn to buy furniture for the facility.

Research on medals

Government says it requires at least Shs 3.5bn to carry out research on individuals meriting national awards and to restock civilian medals and facilitate medal beneficiaries.

Minister for Kampala

Government says that in order to perform his duties well, the minister for Kampala (office of the presidency) requires additional office tools and equipment, including transport. This requires Shs 3bn.

Film industry

Government has finalized the Creative Economy Action Plan. The plan aims to create jobs for the unemployed youths in the film and arts industries. To operationalize it, government requires Shs 55.7bn in the first year.

“One film employs over 300 people; so, 112 districts can employ over 33,000 people in one month, therefore able to create employment opportunities,” notes the NBFP. 

25 hospitals

The ministry of Health says that many of the general hospitals, some built in the 1930s and 1960s, are in dire shape. To fully rehabilitate all the 25 general hospitals, the ministry requires Shs 826bn, which will cover civil works, medical equipment, furniture and transport. The ministry proposes that government releases at least Shs 25bn next year to get the work started.

Older persons

Government has set aside Shs 1.4bn to set up the national council for older persons, which will be used as a platform for advocacy, lobbying and monitoring the implementation of the legal and policy frameworks concerning older persons.

Feeding prisoners

Uganda Prisons has requested for Shs 20bn to feed prisoners estimated at more than 45,000. 

“The estimated unit cost per prisoner per day is Shs 3,000.” 


National ID

Government says there is need to supply the additional four million blank ID cards to cover the shortfall in the number of cards supplied. In addition, government owes German firm, Muhlbauer, which had earlier been contracted to undertake the project, Shs 25bn. In total, at least Shs 156bn is needed next financial year to fund national - ID - related activities.




War crimes victims need speedy redress, Govt of Uganda is legally advised:





















Publish Date: Jun 18, 2015(L-R) Racheal Odoi, JLOS technical advisor,

Fiona Muhumuza immigration officer, Associate Prof.

Dr. Christopher Mbazira of Makerere University and Lyandro

Komakech senior research and advocacy officer with

Law Refugee Project addressing participants during the

release of research paper in Kampala. Photos/ Francis



By Francis Emorut


Victims of war crimes need speedy redress and therefore, Government should expedite the formulation of transitional justice policy.

This is contained in a research paper titled "On the path to vindicate victims' rights in Uganda: reflection on the transitional justice process since Juba."

The research paper was released by International Centre for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) in Kampala.

"The government's delay in implementing transitional justice measures creates among victims and civil society that it lacks interest in providing redress to victims," Micheal Otim, head of Office Uganda International Centre for Transitional Justice said.

He said the transitional justice policy is still pending and it requires considerable resources and political will to be pushed successfully through Cabinet and Parliament.

 "Victims continue to suffer the effects of serious violations, and many are in critical need of rehabilitation, counseling and material assistance, including with locating missing loved ones," Otim who was the lead researcher of the paper stated.

 "The government should urgently deliver reparations to these victims as an essential step towards helping them to reclaim their dignity and rights as citizens."

 Sarah Kasande Kihika, the associate of International Centre Transitional Justice called on government to urgently approve the draft transitional justice policy and begin implementing it without delay.

 She also urged government to focus on atrocities committed by both state and non-state actors and not only crimes committed by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), led by Joseph Kony, and other insurgent groups.

 "We call on government to ensure that transitional justice measures address violations committed by both sides in the conflict – state and non-state actors," Kasande who was a co researcher said.

 The paper also calls for Uganda's Amnesty Act to be repealed or amended, to reinforce the Supreme Court ruling that excludes perpetrators of serious crimes, like war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity, from receiving amnesty.

 "So far there has been no official transitional justice process that goes beyond talks and drafts. Passing the transitional justice policy without further delay would help to restore civic trust and show that the state takes seriously the violation of citizens' rights," Kasande said.

However, Racheal Odoi the technical advisor to Justice, Law and Order Sector (JLOS) informed the audience that Government was committed to formulation of transitional justice policy and it was in its final stages.

 She was supported by Fiona Muhumuza an immigration officer in the ministry of internal affairs who said government officials were finalizing on the draft policy and it will be soon tabled to Cabinet for approval.

Lyandro Komakech, senior research and advocacy officer with Refugee Law Project called on government to share information with civil society on the progress made so far on transitional justice policy.


Who cares if African or Arabic migrants drown or are smuggled?

Publish Date: Jun 18, 2015

















By Simon Mone


Every year, multitudes of people attempt to escape from conflict, persecution, natural disasters and poverty in mainly Africa and Asia and the Middle East. 


They set out on dangerous journeys across the Mediterranean Sea. And encounter high risks, travelling in ill-equipped boats. Just showing how desperate migrants get.


Abandoning home and opting to brave rough waters, traffickers and smugglers in order to land on European soil. Most of them hardly reach “promised land”. Why? Thousands of migrants commence those journeys but die on the way. Often, search and rescue teams never succeed in recovering their bodies.


Sadly, conditions that force them away from home are not going away. Hence they have only the option of making dangerous journeys. To seek better socio-economic conditions abroad. Conditions like war in a number of countries put inhabitants in a situation requiring them to seek peace and other opportunities. It means that local population are unable to get the chance to stare at peace to be able to go about usual business.


No peace in many African countries. Take Central African Republic, civil strife has led to the death of thousands of villagers. In Southern Sudan, animosity between President Salva Kiir and his ex-deputy, Riek Machar has had untold impact on human life. Similar situations are prevailing in; Eritrea, Nigeria, Libya, and Democratic Republic of Congo.


Fighting has also caused pathetic humanitarian situation on local population. Thousands have been killed, maimed and displaced. Conditions are horrible. Basics like: adequate food, shelter, sanitation, clean and safe water are hardly available. Multitudes of displaced persons have put pressure on limited basic facilities. Makeshift health centres have been overwhelmed by disease cases.


Expectant mothers don’t get ante-natal services. Children and displaced elderly persons suffer severely owing to their vulnerability. Living in displaced conditions for long deprives education from thousands of children. And worsens unemployment situation and therefore, increases dependency on aid, and poverty among communities.


We should therefore; expect hundreds of people to continue making outrageous attempts at risky journeys on Mediterranean Sea. If protection, jobs, better living conditions and education are unavailable. It will not be easy. Traffickers and smugglers are waiting to pounce.


 Where they will exploit and abuse migrants enroute. Hundreds will continue to die along the way. Succumb to hunger, diseases and accidents. Survivors will meet some hostile treatment at host countries. And will be tortured and mistreated in makeshift settlements.


Despite hash treatment, courageous migrants still choose to make unsafe travels. So expect more deaths at sea because African governments don’t care to create conditions that will eliminate sufferings and deaths. But they hold the key to ending human suffering.


Make peace with political opponents. And let all rebels end fighting. So that families don’t disintegrate in adventure dangerous options. But remain home to do productive ventures. It is the only way to stop mass exodus of populations. If African governments increase dialogue and cooperation, and also be seen to encourage talks with political opponents. At the moment, this is not happening.


Instead, African governments have handed this role to European governments. Thus peace cannot happen. And International Organisation for Migration and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees have their work cut out. Civilians feel vulnerable at home, as they aren’t protected, they will force their way into their humanitarian pockets.


So long as socio-economic conditions don’t improve in Africa, expect to see mass exodus and plenty of needless deaths of people in water.


To search and rescue teams, brace yourselves for busy activities on the sea.


The writer is a civil engineer




The African Army of Uganda is to translate human rights documents into local languages: 

One always hoped that this country's army was for the service of these very people in their local environment:


Col Charles Wacha, the director in charge of human rights directorate in the UPDF,

addresses journalists at the 4th Division headquarters in Gulu Town on Thursday.




Posted  Monday, June 29  2015 


In a bid to improve the understanding of human rights within the UPDF, the army has said it will translate document on human rights into local languages.

Col Charles Wacha, the director in charge of human rights in the UPDF, said as army grapples with accusation of rights abuses they will ensure that every army officer is aware of these rights.

He was speaking at training on protection and promotion of human rights at the 4th Division Headquarters in Gulu Town on Thursday.

“Although we are facing a lot of financial challenges, the army will ensure all the men in uniform are informed about the laws on human rights. Plans are underway to translate documents on human rights into four major regional local languages so that a soldier who speaks the language can understand and observe them in the course of duty,” he said at the training workshop organised by the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC).

He said some of the documents are difficult to comprehend, adding that translating them into local languages would help a great deal. The widely spoken languages in the army under consideration are Kishwahili, Luganda, Runyakitara and Luo. Col Wacha noted that with the help of human rights activists, awareness on human rights in the UPDF is improving. 

Ms Ida Nakiganda, the director of research education and documentation at the UHRC, said although the UPDF is still in the UHRC bad book, there have been good progress. The army is ranked among the top human right abusers.

She said cases of torture have greatly reduced in the last few years. “Our intervention, such trainings on promotion and protection of human rights is bearing fruits since members of the security forces have embraced the importance of rights observance,” she said.

Ms Nakiganda added that human rights education will lead to reduction in rights violation in the army. During the training each of the 100 UPDF officers was handed a brand new copy of the Constitution.




Museveni accused of preparing a Rwandan-style genocide next year 2016:


August 31, 2015 Editorial Team



























This is one of the many militia groups being trained and armed by Ugandan authorities

to 'help keep law and order'.


 By Staff Writer


Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni is said to be preparing for a Rwanda-style genocide and the opposition Free Uganda is warning people in the country to prepare themselves in order to prevent ‘this sinister plot’ being realised. In a message sent to The London Evening Post by Free Uganda spokesperson Dr Vincent Magombe, the organisation, led by Gen David Sejusa, said stories of state-sanctioned militia training by one of President Museveni’s military advisers, Major Kakooza Mutale, are ‘too serious to ignore’. We hereby publish the Free Uganda statement in full:

“Indicative reports of preparations by Museveni’s regime to commit state violence on a massive scale against innocent Ugandan citizens, continue to circulate not only via social networks but also in the local Ugandan media, as evidenced by the following stories:









President Museveni’s refusal to publically-disassociate himself and state house from this dangerous trend of affairs can only serve to consolidate the belief in the minds of most Ugandans that statehouse and the man who heads state house are behind the sinister plot. Apart from the much publicised role being played by Museveni’s own senior advisor, Major Kakooza Mutale, the training and arming of state-linked militias is being done with the connivance of other top Museveni loyalists, like Uganda Police chief Gen Kale Kayihura and a number of ministers and senior NRM party members, who have, under Museveni’s instructions, set up a national task force to oversee the training, arming and deployment of the militia forces throughout Uganda, up to village levels.

It is in this context that one of Museveni’s trusted ministers, Ronald Kibuule, who sits on the said task force, was sent to represent Museveni at the official passing-out ceremony of Major Kakooza Mutale trained militias in Luweero. It was decided that, because of the sensitivities surrounding Kakooza Mutale’s name – a fellow who has distinguished himself as the electoral violence Iron Man, Museveni should not be the one to personally officiate at the said ceremony. Museveni has of recent personally attended a number of passing out ceremonies of other militias forces who, for diversionary purposes, are code-named “Crime Preventers”.

The explicit confirmation by Major Mutale and Museveni right-hand lieutenants, such as General Kale Kayihura, that thousands of state-sponsored militias are being trained at private and even state-owned facilities, such as police and army training camps, is indicative of the frenetic determination by the Museveni regime to ignore all manner of constitutional provisions which prohibit those in power from violating the rights and freedoms of Ugandan citizens. In this case, Ugandans stand to be denied the right to freely choose the leaders of their choice, since the ultimate aim of the training, arming and deployment of these state-sponsored militias is to intimidate and cow Ugandans into voting for Museveni and no other Ugandan as president of Uganda. This beside the gross violation of the citizens’ right to life, given the attendant mass murders that these militias are prepared to commit in the course of forcefully ring-fencing the position of president for only one man.

Already, several national and international human rights organisations, such as the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Amnesty International (AI), are paying keen attention to what is clearly a plan by the Museveni regime to train, arm and unleash pro-regime militia groups for purposes of gruesomely suppressing and containing anti-regime activism and forcefully and unconstitutionally perpetuating Museveni’s 30-year old rule in Uganda.

Free Uganda is to provide these organisations as well as others like the United Nations, as well international governments, especially the donor community which provides aid to Uganda, with additional information and evidence of on-going preparations of genocidal forces by the Museveni-regime. As Ugandans are beginning to realise, the only logical solution to the present problems facing Uganda, including the natural inclination by the regime to violently suppress any form of political opposition activism, is for all citizens to quickly come together in unison and say ENOUGH IS ENOUGH

President Yoweri Museveni: "There are a lot of good things he has done," says Byamugisha.


President Yoweri Museveni: “There are a lot of good things he has done,” says Byamugisha.

But words alone will not take away the Museveni problem. Ugandans must be prepared to stand up, individually or in well-organised and empowered groups, and participate in the struggle to rid Uganda of the dictatorship. Free Uganda once again calls on Ugandans to organise and mobilise themselves into anti-regime fronts, with the view to disrupting any attempts by Museveni to organise and make happen sham elections without reforms. There is no convincing reason why Ugandans should accept to take part in a sham electoral process whose result is a foregone conclusion. Why should Ugandans agree to blindly escort Museveni to his victory through a rigged electoral process that has no semblance whatsoever to a democratic occurrence?

The 2016 elections are already rigged, and Museveni has already made sure that they are not to be free and fair. Not only has he refused to get the required electoral reforms in place. He is also preparing to unleash unprecedented violence on Ugandans as a way of ensuring the unopposed extension of his rule after 30 years of undemocratic governance over Uganda. Ugandans are, thus, left with two choices – concede to the injustices and tribulations caused by Museveni’s undemocratic and repressive rule, or rise up and revolt against the regime, using all constitutionally permissible means.

The people of Uganda need to realise that it is in their power, if united, well-organised and fully empowered, to put an end to this political quagmire. Only when Museveni is gone, will Ugandans be able to organise for themselves democratically, without the hindrance and constraints put in place by such an individual and his regime who are allergic to anything democratic. Only when Museveni is gone, will Ugandans enjoy the full potential of their existence as free human beings, within the confines of a pro-people constitutional order. There is no doubt about it – Museveni’s bad governance can be defeated if the people of Uganda finally decide that ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!”

Kale Kayihura the chief enforcer of Uganda Plc. During the day he dresses in a chief of police uniform which he discards at night for an army general's outfit.


Kale Kayihura the Uganda police chief who is believed to be overseeing the militia recruitment, training and arming..

A separate message posted on Facebook by the Uganda Police Force dismissed denied the militia were being trained for a Rwandan-style genocide. The statement issued by Rene M Ndyomugyenyi is also hereby posted verbatim:

“Uganda Police Force has learnt with profound disappointment that a Facebook group called Team JPAM 2016 has referred to ‘Crime Preventers’ as a militia force. As if that was not enough, they have also drawn comparisons of it with the infamous Rwandan genocidaire group called The Interahamwe who were responsible for some of the most heinous crimes against humanity in the history of mankind.

Amid this outrageous ill-motivated accusations, we thought it was important that Ugandans understand that the concept of community policing has always been there and contemplated for implementation, as way back as 1990. It is a metamorphose (lit) of the ‘Nyumba Kumi’. Those who are old enough will remember that Nyumba Kumi works on the premise that each community must be able to be self-reliant on security matters. In fact though Nyumba Kumi means ‘ten houses’ in Swahili, the concept is not rigid in its implementation. Again those of pertinent age will remember that visitors and or any new person in a given community was required to register and deposit their IDs with the chairman or the police.

The current IGP, Gen Kayihura has refined that Nyumba Kumi concept to what we are seeing as Community Policing, the difference is that as society develops so does crime, while in the late 80’s and 90’s we had magendo, Waragi trade, and occasional highway robbers, today we have various forms of serious crime that may require physical confrontation with the perpetrators. We have terrorists, we have child sacrifices, aggravated burglaries, assassinations, illicit drugs trade, rapes etc.

So if crime preventers are going to support the police in defending their communities, then surely they must be able to have basic self-defence skills and also to understand their place in police command hierarchy. Therefore those who seek to provoke us as an institution for the purposes of cheap politicking will not deter us from meeting our constitutional obligations of ‘Detecting and Preventing Crime’. In respect of our brothers and Sisters in Rwanda we shall not delve into the Interahamwe machinations. But those who know what they did to humanity should out-rightly reject ‘poisonous politicking’.

Rene M Ndyomugyenyi

BA (Hons) Law, PG Dip LPC, MSc Counter Corruption and Counter Fraud”